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►

REPORT AND TRANSACTIONS

OF THE

DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION

FOB

THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE, LITERATURE,

AND ART.

[HONITON, AUGUST, 1898.]

VOL. XXX.

• >■ *

PLYMOUTH :
W. BRENDON AND SON, PRINTERS.

1898.

AU rights rmtrved.

[ 2 ]

The Editor is requested by the Council to make it known
to the Public, that the Committees and Authors alone are
responsible for the facts and opinions contained in their
respective Reports and Papers.

It is hoped that Members will be so good as to send to the
Editor, the Rev. W. Harplby, Clayhanger Rectory, Tiverton,
not later than 16th January, 1899, a list of any errata they
may have detected in the present volume.

[3]

CONTENTS.

Pige
List of Officers • ... 6

Places of Meeting . ... 6

Rules . . . . ... 7

Bye-laws aiid Standing Orders . . . 11

Report . . . ... 16

Balance Sheet . . . . 20, 21

Property . . . ... 22

Selected Minutes of Council appointing Committees . . . 23

President's Address ... 25

Obituary Notices. Rev. W. Harpley, m.a. . . . 42

Twentieth Report of the Committee on Scientific Memoranda. J<

Brooking Rowe, F.s. A., F.L.8. . . ... 47

Seyenteenth Report of the Committee on Devonshire Verbal Pro-

vindalisma F. T. Elworthy ... 56

Seventeenth Report of the Barrow Committee. R. H. Worth, c.s. . 77

Sixteenth Report (Third Series) of the Committee on the Climate of
Devon. Alfred Chandler, F.B.MBT.8oa

Fifteenth Report of the Committee on Devonshire Folk-Lore. P. F. S,
Amery . . •

Fifth Report of the Dartmoor Exploration Committee. Rev. S. Baring
Gould, M.A. . . . .

Second Report of the Committee of the Photographic Survey of Devon
shire. C. £. Robinson, m.Inst.o.e.

Honiton in 1530. Mrs. Frances B. Troup

Some Notes on Rectors of Honiton since the Commonwealth. Thomas
Cann Hughes, M.A. . . . . .

A History of Salcombe Regis. J. Y. A. Morshead

Andrew and Nicholas Tremayne. Mrs. G. H. Radford .

Raleghana. Part II. T. N. Brushfield, m.d. .

Botanical Notes. Helen Saunders . .

The Tax Roll of •* TesU de Nevill." Rev. T. W. Whale, M.A. .

The Devonshire *' Domesday." Part IV. The '* Domesday*' Churches

of Devon. Rev. Oswald J. Reichel, m.a., B.O.L., F.8.A.
West Country Wit and Humour. With some Examples. J. D. Prickman
A Forgotten Page of the Ecclesiastical History of Seaton. Mrs. Frances
B. Troup f . . ...

116
117

127
132
147
158
198
203

258
316

331

4 CONTENTS.

Page

The Rise of Plymouth as a Nayal Port. Key. J. Erskine Risk, m.a. . 850

On the Oiilm CoDglomerates of Soath Devon , and their Relations to an

Apparent Break in the Sequence of that Formation. Alex. Somervail 862

On the Denudation of the Culm Rocks from the Area of South Deyon.

Alex. Somerrail . . . ... 867

Devonshire in Parliament, 1660-1832. Rev. J. B. Pearson, d.d. . 871

Evidences of Qlaciation in Devonshire. R. Hansford Worth, o.s. . 878

The ** Domesday" Hundreds of Devon. Parts VI., YII., and YIII.

Rev. Oswald J. Reiohel, m.a., b.o.l., F.8.A. . . • 891

The Ichneumonide of the South of Devon. (Communicated hy J.

BrookingRowe, F.8.A., F.L.8.) G. C. Bignell, f.e.8. . . 458

Annals of the Family of Floyer. (Communicated hy Rev. W. Harpley,

M.A.) Rev. J. Kestell Floyer, m.a., f.s.a. . . 505

PLATES.

Barkow Committbb*8 Report —

Lake Head Kistvaen . . ... 77

,, ,, Flint Knives and Scrapers ; Fragments of Pottery 77

Dartmoor Exploration Committse's Report —

Plate I.— Yes Tor Bottom, near Princetown. Hut No. 2 . .105

„ II. — Fern worthy. Barrow, with Ruined Kist . . .105

„ III. — ,, Urn from Barrow No. 1. , . .105

„ lY. — ,, Kimmeridge ''Coal" Dress-Fastener from

Barrow No. 1 . . . . 105

„ Y.— „ Flint Knife from Barrow No. 1. . 105

„ YI. — ,, Laogston Moor. Kistvaen No. 2 . .105

Map of Fern worthy . . . . 114

Map of Manor and Parish of Salcombe Regis and District

OF Chelson, a.d. 1281 . . . . . 133

Glaciation in Devonshire—

Plate I.— The Erme at Ermington— The Tavy at Milton— The

Yealm at Winaor— The Plym at Bickleigh . . 382
„ II. — Laira Yiaduct — Keyham Lake — Weston Mill Lake —

Tavy Yiaduct— Saltash . . . . 384

,, III. — Coombe Lake — Ford Lake — Wivelsoombe Lake — Nottar
River — Lynher River — Waterhead Creek, River Dart
— Kingswear, River Dart . ... 384

[ 5 ]

OFFICERS

1898-99.

Thk Bight Hon. LORD COLERIDGE, m.a., q.c.
His Worship the Mayor op Honiton, D. W. R. BUCHANAN, Esq.

H. BANFIELD, Esq.

ARTHUR F. BERNARD, Esq.

Rev. RICHARD AUGUSTUS
BYRDE, M.A.

Rev. HUGH JOHN FORTESCUE,

M.A.

J. HINE, Esq., p.r.i.b.a.

The Right Hon. Sir J. KENNA-
WAY, Bart., m.p.

RICHARD MARKER, Esq.

Rev. ALFRED MARWOOD-
ELTON.

CUTHBERT B. PEEK, Esq., m.a.

Sir EDMUND DE LA POLE, Bart.

The Right Hon. VISCOUNT
SIDMOUTH.

The Venerable ARCHDEACON
TRIBE, M.A.

J. ROSE TROUP, Esq.

1l(on. Ornnal ffrrasurrr.
P. F. S. AMERY, Esq., j.p., Druid, Ashhurton,

9(011. Oenrral J&rtrrtarp.
Rev. W. HARPLEY, m.a., p.c.p.s., Clayhanger Beciory, Tiverton,

1l(on. Eoral ffreasurrr.
EDWARD W. HELLIER, Esq., HoniUm.

1l(on. Eoral J^rrrrtarp.
D. W. R. BUCHANAN, Esq., BroomhilU, MonUan,

ACLAND, SiK H. W. D.
AMBRT, J. 8. ,
AMBRT. P. F. 8.
BARINO-OOULD, &
BIRCH. W. M.
BLAGKLBR, T. A.
BRU8HFIBLD, T. N.
BUCHANAN. D. W. B.
BURNARD, R.
CANTERBURY, ARCH-
BISHOP OF.
CHANDLBR, A.
CHAPMAN, C.
CLINTON, LORD.
COLBY, F. T.
COLBRIDQE. LORD.
COLLIER, W. F.
COWIE, B.
DAVIE8, W.
DOB, G. M.
ELLIOT, B. A S.
BLWORTHY, F. T.

CounrH.

EVANS, H. M.
FIRTH, F. H.
HALSBDRY, LORD.
HAMILTON, A. H. A.
HARPLEY, W.
HARRIS, 8. G.
HELLIER, B. W.
HINE, J.

HUDLB8T0N. W. H.
HUGHES, T. C.
HUNT, A. R.
KARKBEK, P. Q.
LAKE, W. C
MARTIN, J. M.
MORSHEAD, J. Y. A
NECK, J. 8.
PEAR8E. W. B.
PEARSON, J. B.
PHEAR, Sir J. B.
POLLOCK, Sir F.
PRICKMAN, J. D.
RADFORD, Mbs. O.

REICHEL, O. J.
RISK. J. B.
ROBINSON, C. B.
ROWS, J. B.
SAUNDERS. Mias H.
SHAPLAND, A. B.
80MERVAIL. A.
SPRAOUE. F. 8.
STEBBING, T. R. R.
8QUAKB. J. HARRIS.
TAYLOR, C. H.
THORNTON, W. H.
TROUP, Mrs.
TUCKER. R. C.
VARWELL, P.
WEYMOUTH, R. F.
WHALE, T. W.
WINDEATT, E.
WINDEATT. T. W.
WOODHOUSE, H. B. 8.
WORTH, R. H.

[ 6 ]

PLACES OF MEETING

THE DEVONSHIRE ASSOCIATION.

PUoe of If aetixig.

1862. Exeter

1863. Plymouth

1864. Torquay

1865. Tiverton

1866. Tavistock

1867. Barnstaple

1868. Hositon

1869. Dartmouth

1870. Devo5port

1871. BiDEFORD

1872. Exeter

1873. SiDMOUTH

1874. TeION MOUTH

1875. Torrikgton

1876. ashburton

1877. KiKOSBRlDGE

1878. Paio5to5

1879. Ilfracombe

1880. Tothes

1881. Dawlisu

1882. Crepiton

1883. ExMouTH

1884. Newton Abbot

1885. Beaton

1886. St. Martohurch

1887. Plympton

1888. Exeter

1889. Tavistock

1890. Barnstaple

1891. Tiverton

1892. Plymouth

1893. Torquay

1894. South Molton

1895. Okehampton

1896. ashburton .

1897. KlNOSBRIDOB .

1898. HONITON

President.
Sir John BowriDg, ll.d., f.e.8.
C. Spence Bate, Esq., f.r.8., f.l.s.
E. Vivian, Esq., m.a.

0. G. B. Daabeny, m.d., ll.d., f.r.s.. Pro-
fessor of Botany, Oxford.
Earl Russell, k.o., K.a.a, F.R.S., &c
W. PeDgelly, Esq., f.e.s., f.o.s.
J. D. Coleridge, Esq., q.a, m.a., m.p.
G. P. Bidder, Esq., o.e.
J. A. Froude, Esq., m.a.
Rev. Canon C. Kingsley, m.a., f.l.s., f.o.s.
Rt Rev. Lord Bishop of Exeter (Dr. Temple).
Right Hon. S. Cave, m.a., m.p.
Earl of Devon.
R. J. King, Esq., m.a.
Rev. Treasurer Hawker, m.a.
Yen. Archdeacon Earle, m.a.
Sir Samuel White Baker, M.A., f.e.8., f.b.g.8.
Sir R. P. Collier, m.a.

H. W. Dyke Adand, m.a., m.d., ll.d., f.r.8.
Rev. Professor Chapman, m.a.
J. Brooking Rowe, Esq., F.8.A., f.l.8.
Very Rev. C. Merivale, d.d., d.c.l.
Rev. T. R. R. Stebbing, m.a.
R. F. Weymouth, Esq., M.A., d.lit.
Sir J. R Phear, m.a., f.g.8.
Rev. W. H. Dallinger, ll.d., f.r.8., f.l.8., &c
Very Rev. Dean Cowie, d.d.
W. H. HudlestoD, Esq., m.a., f.r.s., f.o.s.,

F.L.S., &C.

Lord Clinton, m.a.

R. N. Worth, Esq., f.g.s.

A. H. A. Hamilton, Esq., m.a., j.p., o.o.

T. N. Brushfield, m.d.

Sir Fred. Pollock, Bart, m.a.

Lord Halsbury.

Rev. S. Baring-Gould, m.a.

J. Hine, Esq., f.r.i.b.a.

Lord Coleridge, m.a.

[ 7 ]

RULES.

1. The Association shall be styled the Devonshire Association
for the Advancement of Science, Literature, and Art.

2. The objects of the Association are — To give a stronger
impulse and a more systematic direction to scientific enquiry in
Devonshire ; and to promote the intercourse of those who cultivate
Science, Literature, or Art, in different parts of the county.

3. The Association shall consist of Members, Honorary Members,
and Corresponding Members.

4. Every candidate for membership, on being nominated by a
member to whom he is personally known, shall be admitted by
the General Secretary, subject to the confirmation of the General
Meeting of the Members.

5. Persons of eminence in Literature, Science, or Art, connected
with the West of England, but not resident in Devonshire,
may, at a General Meeting of the Members, be elected Honorary
Members of the Association; and persons not resident in the
county, who feel an interest in the Association, may be elected
Corresponding Members.

6. Every Member shall pay an Annual Contribution of Haif-
a-guinea, or a Life Composition of Five Guineas.

7. Ladies only shall be admitted as Associates to an Annual
Meeting, and shall pay the sum of Five Shillings each.

8. Every Member shall be entitled gratuitously to a lady's ticket.

9. The Association shall meet annually, at such a time in July
or August and at such place as shall be decided on at the previous
Annufld Meeting.

10. A President, two or more Vice-Presidents, a General
Treasurer, and one or more General Secretaries, shall be elected
at each Annual Meeting.

8 RULES.

11. The President shall not he eligihle for re-election.

12. Each Annual Meeting shall appoint a local Treasurer and
Secretary, who, with power to add to their numher any Members
of the Association, shall be a local Committee to assist in making
such local arrangements as may be desirable.

13. In the intervals of the Annual Meetings, the affairs of the
Association shall be managed by a Council, which shall consist
exclusively of the following Members of the Association, excepting
Honorary Members, and Corresponding Members :

(a) Those who fill, or have filled, or are elected to fill, the ofi&ces
of President, General and Local Treasurers, General and Local Secre-
taries, and Secretaries of Committees appointed by the Council

(b) Authors of papers which have been printed in extenao in
the Transactions of the Association.

14. The Council shall hold a Meeting at Exeter in the month
of January or February in each year, on such day as the General
Secretary shall appoint, for the due management of the affairs of
the Association, and the performing the duties of their office.

15. The General Secretary, or any four members of the Council,
may call extraordinary meetings of their body, to be held at
Exeter, for any purpose requiring their present determination, by
notice under his or their hand or hands, addressed to every other
member of the Council, at least ten clear days previously, specifying
the purpose for which such extraordinary meeting is convened.
No matter not so specified, and not incident thereto, shall be
determined at any extraordinary meeting.

16. The General Treasurer and Secretaiy shall enter on their
respective offices at the meeting at which they are elected ; but
the President, Vice-Presidents, and Local Officers, not until the
Annual Meeting next following.

17. With the exception of the Ex-Presidents only, every
Councillor who has not attended any Meeting, or adjourned
Meeting, of the Council during the period between the close
of any Annual (general Meeting of the Members and the close
of the next but two such Annual General Meetings, shall have
forfeited his place as a Councillor, but it shall be competent for
him to recover it by a fresh qualification.

18. The Council shall have power to fill any Official vacancy
which may occur in the intervals of the Annual Meetings.

19. The Annual Contributions shall be payable in advance, and'
shall be due in each year on the day of the Annual Meeting.

BULES. 9

20. The Treasurer shall receive all sums of money due to the
Association ; he shall pay all accounts due hj the Association after
thej shall have heen examined and approved ; and he shall report
to each meeting of the Council the balance he has in hand, and
the names of such members as shall be in arrear, with the sums
due respectively by each.

21. Whenever a Member shall have been three months in arrear
in the payment of his Annual Contributions, the Treasurer shall
apply to him for the same.

22. Whenever, at an Annual Meeting, a Member shall be two
years in arrear in the payment of his Aiinual Contributions, the
Council may, at its discretion, erase his name from the list of
members.

23. The General Secretary shall, at least one mouth before each
Annual Meeting, inform each member by circular of the place and
date of the Meeting.

24. Members who do not, on or before the day of the Annual
Meeting, give notice, in writing or personally, to the General
Secretary of their intention to withdraw from the Association,
shall be regarded as members for the ensuing year.

25. The Association shall, within three months after each Annual
Meeting, publish its Transactions, including the Kules, a Financial
Statement, a List of the Members, the Eeport of the Council, the
President's Address, and such Papers, in abstract or in extenso,
read at the Annual Meeting, as shall be decided by the CounciL

26. The Association shall have the right at its discretion of
printing in extenso in its Transactions all papers read at the Annual
Meeting. The Copyright of a paper read before any meeting of
the Association, and the illustrations of the same which have been
provided at his expense, shall remain the property of the Author ;
but he shall not be at liberty to print it, or allow it to be printed
elsewhere, either in extenso or in abstract amounting to as much as
one-half of the length of the paper, before the first of Kovember
next after the paper is read.

27. The Authors of papers printed in the Transactions shall,
within seven days after the Transactions are published, receive
twenty-five private copies free of expense, and shall be allowed to
have any further number printed at their own expense. All
arrangements as to such extra copies to be made by the Authors
with the Printers to the Association.

VOL. XXX. B

10 RULES.

28. If proofs of papers to be published in the Transactions
be sent to Authors for correction, and are retained by them
beyond four days for each sheet of proof, to be reckoned from the
day marked thereon by the printers, but not including the time
needful for transmission by post, such proofs shall be assumed to
require no further correction.

29. Should the extra charges for small type, and types other
than those known as Roman or Italic, and for the AuthoPs correc-
tions of the press, in any paper published in the Transactions,
amount to a greater sum than in the proportion of ten shillings
per sheet, such excess shall be borne by the Author himself, and
not by the Association ; and should any paper exceed four sheets,
the cost beyond the cost of the four sheets shall be borne by the
Author of the paper.

30. Every Member shall, within three months after each Annual
Meeting, receive gratuitously a copy of the Transactions.

31. The Accounts of the Association shall be audited annually,
by Auditors appointed at each Annual Meeting, but who shall not
be ex officio Members of the Council

[ 11 ]

BYE-LAWS AND STANDING ORDERS.

1. In the inteiests of the Association it is desirable that the
President's Address in each year be printed previous to its
delivery.

2. In the event of there being at an Annual Meeting more
Papers than can be disposed of in one day, the reading of the
residue shall be continued the day following.

3. The pagination of the Transactions shall be in Arabic
numerals exclusively, and carried on consecutively, from the
beginning to the end of each volume; and the Transactions of
each year shall form a distinct and separate volume.

4. The General Secretary shall bring to each Annual Meeting
of the Members a report of the number of copies in stock of each
' Part ' of the Transactions, with the price per copy of each ' Part '
specified; and such report shall be printed in the Transactions
next after the Treasurer's financial statement.

5. The General Secretary shall prepare and bring to each
Annual Meeting brief Obituary Notices of Members deceased
during the previous year, and such notices shall be printed in the
Transactions.

6. An amount not less than 80 per cent of all Compositions
received from existing Life-Members of the Association shall be
Implied in the purchase of National Stock, or such other security
as the Council may deem equally satisfactory, in the names of
three Trustees, to be elected by the Council

7. At each of its Ordinary Meetings the Council shall deposit at
interest, in such bank as they shall decide on, and in the names of
the General Treasurer and General Secretary of the Association, all
uninvested Compositions received from existing Life-Members, all
uninvested prepaid Annual Subscriptions, and any part, or the
whole, of the balance derived from other sources which may be in
the Treasurer's hands after providing for all accounts passed for
payment at the said Meeting.

B 2

12 BYE-LAWS AND STANDING ORDERS.

8. The General Secretary, on learning at any time between the
Meetings of the Council that the General Treasurer has a balance
in hand of not less than Forty Pounds after paying all Accounts
which the Council have ordered to be paid, shall direct that so
much of the said balance as will leave Twenty Pounds in the
Treasurer's hand be deposited at Interest at the Capital and Counties
Bank, Ashburton.

9. The Greneral Secretary shall be authorized to spend any sum
not exceeding Ten Pounds per annum in employing a clerk for
such work as he finds necessary.

10. The General Secretary shall, within one month of the close
of each Annual Meeting of the Association, send to each Member
newly elected at the said Meeting a copy of the following letter : —

Devonthire Association for the Advancement of Science, Literature,

and Art,

Sir, — I have the pleasure of informing you that on the of

July, , you were elected a Member of the Association on the

nomination of •

The copy of the Transactions for the current year, which will be for-
warded to you in due course, will contain the mws of the Association.
Meanwhile I beg to call your attention to the following statements : —

(1) Every Member pays an Annual Contribution of Half a Guinea,
or a Life Composition of Five Guineas.

(2) The Annual Contributions are payable in advance, and are due
in each year on the day of the Annual Meeting.

(3) Members who do not, on or before the day of the Annual
Meeting, give notice in writing or personally to the General Secretary
of their intention to withdraw from the Association are r^arded as
Members for the ensuing year.

The Treasurer's Address is— P. F. S. Ahert, Esq., Druid, Ashburton,
— 1 remain, Sir, your faithful Servant,

Hon, Sec,

1 1. The reading of any Heport or Paper shall not exceed twenty
minutes, or such part of twenty minutes as shall be decided by the
Council as soon as the Programme of Eeports and Papers shall
have been settled, and in any discussion which may arise no speaker
shall be allowed to speak more than ten minutes.

12. Papers to be read to the Annual Meetings of the Association
must strictly relate to Devonshire, and, as well as all Eeports
intended to be printed in the Transactions of the Association, and
prepared by Committees appointed by the Council, must, together
with all drawings intended to be used in illustrating them in the
said Transactions, reach the General Secretary's residence not later
than the 24th day of June in each year. The Greneral Secretary
shall, not later than the 7th of the following July, return to the
Authors all such Papers or drawings as he may decide to be unsuit-

BYE-LA.W8 AND STANDING ORDERS. IS

able to be printed or to serve as illostrations in the said l^ransao-
tions, and shall send the residue, together with the said Eeports of
Committees, to the Association's printers, who shall return the
same so that they may reach the General Secretary's residence not
later than on the 14th day of the said July, together with a state-
ment of the number of pages each of them would occupy if printed
in the said Transactions, as well as an estimate of the extra cost of
the printing of such Tables, of any kind, as may form part of any
of the said Papers and Reports ; and the General Secretary shall
lay the whole, as well as an estimate of the probable number of
Annual Members of the Association for the year commencing on
that day, before the first Council Meeting on the first day of the
next ensuing Annual Meeting, when the Council shall select not a
greater number of the Papers thus laid before them than will, with
the other documents to be printed in the said Transactions, make
as many sheets of printed matter as can be paid for with the sum
of 60 per cent, of the subscriptions for the year of the said
probable number of Annual Members, and any part or the whole
of such balance, not derived from Compositions of existing Life
Members, or from prepaid Annual Subscriptions, as may be lying
at interest, as well as that which may be in the Treasurer's hands ;
this ' sum ' shall be exclusive of the extra cost of the printing of
such aforesaid Tables, which have been approved and accepted by
the Council, provided the aggregate of the said extra cost do not
exceed 6 per cent, of the said subscriptions ; exclusive also of the
printers' charge for corrections of the press ; and also exclusive of
the cost of printing an Index, a list of Errata, and such Besolu-
tions passed at the next Winter Meeting of the Council, as may be
directed to be so printed by the said Winter Meeting; and the
number of Papers selected by the Council shall not be greater than
will, with the Eeports of Committees, make a Total of iO Reports
and Papers.

13. Papers communicated by Members for Non-Members, and
accepted by the Council, shall be placed in the Programme below
those furnished by Members themselves.

14. Papers which have been accepted by the Council cannot be
withdrawn without the consent of the Council

15. The Council will do their best so to arrange Papers for
reading as to suit the convenience of the Authors ; but the place of
a Paper cannot be altered after the Programme has been settled by
the Council. ,

16« Papers which have already been printed in extenso cannot be
accepted unless they form part of the literature of a question on
which the Council has requested a Member or Committee to
prepare a report.

14 BTB-LAWS AND 8TAKDINO 0RDKB8.

17. Eyery meetiiig of ihe Council shall be convened by Circular,
sent by the General Secretary to each Member of the Council not
lees than ten. days before the Meeting is held.

18. All Papers read to the Association which the Council shall
decide to print in extenso in the Transactions, shall be sent to the
printers, together with aU drawings required in illustrating them,
on the day next following the close of the Annual Meeting at which
they were read.

19. All Papers read to the Association which the Council shall
decide not to print in extenso in the Transactions, shall be returned
to the authors not later than the day next following the close of
the Annual Meeting at which they were read; and abstracts of such
Papers to be printed in the Transactions shall not exceed one-
fourth of the length of the Paper itself, and must be sent to the
General Secretary on or before the seventh day after the close of
the Annual Meeting.

20. The Author of every Paper which the Council at any Annual
Meeting shall decide to print in the Transactions shall be expected
to pay for all such illustrations as in his judgment the said Paper
may require.

21. The printers shall do their utmost to print the Papers in the
Transactions in the order in which they were read, and shall return
every Manuscript to the author as soon as it is in type, but not
he/ore. They shall be returned intact^ provided they are written
on loose sheets and on one side of the paper only.

22. Excepting mere verbal alterations, no Paper which has been
read to the Association shall be added to without the written
approval and consent of the General Secretary ; and no additions
shall be made except in the form of notes or poetscriptSy
or both.

23. In the intervals of the Annual Meetings, all Meetings of
the Council shall be held at Exeter, unless some other place shall
have been decided on at the previous Council Meeting.

24. When the number of copies on hand of any 'Part' of the
Transactions is reduced to twenty, the price per copy shall be
increased 25 per cent. ; and when the number has been reduced to
ten copies, the price shall be increased 50 per cent on the original
price.

25. The Association's Printers, but no other person, may reprint
any Committee's Report printed in the Transactions of the Associa-
tion, for any person, whether a Member of the said Committee, or
of the Association, or neither, on receiving, in each case, a written
permission to do so from the Honorary Secretary of the Association,

BYE-LAWS AND STANDING ORDERS. 15

but not otherwise; that the said printer shall pay to the said
Secretary, for the Association, sixpence for every fifty Copies of
each half sheet of eight pages of which the said Eeport consists ;
that any number of copies less than lifby, or between two exact
multiples of fifty, shall be regarded as fifty ; and any number of
pages less than eight, or between two exact multiples of eight,
shall be regarded as eight ; that each copy of such Eeprints shall
have on its first page the words " Eeprinted from the Transactions
of the Devonshire Association for the Advancement of Science,

Literature, and Art for with the consent of the Council of

the Association," followed by the date of the year in which the
said Keport was printed in the said Transactions, but that, with the
exception of printer's errors and changes in the pagination which
may be necessary or desirable, the said Reprint shidl be in every
other respect an exact copy of the said Report as printed in the
said Transactions without addition, or abridgment, or modification
of any kind.

26. The General Secretary shall, within one month after each
Annual General Meeting, inform the Hon. Local Treasurer and the
Hon. Local Secretary, elected at the said Meeting, that, in making
or sanctioning arrangements for the next Annual General Meeting,
it is eminently desirable that they avoid and discourage everything
calculated to diminish the attendance at the Greneral and CouncU
Meetings, or to disturb the said Meetings in any way.

27. The Bye-Laws and Standing Orders shall be printed after
the ' Rules ' in the Transactions.

28. All resolutions appointing Committees for special service for
the Association shall be printed in the Transactions next before
the President's Address.

29. Members and Ladies holding Ladies' Tickets intending to
dine at the Association Dinner shall be requested to send their
names to the Hon. Local Secretary on forms which shall be pro-
vided ; no other person shall be admitted to the dinner, and no
names shall be received after the Monday next before the dinner.

30. Members admitted by the General Secretary during the
interval between two Annual Greneral Meetings, and who decide
when admitted to compound for the Annual Contributions, shall
be entitled to receive the publications of the Association during
the Association's year then current, provided their compositions are
paid not later than the last day of January, but shall not be thus
entitled if their compositions are paid between that date and the
next Annual General Meeting of the Association.

[ 16 ]

REPORT OP THE COUNCIL.

As presented to the OenercU Meeting at Honitan, August 9th, 1898,

The Thirty-sixth Annual Meeting of the Association was
held at Kingsbridge, on July 27th and following days.
Every effort had been made by the Local Committee to
render the meeting pleasant and attractive, with the result
that a large number of members were present

At two o'clock there was a formal reception by the Urban
District Council and Local Committee. Mr. Hurrell, as
Chairman of the Council, and on behalf of the town, offered
the Association a cordial welcome, and the Kev. S. Baring-
Gould, the retiring President, as cordially thanked the
Council and Committee for the kindness with which they
had received the Association.

After the reception th^re was a meeting of the Council,
and at 4 p.m. the General Meeting was held. At its close the
members of the Association and principal residents were
entertained by the Eev. T. C. and Mrs. Lewis at a garden
party in the grounds of Dodbrooke Rectory.

At 8 p.m. Mr. J. Hine delivered his Presidential Address
in the Town Hall to a large and attentive audience. In the
absence of Mr. Baring-Gould, the new President was briefly
introduced by the Hon. Secretary, i^ho remarked that Mr.
Hine was one of the original members of the Association,
and one of the first who helped to found it.

On Wednesday, at 11 a.m., the reading and discussion of
the following Programme of Beports and Papers commenced,
and was continued until 4 p.m.

Sixti^Dth Report of the Committee on \ ^ ^ Elworthy.
DoTonsbire Verbal ProTincialiams / ^-^^ w y.

^^^Ba^^^"! ""^ ^l"" ^™°^*.^ ^^'J } H Han^ord Worth, c.e.

Fifteenth Report (Third Series) of

the Committee on the Climate of } i4. Chandler, f.b.Mst. Soo.
Devon . . . . <

REPORT OF THE COUNCIL* 17

Eighth Report of the Committee on ) , z> 7 • n

Deyonihire RecordB . . , \ J^ Brooking Bowe, f,8,a.., f.l.s.

Toortb Report of the Dartmoor Ex- ) r, ^ « » • r, »j ., .
ploration Committee . . .]^^'S. Banng^Oould, ic.A.

Finit Report of the Committee on the \ /y „ » , .
PhotographicSurvey of Devonshire j ^' ^' -K^'"^-

The Poblication of certain Devonshire ) i^ c z> m

Reoords \ Mrs, Frances B. Troup.

A Century's Work in Ornithology in ) » j „ «,,. .

the Kingsbridge District . J ^. ^. A ^//u^, ic.iLc.s., m.b o.ir.

Some Reminiscences of the Wykes of )

South Tawton, and a few Remarks [ Bev. W, H, Thornton, b. A.
about their Residences . )

Epitaphs collected from Churches, \

Churchyards, and Burial Places > J. Harris Square,
in Kingsbridge and neighbourhood )

Exchequer Tax Books and Domesday \ n^, m b^ w%^i^ „ .
IdentiEcation . . . \]Bev.TW. WhaU, m.a.

The Domesday Hundreds of Devon — ) t>_ o r d • 1. ? . .

The Hundred of Teignbridge . I ^^' ^' ''' BewKel, if. A., B.0.L.,F.8.A.

The Domesday Hundreds of Devon — \ j, /i r d • 1 t

The Hundred of North Tawton ,]^^'^' ^' BeuJul, M.A , B.aL., F.8.A.

The Camelford of the Anglo-Saxon ) r ir ir ^ •

Chronicle : Where was it ? ) •^- ^' ^aHm, ce.

Mottoes of some Devonshire Families. Bev, F, T, Colby, d.d.

On the Destruction of Vermin in Rural \ m xr n t ^ u

Parishes . . . . ] T. N. Brushfield, U.J),

An Exeter Worthy and his Biographer Mrs, Frances B, Troup,

Dartmoor Stone Implements and ) « i>.,^„^ , „ .
Weapons . . . . ,]^' Bumard, F.8.A.

On the Absence of Small Lakes, or ) ., „ .,

Tarns, from the Area of Dartmoor \ ^^^ Somervatl,

West Country Geological Problems. ) j n rr .

Part II. The Dartmoor Granites. J ^- ^ ^"'^^ ^'^* '•^«-» ^•^•»-

A Comparative Status of British and ) rr i# r»
Devonshire Birds . . J ^ if. ^twrw.

Extracts from the Pipe Rolls of Henry )

n. relating to Devon, with an 5 i2^. a/.i2c*c^f/, m.a.,b.c.l.,f.s.a.
Appendix from Testa de Nevil • )

The Bishoprics and Lands of the Five \

Western Dioceses of Winchester, f »_ r e» 7 • n- t
Frambury, Sherborne, Wells, and ( ^' ^' ^***^ ^"^' »'-^-
Crediton, and their division • )

Some Notes on the Tithing of Penny- \B,N. WoHh, f.o.b. (the late). Com-
cross, or Weston Peveril . , j municated by B, H. Worth, c. b.

A4ditional Notes on the Radiolariaji \ ^ r tt- ^ ^i

Rocks in the Lower Culm Measures r'^^^'^- ^l"^* ^^'^-^ ^'^'^'^ *".^
to the East and North-East of ^VfS'';^ ^^* ""^^ ^,'"™'*"*'

Dtrtmoor ) ^^^ ^y ^^* ^' Harpley, m.a.

18 REPORT OF THE COUNCIL.

After the reading of Papers there was a garden party at the
Manor House, by the kind invitation of Mr. and Mrs. Hurrell,
who received and entertained their guests with the utmost
hospitality, and a couple of hours were very pleasantly spent

In the evening, at 8 o'clock, the Association Dinner was
held at Mr. Startrip's King's Arms Hotel. The President was
in the chair, and there was a large attendance. The host made
liberal provision, and the quality of the viands was all that
could be desired. The arrangements made for the comfort
and convenience of the guests reflected great credit upon the
Dinner Committee, who, it was evident, had discharged their
duties most assiduously.

On Thursday, at 10 a.m., the reading and discussion of
Papers was continued until 2 p.m., when the concluding
General Meeting was held, followed by a Meeting of the
GounciL Afterwards the members, dividing into three
groups, were taken to places of interest in the district One
party drove to Bowringsleigh, the residence of W. Roope
Ilbert, Esq., and thence to Thurlestone Sands. Another
section journeyed to Torcross, and spent some time on the
famous Slapton Sands; while a third company visited the
ruins of the Grange at Leigh, a former monastic institution
belonging to the Abbots of Buckfast, and on their return to
Kingsbridge viewed the picturesque grounds of Combe Boyal,
by the kind permission of Mrs. Eady-Borlase.

On Friday, as usual, a more extensive excursion was
planned and carried out. A party of eighty went by the
steamer Reindeer down the beautiful Kingsbridge estuary to
Salcombe and South Sands, near the Bolt Head, starting
from the Point, Kingsbridge, one mile from the town, and
passing on the way the village of Charleton, Frograore Creek,
Halwell Woods with the Heronry, South Pool Creek, East
Portlemouth, the ruins of Salcombe Castle, besieged by the
Parliamentarians in the Civil War of the 17th century, the
Molt, formerly the residence of the Earls of Devon, and the
beautiful scenery on each side of the mouth of Salcombe
Harbour. The party thoroughly enjoyed themselves, and on
their return there was a unanimous opinion that the Kings-
bridge meeting of 1897 had been eminently successful

It having been decided that the next Annual Meeting
should be held at Honiton, the following were elected officers
for the occasion : —

President: The Eight Hon. Lord Coleridge, M.A., Q.c;
Vice-Presidents: His Worship the Mayor of Honiton, D.
W. E. Buchanan, Esq.; H.. Banfield, Esq.; Arthur F.

REPORT OF THE COUNCIL. 19

Bernard, Esq.; Kev. Kichard Augustus Byrde, M.A.; Eev.
Hugh John Fortescue, M.A.; J. Hine, Esq., f.r.i.b.a. ; The
Bight Hon. Sir J. Eennaway, Bart, m.p. ; Bichard Marker,
Esq. ; Eev. Alfred Marwood-Elton ; Cuthbert B. Peek, Esq.,
M.A.; Sir Edmund de la Pole, Bart; The Right Hon. Viscount
Sidmouth; The Venerable Archdeacon Tribe, m.a.; J. Rose
Troup, Esq. ; Hon. General Treasurer: P. F. S. Amery, Esq.,
J.P., Druid, Ashburton; Hon. General Secretary: Rev. W.
Harpley, m.a., f.cp.s., Clayhanger Rectory, Tiverton; Hon.
Local JTreasurer: Edward W. Hellier, Esq., Honiton; Hon.
Local Secretary: D. W. R. Buchanan, Esq., Broomhills,
Honiton.

The Council have published the President's Address,
together with Obituary Notices of members deceased during
the preceding year, and the Reports and Papers read before
the Association; also the Treasurer's Report, a List of
Members, and the Rules, Standing Orders, and Bye-Laws;
they have since added an Index, kindly prepared by Mr. J.
Brooking Rowe, and a Table of Corrections.

A copy of the Transactions and Index has been sent to
each member, and to the following Societies: The Royal
Society, Linnaean Society, Geological Society. Anthropological
Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Royal Institution
(Albemarle Street), the Society of Antiquaries, Devon and
Exeter Institution (Exeter), Plymouth Institution, Torquay
Natural History Society, North Devon Athenaeum (Barn-
staple), Royal Institution of Cornwall (Truro), the Library of
the British Museum, the British Museum (Natural History,
Cromwell Road), the Bodleian Library (Oxford), and the
University Library (Cambridge).

The Council beg further to report that since the last
meeting they have entered into an agreement, through your
Hon. Secretary, with the Secretary of the British Record
Society, for the transcribing and printing by the latter
Society the Calendars of Wills and Administrations now
preserved in the Probate Registry at Exeter. This work
will be carried out in parts uniform with the Transactions of
the Association, and it is hoped the first instalment will be
ready to be issued with the next volume of Transactions.

[ 20 1

Treasurer's Report of Receipts and JExpenditure

£ s.

^. £ '.

ii.

1 11

15 4

158 11

10 10

— 185 17

•

. 26 5

Beceipttf.

Arrears of Subscriptions prior to 1896 . •

Arrears of Sabscriptions, 1896-97
Annual Subscriptions, 1897-98 .
Prepaid Subscriptions, 1898-99 .

Life Compositions . • . •

Sale of " Transactions " —

5 copies for 1897 . . . •

2 ditto 1863, 1864, 1865, 1866, 1867, 1868,
1892

1 ditto 1870, 1871, 1874, 1891, 1893, 1894,
1895, 1896 .

Sale of Devonshire Domesday , Parts YIII. and IX. .

Sale of surplus Indexes

From authors for excess under Rule 29

Dividends on Consols . . . .

Discount from Messrs. Brendon and Son .

Adverse balance . •

2 0 0

3 2 0

3 2 6

Annual Subscriptions due 31st July, 1896 .
Ditto ditto 31st July, 1897 .

8 4

. 0 5
. 0 2
. 9 17
. 7 19
. 8 14

6
0
0

0
8
0

242 4
. 49 16

2
6

£292 0

. 15 15
. 14 14

0
0

/ have examined the foregoing Aeeminls with the Vouchers^ and found them

correct, this 2%th day of July, 1898.

{Signed)

ROBERT C. TUCKER,

Auditor,

[ 21 ]

during the y^ar ending Slst Jviy, 1898.

(CnienHitttre.

Meaan. Brendon and Son —

Printing ** Transactions,'' vol. xxix. .

,, 25 separate Papers
Packing and Posting

Printing and Posting Index to vol. xxviiL
Cards, Circulars, and Notices

Hoc General Secretary, Petty Expenses .

Hon. General Secretary's Assistant

Hon. General Treasurer, Postage and Expenses

Dent, printing Notices

Wyatt, Kingsbridge, printing Programmes

Bank Charges • •

Adverse balance from 1896- 97

£ s, d, £ s. d.

158 2

12 15

18 17

4 15

6 13

6
0
6
0
0

196 8 0

5 16 2

5 0 0

2 14 10

0 11 0

0 12 0

2 18 8

213 15 3

78 5 5

£292 0 8

(Signtd)

P. F. S. AMERY, Hon, General Treasurer,

[ 22 ]

Statement of the Property of the Assodatioii, July 30th, 1898«

£ «.

Funded Property, Ck>n8oIs

■

•

• •

800 0

Arrears of Annual Contributions (valued

at) .

• •

8 0

"Transactions" in Stock, 1868 ...

68 copies

at 28. Od. .

6 6

„ „ 1864 ...

8s. Od. .

12 6

„ „ 1866 ...

2s. 6d. .

9 6

„ „ 1866 ...

8s. Od. .

8 5

,» »> 1867 ...

6s. Od. .

16 16

„ „ 1868 ...

6s. 6d. .

10 8

M n 1870 ...

6s. Od. .

4 10

„ „ 1871 ...

8s. Od. .

4 16

„ „ 1873 ...

6s. Od. .

7 4

„ „ 1874 ...

8s. 6d. .

12 16

» 1876 ...

10s. Od. .

5 10

„ »> 1876 ...

158. Od. .

10 10

1877 ...

9s. 6d. .

8 1

„ „ 1878 ...

128. Od. .

1 16

1879 ...

7s. Od. .

7 7

„ 1880 ...

128. 6d. .

14 7

„ 1881 ...

68. Od. ,

8 14

„ „ 1882 ...

lOs. Od. .

24 10

„ „ 1883 ...

88. Od. .

21 12

„ „ 1884 ...

128. Od. .

41 8

„ »i 1886 ...

88. Od. .

29 4

„ „ 1886 ...

88. Od. .

84 8

„ „ 1887 ...

lOs. Od. .

27 10

,, 1888 ...

68. Od. .

14 2

„ „ 1889 ...

78. 6d. .

18 0

„ „ 1890 ...

58. Od. .

14 0

„ „ 1891 ...

68. Od. .

28 10

„ „ 1892 ...

8s. Od. .

21 4

„ „ 1893 ...

88. Od. .

21 12

„ „ 1894 ...

88. Od. .

24 16

„ M 1895 ...

88. Od. .

38 4

„ „ 1896 ...

lOs. Od. .

22 0

Indexes (extra copies) to 1897 ...

8s. Od. .

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vols, from 1884-1896 ...

598

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14 16

** Devonshire Domesday," Part I. ,

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8 0

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2 18

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28. 6d. .

4 17

„ Part VII.,

28. 6d. .

6 0

„ Part VIII.,

2s. 6d. .

11 10

Part IX.,
(Signed) W. HARPLEY, Hon. .

58 „
Secretary,

28. 6d. .

6 12

927 8

" When the nnmber of copies on hand of any * Part* of the TimnMctione is reduced to
twenty, the piioe per 0007 shall be increaaed S5 per cent ; and when the nnmber haa been
reduced to ten copies, the price shall be Increased 60 per cent, on tiie original price."—
Standing Order No. 24.

The "Transactions'* in stock are Insored against ilre in the sum of £400. The vols,
published in 186S, 1860, and 1873 are out of print.

[ 23 ]

SELECTED MINUTES OF COUNCIL, APPOINTING

COMMITTEES.

P<u8ed at the Meeting cU ffoniton,
AUGUST, 1898.

9. That Dr. Brushfield, Rev. W. Harpley, Sir J. B. Phear, Mr.
J. Brooking Eowe, and Mr. A. H. A. Hamilton be a Committee
for the purpose of considering at what place the Association shall
hold its Meeting in 1900, who shall be invited to be the Officers
during the year beginning with that Meeting, and who shall be
invited to fill any official vacancy or vacancies which may occur
before the Annual Meeting in 1899 ; that Mr. J. Brooking Eowe
be the Secretary ; and that they be requested to report to the next
Winter Meeting of the Council, and, if necessary, to the first
Meeting of the Council to be held in August, 1899.

10. That Mr. J. S. Amery, Mr. F. Brent, Dr. Brushfield, Mr.
Robert Bumard, Mr. A. Chandler, Mr. E. A. S. Elliot, Mr. H. M.
Evans, Rev. "W. Harpley, Mr. C. E. Robinson, Mr. J. Brooking
Rowe, Mr. A. Somervell, and Mr. H. B. S. Woodhouse be a
Committee for the purpose of noting the discovery or occurrence
of such Facts in any department of scientific enquiry, and connected
with Devonshire, aa it may be desirable to place on permanent
record, but which may not be of sufficient importance in themselves
to form the subjects of separate papers ; and that Mr. J. Brooking
Rowe be the Secretary.

11. That Mr. P. F. S. Amery, Rev. S. Baring-Gould, Mr. G.
M. Doe, Rev. W. Harpley, Mr. P. Q. Karkeek, Mrs. Radford, Mr.
J. Brooking Rowe, Mrs. Troup, and Mr. H. B. S. Woodhouse be
a Committee for the purpose of collecting notes on Devonshire
Folk-Lore ; and that Mr. P. F. S. Amery be the Secretary.

12. That Dr. Brushfield, Lord Clififord, Mr. J. Davy, Mr. A.
H. A. Hamilton, Mr. J. Hine, and Mr. J. Shelly be a Committee
to prepare a Report on the Public and Private Collections of
Works of Art in Devonshire; and that Mr. J. Hine be the
Secretary.

24 BESOLUTIONS APPOINTING COMMITTEES.

13, Tliat Mr, J. S. Amery, Dr. Brushfield, Mr. F. T. El worthy,
Mr. F. H. Firth, Mr. P. Q. Karkeek, Dr. W. C. Lake, MIbs Helen
Hsimderi, aud Mrs. Troup be a Committee for the purpose of
noting and recording the existing use of any Verbal Provincialisms
in Devonshire^ in either written or spoken language; and that
Mr. F. T. Kl worthy be the Secretary.

U. That Mr. P. F. S. Amery, Rev. S. Baring-Gould, Dr.
Brushfield, Mr. Burnard, Mr. Cecil M. Firth, Mr. J. Brooking
Kowe, and Mr. K. Hansford Worth be a Committee to collect and
record facts relating to Barrows in Devonshire, and to take steps,
where possible, for their investigation; and that Mr. R. Hansford
Worth be the Secretary.

15. That Mr. J. S. Amery, Mr. G. M. Doe, Mr. F. H. Firth,
Rev. W. Harpley, Mr. R. C. Tucker, and Mr. T. W. Windeatt
be a Committee for the purpose of making the arrangements for
the Association Dinner at Torrington in 1899; and Uiat Mr. B.
C, Tucker be the Secretary.

16. That Mr. James Hamlyn, Mr. W. Ingham, Mr. A.
Chandler, and Mr. P. F. S. Amery be a Committee to collect
and tabulate trustworthy and comparable observations on the
climate of Devon ; and that Mr. A. Chandler be the Secretary,

17. That the Right Rev. Bishop Brownlow, Dr. Brushfield,
Mr. R. W. Cotton, The Very Rev. the Dean of Exeter, Mr. A.
H A. Hamilton, Mr. J. Brooking Rowe, and Mr. K Windeatt be
a Committee for the purpose of investigating and reporting on any
Manuscripts, Records, or Ancient Documents existing in, or relating
to, Devonshire, with the nature of their contents, their locality, and
whether in public or private hands; and that Mr. J, Brooking
Rowe be the Secretary.

18. That Rev. L K Anderson, Mr. R Burnard, Rev. S.
Baring-Gould, Mr. J. D. Pode, Mr. J. Brooking Rowe, and Mr.
R Hansford Worth be a Committee for the purpose of exploring
Dartmoor; and that the Rev. S. Baring-Gould be the Secretary.

THE PRESIDENTS ADDRESS.

Ladiis Am) OsNTLEHSN, — In meetmg together in this
town^ which was antiently a borough, returning two
membeiB to Parliament, it seems to me not inappropriate
that I should make the boroughs of Devonshire die tiieme
of my discourse. I mal^e no pretence to great learning,
content if I recount any facts which may be new to my
hearers.

All persons in this country were originally bond or free.
In happy contrast to the social system of our great neighs
boor, France, this social cleavage had its origin in sound
common sense. In the lawless days, when the poorer classes
were unable to protect themselves from their more powerful
neighbours, the bondman looked to his superior lord foi^
protection from all tyranny but his own, a protection which
the superior lord made it a point of honour to observa
Moreover, it was the freeman alone who was called upon
to defend his country by force of arms, a duty which became
afterwards discharged by a payment of money. And thus
it was that taxation fell only on the freeman, the bondman
being exempt In France, on th^ contrary, the bondman
was liable -to taxation, and to forced labour without reward,
the nobles and clergy being exempt, and this distinction
it was that gave peculiar ferocity to the French Revolution.

In very early days the natural gregariousness of man
was exhibited in the congregation into towns mainly for
the purposes of trade. And me earliest distinction between
town and country lies in this, that the town contributed
a lump sum in taxation, whereas in the country the sum
was levied by the Crown on individuals. These con-
gregations of men were called Boroughs, and were governed
by inhabitants called Burgessea Five of them are mentioned
in Domesday, A.D. 1086, belonging to Devonshire — Exeter,
Barnstaple, Okehampton, Totnes, and lidford.

vouxxx. c

26 LORD colbridgb's presidential address.

Originally the County Court was the plaoe where the
freemen assembled and were enrolled, but the Boroughs
set up their own Court Leet. The Burgesses consisted
of all who resided, who were householders, who as a
necessary condition paid scot and bore lot, and were sworn
and enrolled at tHe Court Leet of the Borough. They were
taxed as a whole, and their main privilege was exemption
from the interference of the sherifit Residence was essential.
Those exempted alone from • attendance were ecclesiastics,
minors, females, villains, lunatics, persons of infamous
character, and peers!

At the Sheriff's Court originally all freemen had the
right to attend, often in the open air^ and to say '^ Aye,
Aye!" and no distinction was drawn between the rich
and poor landowner. And at first Boroughs chose amongst
their freemen deputies to go to the County Court and name
members chosen for the Borough. The Borough, however,
began to purchase privileges from the Crown, and among
the earliest privileges thus bought was the right to hold
their own Court Leet, and thus to become independent of
the sheriff and the County Court. As trade became
organized, there arose within the Boroughs the earliest
form of Trade Union in the shape of guilds, or associations
of men of the same handicraft for the protection of their
trade. The castles in the Boroughs and these Merchtot
Guilds were distinct from the municipal jurisdiction of
the town, from the Borough rights, and from the Burgesses.
I cannot now dwell upon the interesting history of these
guilds — how their tendency to become monopolies led to the
rise of the rival Crafts Guilds, formed originally by the
workmen as a weapon against the Merchant Guilds, which
had shrunk up into the exclusive possession of the em-
ployers, nor show how the Crafts Guilds followed in
their turn the policy which they were created to destroy;
• Suffice it to say that the crucial difference between the
guilds and the municipal jurisdiction lay in the fact that
residence was essential to a Burgess, but not to membership
of the guild.

Sometimes, I suspect for the purpose of preventing the
control of the trade coming into the hands of non-residents,
the Burgesses attempted to set up a guild of their own.
But the rights of the Burgesses were strictly limited, and
we find that in the reign of Henry L the Burgesses of
Totnes were fined for having set up a guild without legal
warrant.

LORD COLERIDGE'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 27

The first authentic instance of the summoning of Burgesses
from Boroughs to Parliament is the summoning of two
Burgesses from each Borough by Simon de Montfort in
1265, in addition to the two knights from each shira It
is true that some have asserted that this took place at an
earlier date. Indeed, in 18 Edward III. the Burgesses of
Barnstaple asserted that their right to elect two Burgesses
to sit in Parliament had existed since the time of
Athelstan. But the charter granting this was unfortunately
mislaid!

I cannot find that any Burgesses from Devonshire were
summoned in 1265 to that Parliament, which was of
a sporadic character, nor to the succeeding Parliament
summoned by Edward L in 1283 to Acton Bumell, an
obscure village in Shropshire, where sat the knights of
the shire and Burgesses, the Upper House sitting the while
at Shrewsbury. Why should the worthy Burgesses of Devon
demean themselves by attending a hole-and-corner meeting
merely to grant the king money wherewith to conduct the
Welsh War?

No, the first real Parliament was that of 1295, summoned
by Edward I. to Westminster. To this Parliament Exeter,
Totnes, Plympton, Tavistock, Barnstaple, and Torrington
sent members, llie members sat in their three orders —
the earls, barons, and knights of the shire; the clergy;
and the burgesses. The common people generally come
off worst in comparison with the great ones of the eartL
We find in this case what we shoidd expect, for while the
great earls, barons, and knights of the shire granted a tax
of only one-eleventh, and the clergy, the next in riches, one-
tenth, the poor burgesses granted one-seventL

It is not imtil Uie time of Edward IL that we see the
knights of the shire, shouldered out from the awful presence
of the earls and the barons, taking their seats beside the/
Burgesses, and ' forming the first example of a House of
Commons.

The Burgess^ then represented the popular element of
the Lower House, as they were residents coming from the
centres of trade; and commerce is, after all, the life-blood
of every progressive nation. How they ultimately fell away
from that position the subsequent history of our Boroughs
will show. The bishops remained with the earls and
barons, but the clergy withdrew from Parliament, and
insisted on voting supplies independently in the convo-
cations of Canterbury and York

c 2

28 LOBD cx)lkridob's presidential address.

Thus emeiged our constdtutdon of goveniment by King,
Lords, and Commons.

To the Parliament at York in 26 Edward I. came
Burgesses from Exeter, Dartmouth, Totnes, Plymouth,
Barnstaple, Plympton, and Ashbnrton; and to that sum-
moned at Lincoln in 28 Edward L Buigesses from Exeter,
Totnes, Okehampton, Lidford, Barnstaple, and Honiton.
At this time Parliament only provided money, petitioned
for redress of grievances, and sanctioned l^islation already
initiated. Independent legislation was unlmown; the only
mode of obtaining such measures as were desired arose later
in the refusal of supplies until redress of grievances was
granted. In fact, at first Parliament was only a superior
modem County Court, where the king collected the debts
which he considered were due to him from the people^
which he incurred in carrying on the government of the
country. Boroughs at first thought it a fine thing to be
represented in Parliament, but this idea wore off. The
sheriff summoned Boroughs to return members or not at
his discretion.

Thus Torrington sent members twicjB in Edward L, four
times in Edwwi II., throughout the reign of Edward III.
with one short interval, and then discontinued. South-
molton sent members once in 30 Edward I. Modbury
once in 34 Edward I. Crediton once in 35 Edward L
Fremington once in 6 Edward III. Lidford twice in 28
and 30 Edward I. Bradninch once in 6 Edward II. The
Port of Exmouth once in 24 Edward III., and the Port
of Teignmouth once in 14 Edward III.

If the members were troublesome, the Borough which
sent them would probably not be troubled again. And
this fell in with the growing feeling of the Boroughs that
representation was a burden rather than a privilege. They
s even are known to have purchased charters withdrawing
franchises, which they had not yet learnt to value. For the
member had to be maintained at the cost of the Borough.
Torrington, for instance, petitioned the king in 42 Edward
III. to be exonerated. Besides the cost of the stipend^
two shillings a day, to the Borough, the dangers of the
journey, especially from the far -distant west, made the
members shrink from attendance; and although the rate
for the payment of members was fixed in early days at
four shillings per diem for the knights of the shire and
two shillings for the Burgesses from the Boroughs, that
stipend was often reduced by the ratepayers in the Boroughs

LORD COLKBIDGE'S PRESmSNTIAL ADDRESS. 29

on account of its burdensome character. We read of
Boroughs petitioning to be relieved, from even so small a
charge as fourpence a day. Sometimes they neglected to
send members, sometimes they tried to escape the summons,
sometimes they even neglected to pay, and compounded
with the member for lump sums. The earliest form of
bribery is shown in the occasional offer of a candidate to
serve without stipend, if elected. The last recorded instance
of payment of members is that of Andrew Marvell, the poet,
and friend of Milton, in the Parliament after the Eestoration.

These early Parliaments usually began with a solemn
confirmation of the great Charter, and as their power of
initiating legislation dawned upon them, we find the
influence of the Borough members coming fh)m the centres
of trade showing itself in curiously minute regulations in
matters mainly industriaL They fixed the prices of com-
modities ; they determined the rate of wages ; they settled
the component parts of which articles were to be made;
they dictated the very clothes which the various classes
of men were to wear, and even the very food they were
to eat. For instance, in the time of Edward III. it was
enacted that no man should have more than two courses
for dinner and more than two plates of each course, an
Act which continued on the Statute Book until the year
1856.

The Borough members of Devon looked after the interests
of the trade and wants of the inhabitants. For we find
that in 1531, in the words of the Statute 23 Henry VIII.
c. 8, ''piteously sheweth the inhabitants of the Towns
and Ports of Plimouth Dartmouth and Teignmouth that
whereas heretofore ships up to 800 tons at low water
could lie in surety, Uie Ports are being destroyed by
silting up from tin-works by persons more regarding their
private lucre than the Commonwealth a ship of 100 tons
can now scantly enter at half flood, such persons must
prevent this by sufficient Hatches and Ties at the ends of
their Buddies and Cords."

By 1 Jmes I. c. 23 (1604) balkers, huors, condors,
directors, or guidors attending on the high hills to watch for
fish, are freed from actions for trespass ; and by 7 James I.
c. 18 (1609) all persons resident in Devon are enabled to
dig for sea-sand for tillage under the full sea-mark.
. Careful also were the Borough, members where the liberty
of the subject was concerned in the person of one of
their own body. For by 4 Henry VIII. a 8, entitled '* An

30 LORD COLERIDGE'S PRESIDBNTLOi ADDRESS.

Act concerning Bichard Strode," we find that Richard Strode,
one of the Burgesses for the Borough of Plympton, having,
in conjunction with other meml^rs, who were tinners
in Devon, brought in bills for the reformation of ports,
havens, and creeks in the county, had incurred the enmity
of John Furse, understeward of the Stannaries. He tried
him at Crockem Tor for the offence of invading the
privileges of the Stannaries by bringing in these bills,
fined him £160, and imprisoned him ''in a dungeon and
deepe pit under the ground in the Castle of lidford for
three weeks," which prison was "one of the most hanious,
contagious, and detestable places within the Eealma" It
seems to have been a family conspiracy of the Furses^
for the keeper, Philip Furse, was desired by John Furse
"strictly to keepe the said Richard in prison and to put
irons upon him to his more greater paine and jeopardie
and to give him bread and water onley." Strode had to pay
large sums to get out Parliament happily set aside the judg-
ment, and declared the fines void

Until comparatively late days the popular element in
the House of Commons lay in the representatives from the
Boroughs. ThiB was partly due to the fact of such places
being the centres of trade and industry ; and also to the
fact that in 1430, 8 Henry YI. c. 7, the fironchise in counties
was limited to forty-shilling freeholders, by reason of the
"very great, outrageous and excessive numbers of people
of small substance" entitled by law to vote for hiiights
of the shire. That was an Act of Disfranchisement, for
forty shillings then meant about the equivalent of £25 now.
Thus it was that in the great contest between Crown and
People in the days of the Stuarts most of the leaders of
the popular party were the representatives of the Burgesses
of the Boroughs. The ultimate decay of Borough repre-
sentation was due to the gradual and stealthy dispossession
of the right to the franchise enjoyed by the resident
Burgesses.

It began by the granting of charters of incorporation.
The desire of Boroughs for incorporation had, in its origin,
nothing to do witib the franchise. It was asked for,
probably among other things, to enable the Borough to
purchase lands, and to sue and be sued in its corporate name.

Plymouth was the first Devon Borough to petition for in^
corporation, in 13 Henry IV. The petition was not granted,
but twenty-eight years later, in 8 Henry VI. (1439^, the first
batch of Boroughs was incorporated, Plymouth being among

LORD COLEIODGS'S PRBSlDENTtAL ADDRESS. 31

the number. Once a Borough was incorporated, there soon
grew up a custom, having Uie sanction of law, of vesting
in the official member of the chartered town the right to
return representatives to Parliament.

The franchise no longer was a privilege to which the
freehold resident Burgess was everywhere entitled. Fanciful
restrictions were introduced, varying with the varying
customs in particular Boroughs. Besidence becoming no
longer necessary to a freeman, non-resident freemen who
did not bear the local burdens could be created by birth,
by marriage with the widow or daughter of a freeman, by
purchase, or by gifL The mode of acquisition was different
in different towns. When resident such freemen could be
corrupted on the spot^ when non-resident it merely meant
that the cost of travel was added to swell the corrupt
expenditure. The king granted charters, and summoned
Boroughs in order to increase his influence. And although
the celebrated Election Committee of 23 James L revived
the pure principle of resident Burgesses, at the Bestoration
all these absurdities were restored. Parliamentary Com-
mittees sanctioned any electoral iniquity, and submissive
Corporations were found te surrender charters, which were
renewed on terms making them more subservient; and
self-elected bodies, often non-resident, and sometimes
individuals, returned the members for the BorougL

Taking for a date the first half of the last century, we
find a truly surprising state of things.

In Exeter the magistrates had the right of election. In
Plymouth the vote was restricted te freemen, as distinct
from freeholders. The number of freemen was about 160.
It was entirely in the hands of the Admiralty, who in
&ct nominated the member, for if the Corporation refused
to elect the Admiralty nominee, the Admiralty could ruin
the town by refusing to pay off ships at the port. The
charter granted the franchise to the "Commonalty," and
the resident freeholders made in 1660 a push for their
rights, but a subservient House of Commons decided that
the word " Commonalty " did not include the Burgesses.

In Totnes, mentioned as a Borough in Domesday^ and to
which Queen Elizabeth granted a charter of incorporation,
the Corporation nominally elected. The voters were thirty-
four, but the real electors were two landlords.

In Plympton the vote?s were forty-four, the Corporation
elected in form, but the Earl of Mount Edgcumbe returned
the member.

32 LOU) oouEnxai's prbbidkhtul addkiss.

Bamsta^le stood on a more independant footing. Trne,
there were a mayoi; two aldf-mm, and twenty-two oommon
cooncilnmi; bnt the yotera were 450» and anuHig \hem 250
were Boigesses by {oescdption. There was no patron.

Okehampton likewise dnng to antient ways in the reten-
tion of 182 freehold Buguses as Toten. An amusing
incident, illnstative of the timea occnired in an electicm
in 1790*

Down to 1623 the pmtreeye of the Borongh was the
officer who made the retonu After a chiuter had been
granted to the Boroi^^, the mayor had been in the habit
of doing thia One Hawkes, an ingenions attorney, got
himself elected portreeve by the homage in the Court Leet
He proceeded to hold a poll contemporaneously with the
mayor. Each rejected the other^s votes. Eadi made a
retuHL Each rdmmed their own fetvourite candidates. A
Committee of the House of Commons declared the mayor's
return to be the ri^ one. The two members returned
by Hawkes instantly petitioned. On the petition it appeared
tiiat^ just prior to the poll, seventy-two nominal freeholds

A 5f^ e^^ by the Duke of Bedford, Earl Spencer,
Mid Mr. Hams to persons in every part of the United
Kii^dom. These votes were struck off, and Hawkes*
candidates crept in by one vote and two votes respectively.

In 1803 a similar creation of voters took place. But a
petition was unsuccessful, for Lord Thurlow solemnly decided
that if a shilling a year was granted to a person not for the
purpose of his enjoying a shilling a year, but for the purpose
of his enjoying a vote annexed by the constitution of the
country and that estate, it was good. Ia plain language,
If It was charitable it was bad, if it was corrupt it was
good. ^

T ^ ^ fl^ays said that no one could be so wise as
Lord Thurlow looked, and indeed he must have called in
aid the wisdom of his aspect to prevent himself from
laughing while delivering his judgment.

At Tavurtock there were 110 voters, who were freeholders,
but these freeholds being aU the property of the Duke of
i5edford there was in reality only one voter.

Dartmouth was another Government Borough. There
were indeed forty freemen voters in theory. But Gtovem-
ment always gave to more than half of them places of profit
under the Crown, which disfranchised them under the
Place Bill, and thus there was Uttle difficulty in manarinff
the remnant. Once, however, in 1689 the mayor^ms

LORD COLERIDGE'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 33

to have discovered some flickerings of independence among
the Burgesses, for after the issue of the writ he created
twenty-five new freemen to make all safe. This was goiug
too far, and he was ordered into custody. After this you
had to remember to create your freemen in good time.

Ashburton rejoiced in 200 freehold voters, but as they
were all the property of two proprietors there were really
only two voters for the Borough, and they could return a
man apiece.

Berealston was conducted on strictly economical principles.
For the proprietor of the Borough granted shilling freeholds
to voters to enable them to return his nominee, but only
on condition that the grants of the freeholds should be
surrendered to him as soon as the election was over.

Tiverton produced twenty-four voters, all members of the
Corporation, but the votes were all the property of one man.
It first sent members to Parliament by a charter granted
in 1615 by James I. The reason given for bestowing this
honour on it is given in the preamble to the charter, and
is curious. It is because it had lately been burnt down !

Political feeling must have run high on December Ist,
1710, for on that day there was an election resulting in a
tie, each one of three candidates polling eight votes. The
House of Commons held the election void, and ordered a
new writ.

In 1723 the Corporation came to an untimely end, for
the mayor absented himself on the day named in the charter
for electing his successor, and the law officers advised that
thereby the Corporation became dissolved. The king granted
anew charter, and this defect was remedied by the provisions
of 11 George I., c. 4 (1724).

Honiton, before it became a Borough returning representa-
tives to Parliament, was the property of the earldom of
BevoiL In 10 Edward I. Isabella, Countess of Albemarle,
bad the town in her own right as being possessed of the
earldom, and in that year the jury presented her with a
Tetom of writs, an assize of bread and beer, which was the
power or privilege of adjusting the weight and measure of
those commodities, a free-warren, a pillory, a gallows, and
a ducking-stool, wherein to cool the fury of the tongues
of common scolds. It returned members in 28 Edward L
and 4 Edward II., and then discontinued. The right was
restored in 16 Charles I. (1640). The voters were 350, and
extended to pot-wallers.

In 1710 the House of Commons resolved that the franchise

34 LOKD Coleridge's presidential address.

should be restricted to the inhabitants paying scot and lot,
but in 1724 the pot- wallers were restorea; they were
inhabitant housekeepers not receiving alms. The repre-
sentation from 1640 became almost hereditary in the family
of the Yonges. Each voter got from five to fifty guineas
for his vote, and from £2000 to £8000 was necessary to
buy the seat. One of the Yonges usually claimed one seat,
and with true worldly wisdom ofifered the remaining seat,
generally to a stranger, on condition that he found the
money for the return of both.

This state of things continued until 1832, when, although
these fancy franchises were preserved for a time, they were
swamped by the creation of the £10 occupation franchise.
Beresdston, Plympton, and Okehampton were disfranchised,
and Ashburton and Dartmouth deprived of one member,
while Devonport with two members was created a Borough.

In 1867 an uniform household suffrage added still more
to the numbers of the electors. Totnes was disfranchised
for corruption, and Honiton and Tavistock deprived of one
member. In 1868 Honiton, Ashburton, and Dartmouth
were disfranchised.

Finally, in 1885, Barnstaple, Tavistock, and Tiverton were
disfranchised, and Exeter deprived of one member.

Such in brief is a history of the vicissitudes of the
Boroughs of Devon.

What then of the members whom these Boroughs sent
up to Parliament?

To begin with the men of renown in the spatious times
of great Elizabeth. Their lives and careers are so well
known that I merely mention them in passing. Plymouth
in 1571 sent up Sir Humphrey Gilbert and John Hawkins.
The last words spoken by Gilbert before the torch of the
Squirrel disappeared in the seas off the coast of Newfound-
land are the truest epitaph to noble adventure, "We are
as near to heaven by sea as by land."

Of adventure, not so noble, John Hawkins had his fill,
for as a foil to his services as Vice- Admiral in the war with
the Spanish Armada we must set the sad fact that he began
the unholy trade of catching slaves on the African coast,
and selling them for very filthy lucre in the West Indies.
For this devil's service he was granted as an addition to
his coat of arms " a demi-Moor, proper, bound with a cord."

The exploits of Drake, ^ho was returned for Plymouth
in 1593, are too well known for me to recall to you. The
end of Drake and Hawkins was ets stormy as their lives,

LOHD COLERIDGE'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 33

for they both died on the same expedition to the West
Indies in 1595, and at enmity with one another.

One of the meanest representatives of Plymouth was
James Bagge, who sat for Plymouth from 1601-1620, who,
to cuny favour with the Duke of Buckingham, wormed
Sir John Eliot out of the post of Vice- Admiral of the west^
and was practically in league with the Turkish pirates
who harried the coasts. For these eminent services he
was knighted by Charles I.

The representatives from Devon Boroughs took a leading
part in the great contest between Charles I. and his
Parliament. It was Oliver St John, who sat for Totnes
1640-1653, who argued the case of ship-money for John
Hampden. He helped to draw up the famous petition
of twelve peers, which led to the calling of the Long
Parliament, and fiedthful to his view of Parliamentary
institutions, was the teller with Cromwell in the division
in the Bump in 1651 in favour of limiting the duration
of Parliament to three years.

The greatest Parliamentarian ever sent up by any Devon
Borough was John Pym, who sat for Tavistock 1623-1643,
and who conferred an imperishable honour on the Borough
by becoming its member. On the doing to death of Sir
John Eliot in prison, Pym became the soul and centre of
the Parliamentary party. It was Pym who was the
constitutional lawyer of the cause, the speaker who smote
the great oratorical strokes. When Buckingham, being
accu^ of the sale of honours and offices, retorted that he
at any rate had not enriched himself by it, for he was
£100,000 in debt, Pym exclaimed, "If this be true, how
can we hope to sati^ his immense prodigality? if false,
how can we hope to satisfy his covetousness ? " When the
courtiers begged the House to leave to the king his sovereign

C)wer, whic^ being interpreted, meant licence to break the
w when he thought it convenient to do so, " I am not
able," cried Pym, "to speak to the question. I know not
what it is. ML our petition is for the laws of England, and
this power seems to be another power distinct from the law.
I know how to add sovereign to the king's person, but not
to his power. We cannot leave him a sovereign power, for
we were never possessed of it ! "

It was Pym who caused the Long Parliament to be
summoned, who struck down Strafford, who imprisoned
Laud, who framed and carried the Grand Bemonstrance.

Never has such a dramatic scene been witnessed in any

36 LORD COLERIDGE'S PRESIDENTLA.L ADDRESS.

assembly as when Charles attempted to seize the five
members within the privileged precincts of the House of
Commons. Of these five members Devon Boroughs had
the honour of returning two, Pym from Tavistock, and
William Strode from Berealston. The messenger of warning,
breathless with his climb over the roofs of houses, the way
to the House being blocked, communicated the tidings of
the approach of the king with an. armed band. Pym was
for quietly departing in time to prevent a bloody scene.
Strode, bold to folly, had to be dragged from the House
by his friends. And not too soon; for the king was in
the House before the five members got to the water. A
loud knock threw open the door, the armed desperadoes
were observed huddling round the entrance, and the king
went into the House, "where never king was (as they
say) but once, king Henry VIII." The members rose
and uncovered, the king also removed his hat. He stepped
up to Pym's well-known seat close by the Bar. Seeing
that his "bird was flown," he went up to the Speaker's
chair, and standing by it looked round upon the House.
He asked the House whether Mr. Pym were present. No
one answering him, he pressed the question upon Mr.
Speaker, who, kneeling, told him that "he could neither
speak nor see but by command of the House." In a
speech embarrassed and halting, in tone, now couched iu
fair -seeming and now in threatening phrases, the king
demanded that the absent members should be sent to him.
No one replying, he turned to go. But not in silence.
Mutterings of "Privilege, Privilege," were heard on every
side, and with this ominous battle-cry resounding in his
ears he passed from the House of Commons to civil war
and a death upon the scaffold.

The House in alarm appealed to the city for protection,
and Skippon, who subsequently sat for Barnstaple 1646-
1653, was appointed to take command of the trained band
of the city, and to have the safety and privileges of the
Parliament under his keeping.

In the Committee, which sat at Guildhall after the ad-
journment of the House of Commons, the most eloquent
speech in defence of Parliamentary liberties was that made
by John Maynard, then member for Exeter.

A curious discussion took place in 1651 between the
leaders of the Parliamentarians as to the settlement of the
kingdom, which is characteristic of the men who took part
in it, all of whom, with one exception, were returned at one

LOBD COLERIDGE'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 37

time or another for Devon Boroughs. Whitlocke, who was
returned for Exeter (1654), but elected to sit for County
Bucks, was for inviting the Stuarts to return, on the plea
that they had learnt wisdom by experience. Oliver St.
John, then Chief Justice of the Common Pleas^ was for
something of a monarchical power. Desborow, who was
returned for Totnes in 1654, held stiff to a Bepublic:
Cromwell, who listened to the argument, while considering
the return of the Stuarts impossible, was inclined to agree
with the. Chief Justice.

During the times of the Stuart Bestoration the. influence
of the members for the Devon Boroughs seems to have
declined. In 1685, for a short time, we find Sir Christopher
Wren sitting for Plympton. He was then in the 2enith
of his powers. He was building St. Paul's Cathedral, and
had already built St Stephen's Walbrook, and the incompar-
nble steeple of Bow. I doubt if he had much time to attend
to his Parliamentary duties.

But after the flight of James II. the Devon men came
once more prominently on the scene. Old Sir John
Maynard, the member, for Berecdston, was presented to
William III. as the doym of the English Bar. "And I
had like to have outlived the law itself," said he, "had not
your Highness come over ! "

In the Convention Parliament. also sat Henry PoUexfen
for Exeter. He had lately appeared in the uncongenial
task of Prosecutor for the Crown at the Bloody Assizes in
1685. In 1683, however, he had distinguished himself in
his defence of Lord Russell, who was member for Tavistock
when he perished on the scaflbld for alleged participation in
the Rye House Plot, and he ended by becoming Attorney-
General and Chief Justice of the Common Pleas under the
Whigs.

In 1705 Berealston returned William Cowper, who was
appointed on December 1st Lord Keeper of the Great Seal.
It is he of whom Burnet says that at that time **he had
. for many years been considered as the man who spoke the
best of any in the House of Commons." He was the first
to decline the customary New Year's gifts from the officials
of the Court and the Counsel practising before him, and thus
set an example of purity on the Bench.

Years roU on, and in 1756 William Pitt, the great
Commoner, was returned for the Borough of Okehampton.
He had been dismissed from his office of paymaster the
previous year, and stood alone in proud independence. At

38 LORD COLERIDGE'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.

the close of the year 1757 " perfidy," says Walpole, " after
thirty years had an intermission/' and the king was forced
to send for Pitt On December 11th Okehampton sent
him to Parliament as Secretary of State and Leader of the
House of Commons. But George II. chafed under his
lofty self-reliance. On April 5th, 1757, he dismissed him*
" Go to Newcastle," said George ; " tell him I do not look
upon myself as king whilst I am in the hands of these
scoundrels ; that I am determined to get rid of them at any
rate ; that I expect his assistance, and that he may depend
upon my favour and protection."

But the voice of the nation rose against the king. ** It
rained gold boxes," says Walpole, alluding to the presenta-
tions to Pitt from the great Corporations of England, and on
June 29th Pitt was again forced on the angry and reluctant
king as Secretary of State for War, with fidl control of war
and foreign affairs. " I am sure," cried Pitt magnificently,
but truly, *' that I can save this country, and t£kt nobody
else can." And his prophecy came to pass, for it was Pitt's
first great administration that laid the foundations of the
British Empire. On July 13th, 1757, he ceased to represent
the western Borough, but it was Okehampton who first
placed him in a position to guide the whirlwind and to
direct the storm.

It was he of whom it was greatly said : —

''The Secietary stood alone. Modem degeneracy had not
reached him; the features of his character bad the hardihood
of antiquity ; his august mind overawed Majesty ; and one of hia
Sovereigns thought royalty so impaired by his presence that he
conspired to remove him, in order to be rdieved from his
superiority. No State chicanery, no narrow system of vulgar
politics, no idle contest for ministerial victories sunk him to tiie
vulgar level of the great; but overbearing, persuasive, and im-
practicable his subject was England, his ambition fame. Without
dividing, he destroyed party, without corrupting, he made a venal
age unanimous. France sunk beneath him. With one hand he
smote the house of Bourbon^ and wielded in the other the
democracy of England.

'' Nor were his political abilities his only talents. His eloquence
was an era in the Senate, peculiar and spontaneous, familiarly
expressing gigantic sentiments, and instinctive wisdom ; not like
the torrent of Demosthenes, or the splendid conflagration of Tully,
it resembled sometimes the thunder, and sometimes the music
of the spheres. Like Murray he did not conduct the understanding
through the painful subtilty of argumentation : nor was he like

LORD COLERIDGE'S PRESIDENTUL ADDRESS. 39

Townfihend for ever on the rack of exertion, but rather lightened
upon the subject and reached the point by the flashings of his
mind, which, like those of his eye, coidd be seen, but not
followed/'

Two great sea-captains sat about this time for Devon
Boroughs — Bodney, who sat for Okehampton 1759-1761, and
Howe, who represented Dartmouth 1761-1782.

Alexander Wedderbum, afterwards Lord Loughborough,
sat for Okehampton 1774-1780. George IIL, having first
carefully ascertained that the melancholy fact of his death
was true, exclaimed " that a greater rogue was not left in his
dominions!"

In 1802-1806 Sir Edward Pellew, afterwards Lord
Exmouth, was returned for Barnstaple. Bloody scenes on
land and sea inspire me generally with horror, but war
would be a different thing were it often accompanied by
such incidents as the freeing of 3000 Christian slaves by
Pellew at the bombardment of Algiers in 1816.

Lord Althorpe, when he sat for Okehampton in 1804, was
a silent member. But the highest tribute paid to character
by the House of Commons — the finest judge of character
in the world — was paid to Lord Althorpe when, in answer
to Croker, he said "he had made calculations which he
considered entirely conclusive in refutation of his arguments,
but had mislaid them"; and the House considered the
answer to be complete.

Vicary Gibbs, who sat for Totnes 1804-1806, became
Law Officer, and chiefly utilized the trust committed to his
charge in an attack on liberty of thought and speech, and
was in large measure baffled by the stubborn independence
of British juries.

Lord Cochrane, whose romantic career deserves a lecture
to itself, stood for Honiton on March 13th, 1805. The
success being a question of money, he was hopelessly beaten,
only a few voting for him. He sent a bellman round the
town after th^ election offering £10 to anyone who voted
for him, as a reward for having refused to be corrupted.
Next year he was returned by a triumphant majority, each
voter living in hopes of the bellman's offer being repeated.
No bellman came, and at the dissolution they parted in
mutual disgust, the exiguity of Lord Cochrane's purse not
satisfying t£e ravening Parliamentary maw of the pot- waller
of Honiton.

It was when Secretary of State for War, and sitting for

40 LORD COLERIDGE'S PRESIDENTLiL ADDRESS.

Plympton, that Lord Castlereagh determined the coarse of
European history by sending Wellesley to the Peninsula
in 1809, and Ashburton, 1818-1820, helped Lord Lyndhurst
to the Woolsack,

But we have come now down to modem times. That
impossible man, Sir Charles Wetherell, for ever connected
in history with the Bristol riots, was returned for Plympton
in 1826. Tavistock in 1830-1831 sent up Lord John
Russell, and Devonport in 1835 Sir Edwaixl Codrington,
who fought the batde of Kavarino.

Tiverton was always fsiithful to her Palmerston, and my
list winds up with a succession of distinguished lawyers.

Death cut short the great career opening for Sir William
FoUett, who sat fqr Exeter, 1835-1847, during the whole
of his Parliamentary life. And I merely record the names
of John Bomilly, afterwards Lord Romilly and the Master
of the Rolls, who sat for Devonport; Roundell Pcdmer,
afterwards Lord Chancellor and Earl of Selborne ; Robert
Collier, afterwards Lord Monkswell, who sat for Pl3anouth ;
Sir Robert Phillimore, who sat for Tavistock ; and the Hon.
George Denman, who was Lord Palmerston's colleague for
Tiverton.

I am sorry to have nothing better to offer you than
these few scattered facts respecting the Boroughs of Devon
and their members.

Some of these small Boroughs may sigh for a return of
the days of their Parliamentary renown. But all over
the face of the country we are witnesses to-day of local
self-government which restores and strengthens the vitality
which Reform Bills took away. Municipal Corporations,
County Councils, District Councils, Parish Councils afford
our people an opportunity for manifesting their abiding
interest in their country and their home, which was formerly
denied them. And manfully have they answered to the
invitation to assist in the conduct of local administration.
They have shown on the whole a capacity for and a love
of honest and devoted work which has warranted the trust
which the nation has reposed in them.

I wish that I could speak with the same optimism of
matters Parliamentary. The brutalities of the old elections
have disappeared. The open and avowed corruption is no
more. But we are still far from purity and independence.
Money still procures votes, though bribery is no longer
naked and unashamed. The platform has enormously
increased in influence, but "nursing" is answerable for

LORD COLERIDGE'S PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 41

nearly as many majorities. I doubt if at any time in
our Parliamentary history the House of Commons was as
fall of wealthy men as it is now.

Government by tyrants has been the theme of execration
in all ages. Government by the proletariat alone brings
grave evils in its train, but government by plutocrats com-
bines many of the ills of both.

Laws have been passed to change the faith of men ; laws
have been passed to make men moral So laws have been
passed to make men electorally pure. In vain ! in vain !
Something no doubt can be, has been, done. But for the
complete purity and independence of elections, for the time
when men shall give their votes in accordance with their
convictions, and without fear of consequences, we must look
to the healthy vigour of the public spirit.

When to bring pressure on a voter is considered cowardly,
when to tempt him from his convictions by reward of any
kind is considered mean, when to flourish a full purse
against an empty one is considered shameful, then, and not
tUl then, will Parliament represent the pure and independent
mind of a pure and independent people.

To that end, to the gradual forming and fashioning of
that public conscience, let all those strive who love their
country.

VOL XXX. D

^l)ituarp Notices,

COMPILED BT

THE REV. W. HARPLBY, M.A., HON. SECRETARY OF THE ASSOCIATION.

Rev. John Ingle Dredge was born at Edinburgh on the
10th of June, 1818, and was, in his early days, apprenticed
to a printer, and the training he had in that business did
something probably to influence his tastes and direct his
studies in after years. He then became a Wesleyan minister,
and remained associated with that body till some thirty
years since, when he joined the Church of England, and
was ordained by the Bishop of Chester deacon in 1868,
and priest in 1869. He held curacies at Warrington,
Liverpool, Seaforth, and St. Helens 1868-73, and in the
subsequent year (1874) he was presented by the then
Premier, Mr. Gladstone, to the living of Buckland Brewer.
To the honour of Mr. Gladstone be it said, he made the
appointment in the teeth of the fact that Mr. Dredge had
taken a leading part in speaking and in working against
his (Mr. Gladstone's) return for South- West Lancashire.

A conscientious and thoroughly pious man, Mr. Dredge
faithfully discharged his duty to his parishioners, and he was
affectionately regarded and revered by every inhabitant of
Buckland Brewer, whether Churchman or Dissenter. But
outside the scope and sphere of his parochial duties, which
he discharged so well, Mr. Dredge was a man of mark and
erudition. He was the authority on Cheshire and Devon-
shire bibliography and genealogy, and his acquaintance with
Puritan theology was almost unrivalled. In support of
this statement it may be mentioned that some questions
were put in Notes and Queries in January, 1897, regarding

OBITUARY NOTICES. 43

" Non-jurors in the 18th century," and Mr. T. Cann Hughes,
H.A., of Lancaster, wrote to that paper saying, " The man to
answer this is the gentleman who haa the honour, I believe,
to be the oldest living contributor of Notes and Queries that
'grand old man' the veteran Vicar of Buckland Brewer.
None knows the history of English theology at the end of
the seventeenth and beginning of the eighteenth century as
he does, and his courtesy and readiness to give information
is an example indeed to younger men. Mr. Dredge con-
tributed to voL ii. of the Palatine Note-Booh a most interest-
ing list of the non-jurors of Chester diocese, and his knowledge
of Uie West country will enable him to add much on that
topia" This is a lugh tribute, but not one whit more than
was deserved. Mr. Dredge, in 1878, became a member of
this Association, and at once began to manifest the warm
interest he took in its proceedings, and to aid in its work.
He soon qualified as a member of the Council, and to the
last was most r^ular and exemplary in his attendance at
the annual meetings and also at the meetings of the CounciL
He was the author of several papers printed in the Trans-
actions, among them accounts of the Bectors of Bideford,
Huntshaw, Alwington, littleham, Wear Gififord, and High
Bickington; and at various times ''Five Sheaves of Devon
BibUography." Among his other published works are The
BodksdUrs and Printers of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth
Centuries; Biographies of Downame, Bishop of Derry;
Massom, Bishop of Kerry; Bichard Bernard, of Epsworth,
and Abednego Seller, of Charles, Plymouth; The Marwood
List of Briefs, 1714-1774 ; An Account of FrithUstock Priory,
together with many others.

He died December, 1897, in his 80th year, and was buried
in the parish churchyard of Buckland Brewer.

William Halliday Halliday, m.a. Oxon., d.l., and j.p.,
was the only son of Sir William R Cosway, of Bilsington,
Kent, by his marriage with Elizabeth Harvie, daughter
of Simon Halliday, of Whinnyrigg, Dumfriesshire. He was
bom in 1828, and married in 1860 Maria, fourth daughter
of Sir P. H. Farquhar, Bart. In 1872 he succeeded the
Bev. Walter Halliday, of Glenthom, Lynton, and assumed
the name of Halliday. In 1882 he was Sheriff of Devon,
and was Chairman of Quarter Sessions some 25 years. In
the early part of this year he was making a tour, joined

D 2

44 OBITUARY NOTICES.

liis eldest daughter at Singapore, whence the two visited
Japan and crossed to America. Arrived at Toronto on his
homeward way, Mr. Halliday was taken ill, and died
there, leaving three daughters.

. At the recent sessions Lord Clinton bore testimony to
Mr. Halliday being a very capable and useful justice, as
weU as a very competent Chairman of Quarter Sessions ;
and it was resolved that an entry should be made in the
minutes expressive- of the **deep regret felt by the court
at Mr. Halliday's death, and of the great loss the county
had thereby sustained."

Mr. Halliday joined the Association as a life member
in 1873, and was a vice-president in 1875.

in.

Windham Hunt Holley, of Oaklands, Okehampton, was
the son of Mr. Japies Hunt Holley, a descendant from the
ancient Norfolk family of Windhams, who, in the early part
of the century, purchased the Oakland estates of the ancient
Okehampton family of Savile. Succeeding to his father's
property, Mr. Holley took a prominent position in the town
and county. He was pricked for the Shrievalty for the
coming year, was Deputy -Lieutenant of the County, Lord
of the Manor of Okehampton, County Councillor, and
Justice of the Peace, and was deservedly respected as a
man of sound judgment and business-like habits. He was
well known in the hunting field, and for two yec^rs was
joint master of the Mid-Devon hounds. He rowed in the
University Boat Race in 1854.

Mr. Holley joined the Association in 1895, and was
elected one of the vice-presidents for that year; and the
Association will remember with pleasure the kind reception
given by him and Mrs. Holley on that occasion. He died
on the 17th of April, 1898.

IV.

Peter Orlando Hutchinson, born in 1810, was the
son of a physician, and great-grandson of His Excellency
Thomas Hutchinson, the last and loyal Governor of
Massachusetts, whose diary and letters he published in
1883. In early life he studied architecture, and was to
the last a most zealous antiquarian. He visited repeatedly
all the encampments, tumuli, and other antiquities in the

• OBITUARY KOnCES. 45

neighbourhood of Sidmouth, and wrote a detailed account
of them, which, beautifully illustrated with his own hand
drawings, and entitled A History of Stdmouik, in six folio
vols., he presented to the Albert Museum, Exeter.

When the chancel of the Parish Church at Sidmouth
was removed to make way for a larger one, he purchased
the old materials, and had the stones carefully numbered
while in situ. Be-erected in his own grounds to the
north of the church, they formed the nucleus of a curious
and picturesque house, which he called the Old Chancel.
The entrance hall has a stone vault of fan tracery; the
walls are ornamented with tinted* diaper work ; the staircase
has iron railings wrought from his own design ; the ceiling
of his study is divided by wooden beams into square
compartments, which contain the armorial bearings of the
successive Lords of the Manor of Sidmouth painted by
himselt In this structure he formed during many years
a considerable collection of objects of local and antiquarian
interest, which, however, he dispersed before his death,
mostly in favour of the Albert Museum in Exeter. The
handsome pinnacles which now ornament the tower of
Sidmouth Parish Church were carved from his designs and
under his superintendence.

Mr. Hutchinson wrote a Sidmouth guide-book, which ran
through several editions, and from his versatile pen also
came The Otology of SidnwiUh and Tke Ferns of Sidmoidh,
He joined the Association in 1868, and during the earlier
portion of his membership was a frequent contributor of
papers.

The following is a list of papers read by him : — ^" On Hill
Fortresses, Sling Stones, and other Antiquities in South-
Eastern Devon," 1868; "Fossil Elephant's Tooth," 1869;
"On a Second Fossil Tooth found at Sidmouth," 1871;
"Bronze Celt found near Sidmouth," 1872; "Iron Pits,"
1872; "Fossil Teeth at Sidmouth," 1872; "Submerged
Forest and Mammoth Teeth at Sidmouth," 1873; "The
Population of Sidmouth from 1260 to the Present Time,"
1875; ''Jar found at Musbury," 1876; "A Scheme for a
History of Devonshire," 1877 ; " Fossil Plant discovered near
Sidmouth," 1879 ; " The Site of Moridumun," 1882 ; " Honey-
ditches," 1885. He was a member of the Council, and of
several committees for special purposes ; he also drew up for
many years the Index for the annual volume of Transactions
of the Association*

He died at his residence, Old Chancel, Sidmouth, October

46 .OBITUARY NOTICBS,

1st, 1897, at the advanced age of 87 years. A brass tablet
inserted in the wall of the south transept bears his coat of
arms and the following inscription written by himself :

LiBBBTATBM COLO LiCBNTTAK DbTESTOR

PsTRus Ohlakdo Hutchinson

Fil Andriao H de Sidost, et Annffi (Pftrker, do Harbnrn)

Fil Thoxnffi H de Heayitree, et Sarah (GliTer, de Boston, Mass.)

Fil Thorns H de Boston, et Margaretae (Sanford, de Newport, R.I.)

Fil Thorns H de Eod Loc et Sarah (Foster, Aylesbnry, England)

Fil Eliflhffi H de Eod, et Hannah (Hawkins)

Fil Edwardi H de Eod, Catherine (Hanby, de Gippewioo, England)

Fil Gnlielemi H de Halford, oo. Line. Eng, et Anns (Marbury)

Fil Edwardi H de Eod, et Susanna, £^08 Uzoris

Fil Johanis H de Givitate Line, et Annas, Uzoris Syns

Qui Qoidem Petms Nat Est Winton, Not 17, 1810

Bap Heavitree Jnzta Exon, Oct 22, 1811

Et Gbiit Sidost Oct 1, 1897

TWENTIETH EEPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON

SCIENTIFIC MEMORANDA.

TwBiiTiBTH Bbpobt of tiu Committee — consisting of Mr. J.
& Amery, Mr. F. Brent, Dr. Brushfield, Mr. Edberi
Bumard, Mr. A. Chandler, JUv. W. Earpley, Mr. C.
E. Bcibinson^ Mr. Brooking Bowe, Mr. A. SoTnervaU, and
Mr. H. B. S. Woodhovse, for the purpose of noting the
discovery or occurrence of such facts in any departm,ewt
of scientific enquiry, and connected vrith Devon, as it inay
he destrahle to place on permanent record, btU which may
not be of sufficient importanu in themselves to form the
subject of separate papers.

Edited by J. Bbookino Rowb, Hon. Secretary.
(Betd at Honiton, Angast, 1806.)

BOTANICAL.
BIRDS IN HOLLOW OF A TBBB.

About two years ago, when sawing a large tree into planks
at Devonport Dockyard, a large hollow was uoexpectedly
disclosed, containing the bodies of two birds, an old and
a young stariing. The hollow, six feet long and about
a foot across, was surrounded by about 12 inches of solid
and perfectly sound timber. Its lower end was 22 feet
from the ground, and its upper end about 4 feet below the
point where the branches forked. On one side of the
hoUow, about its middle, a hole extended laterally for
6 inches, or half way towards the outside of the tree. The
remaining 6 inches showed no curl in the grain such as
nu^t be expected if the timber had, in growing, closed and
oovered the hole 6 inches deep. The birds had apparently
been there a long time ; the flesh was black, and oi^y by the

48 TWENTIETH REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

bill and one remaining foot could the species be identified.
The hollow had much rotten ddbris in it and was very damp.
Above the top of the hollow the wood was for 3 or 4 inches
soft and rotten ; from thence upwards to where the branches
divided, nearly 4 feet, a perpendicular passage, some 2 inches
in diameter, was fully occupied by two opposing coats of
bark, showing that the branches sprang just above the
hollow, but for a height of 4 feet had grown perpendicularly
upwards, or rather side by side, instead of forking. As the
two grew, putting on coats year by year, the bark would
approach and press together, finally closing all external
appearance of division, and this actually resulted, as no
external examination could detect any appearance of it.
Expert opinion declared -thie hollow to have been formed by
internal decay downwards, from the infiltration of water
from above. It can only be supposed that the mother bird
entered the hollow from above, but could not struggle out
again, and had with her solitary ofTspring been entombed
for many years. The extent to which holes in the sid^ of
trees can be covered over by the annual layers put on by
trees in growing would form an interesting subject for
enquiry, but it cannot be supposed that the phenomenon
described above is an instcmce of it (H. M. £van&)

GROWTH OF A REMARKABLE DOUBLE OAK TREE.

(A section of which, with photographs, was exhibited.)

It is an English oak, of perhaps seventy or eighty years
of age, and about 30 feet in height to the first branches, with a
girth of nearly 4 feet at the bole, and of 2 feet 6 inches at
the forking of the branches. It was discovered in a wood
at Sigford Farm, near Bag-tor and Bickington, between
Ashburton and Newton Abbot.

The tree was growing in this wood amongst others pur-
chased by Mr. John Wright, of the Saw Mills, Newton
Abbot, and his manager, Mr. MiUman, when having this
tree cut down, found to his astonishment that it contained
an inner tree quite perfect, right up from root to top of the
central trunk.

The inner tree shows a perfect heart, with the sappy
wood outside, and the outer tree also shows a perfect heart,
with the sappy wood and the bark. From the fact that the
inner tree bears no bark, it is inferred that this is the younger
of the two, having grown up perfectly, with the exception of
the bark, to manhood within its paFent. Probably the outer

ON SCIENTIFIC MEMORANDA. 49

or parent tree is of not much greater age than the inner tree.
Has anything been seen of this manner before, and, if so,
has it been noted ? (Alfred Chandler.)

THE MILD WINTER IK DEVONSHIRE OF 189^-1898.

Probably the mildest and driest winter for twenty-five
years. At Torquay the blackberry (Rubus vulgaris) wsls in
bloom in January, and setting for fruit in February. The
plant grew on the rock at the east or colder side of the
Observatory, at the summit of Chapel Hill, 300 feet above
sea-level, and the fruiting stem was a branch from a very
strong vine.

On February 22nd a swallow was picked up alive, but
somewhat exhausted by its too early arrival, on the Royal
Terrace Gardens, Torquay.

At the end of January, at Exeter, a thorn tree was found
in bloom.

These phenological wonders are explainable by the follow-
ing facts : — The high mean temperature during the last two
autumn months, October and November, of 1897, and during
the winter months of December, January, and February, was
quite phenomenal. The mean temperature of each of these
months, and the excess or accumulation of heat degrees above
the average of twenty-two years, during this period are : —

October, 1897, the mean temperature was 54°% or 3^*1 above the average.
November „ „ „ 49^*4 „ 2°'3 „ „

December „ „ „ 4e»-0 „ 3°-l „ „

January, 1898 „ „ 47-1 „ 5°-6 „ „

February „ „ „ " 44<'l „ 0^-7 „

The mean temperature of the five months was 4S''2, or
14"'8 of accumulated heat degrees above the average of
twenty-two years* observations at Torquay.

(Alfred Chandlbr.)

APPEARAKCB OF A STRANGE INSECT FOUND ON THE CBDRU8 DBODARA

IN TORQUAY.

Amongst horticulturists in South Devon great curiosity
was excited by the appearance of a hitherto little known
parasitic tree pest In January and February of the present
year Mr. Dundee Hooper, of Ardoar, Torquay, discovered on
his Cedrus deodara trees this insect in enormous swarms,
destroying, locust-like, all the foliage then on the trees. This
tree being of the Conifera variety, retaiiis its foliage through-
out the year.

Some of. these insects, with branches of foliage from the

50 TWENTIETH BEPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

trees, were at once sent to expert entomologists, such as Miss
Ormerod, of the Boyal Agricultural Society of England ; Mr.
Charles Whitehead, Technical Adviser to t^e Board of Trade;
and Mr. W. F. H. Blandford, of Kew Gardens, who reported
on the insect, which was shown to be the Loichmm pini or
Pine aphis. At first there was some difficulty in destroying
the pest, but a kerosine insecticide, or an emulsion of soft
soap and paraffin, was effectiva A cold wind or a slight frost
was, however, the best destroying agent

Mr. Whitehead stated in his report " that it is unusual to
find these aphides so active at this time of the year (winter^
but it is due to the abnormcdly mild season."

(Alfred Chandler.)

ornithological.

THE CROSSBILL IN DEVON.

The crossbill is a wandering species, generally noticed
in this country from June to February, some remaining to
breed. In Devonshire only two nests have been recorded,
one in April, 1839, the other in June, 1894 The latter is
briefly mentioned in Messrs. D'Urban and Mathew's Supple-
ment, 1895. Dr. Glinn has kindly furnished me with the
following account :

"June, 1894. — A pair of crossbills (Loxia curvirostra) appear
to have built in the garden of Mr. C. £. Pearson, in Hatherleighf
in this month. Mr. Pearson has a good knowledge of birds, and
had no doubt of the identity of the birds, he tells me, as he had
several distinct views of them. He first noticed the nest; it
resembled a large greenfinch's, and was placed in the fork between
the trunk and a large branch of a Scotch fir, about 18 feet ftom the
groand. This was about June 10th.

" On June 16th the first egg was laid. Until then neither of the
birds could be seen ; but one, probably the hen, flew off the nest
on that day. It was reddish in colour, and was seen twice subse-
quently; Uie other bird, green in colour, was seen twice; the
curiously-shaped bill was noticed distinctly in both birds.

" The eggs somewhat resembled a greenfinch's, but were half as
large again, and longer and more pointed. Mr. Pearson has two of
them, which I have seen. The nest was unfortunately deserted ;
as when three eggs had been laid Mr. Pearson took out two, and
substituted two greenfinch's (blown); one of these was found
broken, and may have accounted for the nest being deserted."

It seems a pity that the eggs have not been compared
with known specimens of the crossbill for complete identi*
ficatiom (U. M. Evams.)

OK SCIKNTmo MSMOBANDA. 51

THE SHORB LARK IN DEVON.

The allied summer appearance of the shore lark at
Paignton, described at the Society's meeting at Kingsbridge
last year, claims farther remark from its unexpected and
unlikely nature.

There are four species or sub-species of the shore lark in
Europe, eleven or twelve in America. The one inhabiting
Greenland and Arctic America is known as our bird. It
migrates to the temperate r^on in autumn, returning north
in spring. It was first recorded in the British Islands in
1830. From that time to 1868 it was a rare and irregular
visitor to the S. and E. coasts of England. In 1869 there
was a considerable incursion, mainly on the K coast, and
£rom that date its numbers have greaUy increased. In 1874
one was shot near Bristol. In 1875 a flock was seen at
Northam Burrows. In 1879 two specimens were obtained
at St Merryn, near Padstow. Two, now in Devonshire
collections, are said to have been obtained on Dawlish
Warren. One in the collection of the late Mr. Cecil Smith
is said to have been shot at Paignton. The birds now pass
over Heligoland in thousands, flying West Messrs. D'Urban
and Mathew remark (Supplement, 1895) that 'in the Eastern
Counties the shore lark is now a numerous and common
visitor in the autumn, and is pushing its way further to the
West' Within the last few years it has become tolerably
conmion in the neighbourhood of Christchurch. Three
specimens have been obtained in Dorset The Una list,
1883, records it as occurring from Aberdeen to Torbay. Two
considerations may throw light on the alleged appearance in
July last year. The one, that individuals of many species,
stragglers from a stream of migration, remain in their winter
home to breed ; the other, that so many American birds find
their way to this countiy. In any case, the bird seen at
Paignton cannot be assigned to any other species.

(H. M. Evans.)

THB BBBD-WARBLER {ACROCEPHALUS STREPBRUS^

Mr. Howard Saunders, in his revised Mamud, now in
coarse of issue, describes the reed-warbler as nesting freely
in South Devon. As this may convey an entirely mistaken
impression, it should be stated that up to about twenty years
ago the reed-warbler was only a rare straggler to Devon and
Cornwall; and that at the present moment its nesting in
Devonshire is, so far as is known, confined to a district

52 TWENTIETH REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

within a five or six mile radius of Eingsbridge. It may be,
as suggested by Messrs. D'Urban and Mathew, a bird which
is pushing its way westward; but so far as is known, its
status in other parts of the country is not altered; and
before 1871 its presence, even in the small district defined
above, was not suspected. Montagu, living at Kingsbridge,
declared the bird unknown in the south-western counties;
and up to about twenty years ago, Messrs. NichoUs, of
Kingsbridge, whose opportunities for observation in their
neighbourhood were most exceptional, had never heard of an
occurrence. The late Mr. J. Gatcombe, a keen observer at
Plymouth, knew nothing of its presence. Neither of the
Plymouth bird-stuflfers ever had one brought them ; and I
myself, though familiar with the nest, having found it on the
Thames, have searched in vain for it in every likely place
within ten or twelve miles round Plymouth. On the whole,
I venture to believe that the nesting of the reed-warbler in
Devonshire is due to a chance incursion from a stream of
migration into a district which happens, rarely enough in
this county, to present the conditions natural to its habits.
A perusal of Messrs. D'Urban and Mathew's general remarks
on the Aquatic Warblers in their Birds of Devon, p. 26, will
show to what extent this conclusion is justified.

(H. M. Evans.)

THE DISTRIBUTION OP THE RED-BACKED SHRIKE (LANIUS COLLUBIO) itf
THE aw. PENINSULA, AND NOTES ON ITS HABITS.

The red-backed shrike must be considered a scarce bird
in South Devon, where it has rarely been known to breed,
but we find it a fairly common breeding species in North
Devon, from Lynton to Hartland Point. Westwards of this,
in Cornwall, it is considered a rare visitant, and I never met
with it in the neighbourhood of Padstow. In East and
South-east Devon it breeds regularly, but in sparse numbers ;
but in the adjoining counties of Dorset and Somerset, I am
informed the species is slowly increasing in numbers.

The interest in this distinctly local distribution lies in
the fact that the north coast of Devon lies directly in the
track of a well-known line of migration taken by both
summer and winter migrants to our islands from the
continent of Europe, namely, that line from The Wash
to the Bristol Channel. Migrants making their way across
England to the Bristol Channel, in the direction indicated,
strike the north coast of our county, but find further
progress southwards barred by the Exmoor and Dartmoor

OK 8GISNTIFIC BIEMORAKDA. 53

TBnge of hills, which seem a very real barrier to birds
rSgration. ipeciaUy to such wi7h weak flighting powers
like the species under consideration.

Migrants striking our south coast usually do so farther
to the eastwards than our county. It is only when persistent
and strong east winds drive the feathered host down the
English Channel that we see the red-backed shrike in
South Devon, together with such scarce visitants to this
part as the redstart, nightingale, godwit, grey plover, knot,
eta It is an interesting fact which bears on this point,
that in the only known instance of the red-backed shrike
breeding in the South Hams, the birds did not return the
following year; for it is well known that this bird returns
year after year to its old haunts, often building its nest
a few feet from the site of the old one; indeed, one
welcomes the bird back quite as an old friend as a matter
of course.

An imaginary line drawn across the county from Ilfra-
combe to Plymouth is stated to be the limit west of which
the bird may be considered scarce. But this is an .erroneous
impres.sion ; it is only in North Devon, and that near the
coast, that this species may be described as numerous.
Probably this increase is a progressive movement of com-
paratively recent development. Nearly every combe running
up from the sea holds its pair of birds — for the boys do not
seem to recognize the bird, nor do they know its egg.

The red-backed shrike is a bird that arrests the attention
of the most casual observer, as he (I write of the male, the
female being of a more modest and retiring disposition, as
befits the sex) stands perched on a commanding twig, jerking
his tail from side to side like an angry cat, watching the
intruder's movements, ready to entice him away with a
short, easily-made flight to another twig, or to scold him
with his angry and harsh chock, chock, if he ventures too
near the nesting-place.

The nest, although a bulky structure, is not always easily
found, as it is generally placed in a thick thorn bush, low
down, or as often as not in the middle of a bramble thicket
on top of the hedge. A tjrpical nest is composed of short
pieces of stick, bits of dead bramble, moss, wool, roots, and
•lined with a little horsehair. But I once found a nest, con-
taining five %g8 of the greenish white type, composed
entirely of roots, coarser on the outside, and gradually
fining down to a beautiful lining of small roots, with no
hair whatever.

54 twenthth bbpobt of the committee

The ^gs, which are seldom commeuced to be laid before
the last week in May, are amongst the most beautiful,
and the pity is that so much of this beauty should be
lost on blowing them, which is the case with so many
eggs. Three, if not four, well-recognized types are found,
all the eggs in the same nest being of the same type,
and the same type laid by the same female year atlber
year. The ground colour varies from greenish white to
buff and pinkish salmon, the spots — ^which usually form a
zone round the broader half of the egg, rarely irregularly
distributed over the whole surface — ^varying in shade from
brown to deep red ; but another set of spots, pale lavender
in colour, which is of the same tint in nearly every egg,
coalesces with the other spots, offering a pleasing contrast
to the ground colour. In a large clutch of eggs, five or six
in number, one egg will often be found smaller than the
others, which is fertile however. This description is taken
from a series of eggs taken in the county, the first set, which
I still possess, taken when I was at school here nearly thirty
years ago.

Along the north coast of Devon this species will be found
nesting in the greatest number in the little combes running
up from the sea, preferring the neighbourhood of villages —
in the house I was staying, at I could watch two pairs
of birds, one at the back, the other in front a little distance
off, through the binoculars — and the hedges of the lanes
rather than the open fields. Here, perched on a commanding
twig or telegraph wire, with an expression of the deepest
cunning in every movement, the male may be watched
hour after hour, as he seldom strays far from the same
spot, only dropping down now and again on some luckless
beetle, mouse, or bird as they run in the grass beneath
him, and then bearing his struggling prey, if sufficiently
large, to a neighbouring thorn, on which the hapless victim is
impaled alive.

Close by one nest of a shrike I found nests also of a
robin, a yellow-hammer, and a hedge-sparrow. The robin's
nest contained young just ready to fly, and over the nest
was a bare bramble branch, a favourite stand for the male
shrike. All the young robins fell victims, as the remains
I found on neighbouring thorns testified, the feet con*
vulsively clutching the main stem of the branch they were
impaled on, showing the lingering end the poor little beggars
had met with.

Tyrant as this species is, its presence seems to cause no

ON SCIENTIFIC MEMORANDA. 55

uneasiness or alarm amongst other small birds, which may
be accounted for by the silent and sly way in which this
shrike secures its prey, dropping down on insect or bird
like a bolt from the blue, without giving a chance for
escape ere the wretched victim finds itself spitted in the
larder.

Mr. 0. V. Aplin contributes to the Ibis an excellent
account of this bird's distribution in our islands. It should
be noted that the species is exceedingly rare in Scotland and
Wales, and practically unknown in Ireland, which suggests
the explanation that its distribution depends on conditions
of climate, soil, attractive breeding haunts, and food. But
I venture to say that none of these conditions afiect the
distribution of the species in Devon ; and unless we assume
that the stream of migration has certainly been directed
in a narrow track across England, and arrested on the
north coast of Devon, I consider the problem of this
bird's distribution in the south-west peninsula still one
to be solved by the field naturalist. (E. E. S. Elliot.)

KUMISMATICAL.
ROMAN COIN AT HONITON.

Mr. Ralph Nevill exhibited a brass Roman coin.
Obverse: nero claud caesar aug gerpm

TRPIMPPP

Reverse: A seated female figure on dexter side; on
sinister side a standing female figure with a cornucopia,

ANNONA ACGD8TI CERES,

below the figures so.

The coin was found some twenty years ago by a labourer
in a lump of cob, part of a wall of Livermore Farm that
bad been pulled down.

The farm is just below St, Michael's Church, and there
are old marl pits on the road above the church, said to have
been a Roman road.

The coin was given by the labourer to Mr. Towell, of New
Street, Honiton, the present owner. (J. B. R.)

SEVENTEENTH REPORT OF

THE COMMITTEE ON DEVONSHIRE VERBAL

PROVINCIALISMS.

Seventeenth Report of the Committee — consisting of Mr, J.
S. Amenj, Mr. F. T. Elworthy (Secretary), Mr. R H.
Firthy Mr. P. Q. Karkedc, Dr. W. C. Lake, Dr. BmshfieLd,
and Mrs. J, Rose Troup — for the purpose of noting and
recording the existing use of any Verbal Provincialisms
in Devonshire^ in either tcritten or spoken language, not
included in the lists publisJicd in the Transactions of the
Association.

Edited by F. T. Elworthy.

(RMd at Honiton, August, 1S9S.)

After seventeen years of work your Committee may v^ell
be looking forward to its majority, and although the English
Dialect IHctianary will doubtless before then have completed
its task, there is still so much to be done by us, that it is
earnestly to be hoped when it issues its Tweuty-first Report
your Committee may find itself in the full vigour of man-
hood and energy.

On this occasion your Editor has ventured to imitate his
friend Dr. Murray, so far as to slightly disregard your rules,
and to issue a list of desiderata — consisting of a number of
well-known Devonshire words, of which, up to the present
time no quotations have been furnished, so as to bring them
within the limits of your Committee's work. These words,
which have been kindly furnished by Miss Helen Saunders,
are printed at the end of this Report, and it is hoped that
they will prove suggestive to many members of the Associa-
tion, 80 that before another year your Committee may be
furnished with apt and authenticated illustrations of them, and
of many more which have yet to be gleaned from the great

ON DEVONSHIRE VERBAL PROVINCIALISMS. 57

harvest of Devon Provincialisms. Attention is earnestly
directed to the " Instructions " printed in the earlier Beports.
If there should be any new member who is interested in th^
subject to whom these rules are unknown^ the Editor will
be much pleased to supply them on application.

CONTRIBUTIONS.

Each provincialism is placed within inverted commas, and
the whole contribution ends with the initials of the con-
tributor. All remarks following the initials are simply
editorial.

The full address of each contributor is given below, and
it must be fully understood that he or she is responsible
only for the statements to which his or her initials are
appended.

CONTRIBUTORS.

= p. F. S. Amery, Druid, Ashburton,

= Eev, J. S. Bums, Barnstaple.

= B. Pearse Chope, 107, Ledbury Boad,

London, W. .
= 6. M. Doe, Torrington.
= F, T. Elworthy, Wellington, Somerset.
= C. T. Ford, Oakbay, Stoke Canon.
= P. Q. Karkeek, Torquay.
= Sir F. Pollock, Bart, 48, Great Cumberland

Place, London, W.
= J. L. Warden Page, Elmfield, Totnes.
= Bev. O. Beichel, Lympstone.
- Miss Helen Saunders, South Molton,
= EL B. S. Woodhouse, Plymouth.

"A DONED UP = repaired. A poor woman, mother of a
young family, native of Highbray, having removed to a
cottage near the town, I asked her if she found the place

comfortable. She answered, * He will be when Mr. A 's

a doned 'en up, he 'as a whitewashed 'un.' Pronounced like
done or dund.— April 5th, 1898. H. S."

In this very common phrase there is a reminder of the
past and also of the present. The old and well-known
prefix to the past participle is still the rule in West Country
speech — as in a a-doned, a-stopt, etc. Although dealt with
at some length in the Fourth Beport, it may be again pointed
out that it is the survival of the Old Eng. participial prefix
ge, which is still the regular inflection for that tense in the
Mod. Germ. In speech it is one of those indefinite vowel-

VOL. XXX E

F. S. A,

S. B.

RP. C.

M. D.

T. E.

T. F.

Q.K.

L. W. P.

H.S.

H. B. S. W.

58 SEVBNTBENTH REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

sounds which may be expressed by any one of them in its
short form, and has been written with a, y^ t, u. In the
Chronicon Vilodunense of 1420 we find both a and y used
on the same page.

" Bot ]n8 lady was a angry d and a grefoydfuYi sore'*

St. 1216.

" To asJce of hym sdme help for torong J?' was to hym ydo^

St. 1214.

Other writers, as in Sir Ferumbras, use a, t, and y.

Here also in the West, in olden times, the past part, of
do was as often like the above ado, ydo, as it was idon, while
in these modem days, until recently, provincial speakers
said always ado or ado'd. It is only since the advance of
universal education (?) that the people's children have learnt
that done is the only correct past participial form of do. But
while learning the proper way to speak, they cannot forget
that they have always sounded a <£ in that tense, though they
never learnt grammar ; and so " adoned up " is an apt illustra-
tion of modern lingual development ; whereas fifty years ago
a house repaired had been " addd up** now that they have
learnt so much our young mothers say ^^ adoned** Pre-
cisely for the same reason a mother who would then have
said, " Joe, your shoes be proper aweared out," would now
say awored ovi. Or, again, instead of "Our sheep be all
asheared** we hear now ** Our sheep be all ashored** •

"Allen Summer == a late or second summer. On Septem-
ber 12th, 1897, a Hartland farmer, age about 60, remarked
to me : ' Beautiful weather, is it not ? We are having quite
an alien summer.* Shortly afterwards another farmer, age
about 70, said : " This is what they call an alien summer.*
I suppose this is really all-hallown summer* (See English
Dial, Diet,) But the word in each case was pronounced
with two syllables only, and exactly like the surname Allen.

" * Farewell, AU-hallown summer ! '
" Shakespeare, 1 Hen, IV. I. ii. 178. R. P. C."

This is as obvious a contraction as Marlin Tower or
Testing Well.

" A-STOPT = stopped. A servant girl, native of North
Molton, aged 15, said, 'Please, miss, the clock's a-stopt' —
March 31st, 1898. H. S.**

See Adoned.

" Barlet-iles = awns or beards of barley. The widow of
a yeoman, middle-aged, native of Culmstock, who had been

ON DEVONSHIRE VERBAL PROVINCIALISMS. 59

suffering from weak eyes, said, ' My eyes feel as if they were
full of barley-iles/ — Autumn of 1898.

" I find Noah Webster gives it : —

"'Ilk. 2. An ear of corn (not used) Ainsworth/
but she meant awns. H. S."

See Ile in Sixth Beport.

Webster is wrong ; it never meant an ear of com.

In the Old English Gospel of St. Luke vL 41 the word
which Wiclif and all later translators have written as moot
or mote, was written ezle or eizle, and now it has come to be
spelt ail. See ff. E. Diet.

" Birchen = breeches. See Drayshbl.

" BuTTONY-HEARTED = hard or callous — a small, hard knob.
A farm bailiff, a native of Ashburton, speaking of the field
cabbages, remarked, ' Last year's cabbage plants got buttony-
hearted, and never came to anything.' P. F. S. A."

Quite common, and very expressive.

" Churching. The following dialogue was heard at Barn-
staple, 1897: 'There ain't no churching to-night' 'Yes,
there be churching to-night' ' I say there ain't no churching
to-night,' etc.— meaning any service at church: a more
logical use of the word than that authorized by the
dictionaries, and a very convenient term. J. S. B."

"Clam or perhaps CLAMM = a narrow, wooden bridge over
the Teign, about three-quarters of a mile above Chudleigh
Bridge.— June 11th, 1898. P. Q. K."

In Somerset this is usually a clammti\

"Whan tha comst over the Clam way tha Old Hugh
Hosegood . . . whan tha wart just abuddled?" — Exmoor
Scolding, L 133.

" Clam = to maul or handle. 'Don't clam the book all
over ' — ^very common in this neighbourhood, G. M. D."

This is quite different from the meaning of clam given in
the H. E. D,, i.e., " To clutch, to grasp." Here there is dis-
tinctly the idea of soiling by the handling, conveyed in
"all over the book," and at once connects the expression
with clammy — " soft, moist, sticky."

Clam, v,, "To stick together by some viscid matter."
Forby, East ATiglian Vocdb.

Anglo-Saxon, clam, lutum ; cloemian, linere,

"Clammy, as breed is not through baken, pasteux."
Palsgrave. Allied to this is Gleymous or lymous.

ZimosuSf viscosus gltUi/nosus. Promp. Parv,

" Visquevx^ clammy, cleaving, birdlimelike." Cotgrave,

B 2

60 SBVBNTEENTH REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

"-4 damp of jecdousy hangs on my brows, and clams upon
my limbsJ' Dryden, Amphitryon^ act iii

•*Clibby. *The barley loaf was so clibby you could ait
it way a spune' — Jim Slocum, of Parracombe, to the North
Devon Herald, 31st March, 1898. .J. S. B."

Facetious dialect writing in newspapers should always be
regarded with much caution. This, however, is of course
a well-known word.

'* Collie Cows. May I bring under your notice and ask
for explanation of the following : —

"A native of Lympstone, aged twenty-four, wife of my
gardener, always speaks of ' collie cows ' [the spelling is mine]
to express cows on milk, I have never heard the phrase
before.— Nov. 18th, 1897. 0. R"

Possibly from cavl a pen — hence a cauly cow might be one
penned up at night because of her belonging to the dairy.

" Deceive [pronounced de-say ve]. The following use of the
word seems to be peculiar, differing both from the ordinary
literary use and the use given in W, S. W, B. Beferring to a
lecture I had given, a Hartland mason, age about sixty, said
to me : 'I thort there would a been more folks there. But,
bless ee ! they was desayvd, they did'n think 'twould be so
good.'— R. P. C."

The word often means merely mistaken, as in the above,
whereas ordinarily it has now become limited to the sense
of wilful deception.

"Lorenzo. Thai is the voice, or I am much deceived, of
Portia!* Merchant of Venice, act v. sc. i

"Ditch wall = a stone wall — made without mortar (?).
Letter from Jim Slocum, Parracombe, to the North Devon
Herald, December 30th, 1897: 'Wan Kursmas they waz
gwain tu zing outzide a varm ouze wat stood pun tha
knap, en down tha lawer side tha ku-ert thur waz a law
ditch wall, en inzide a steep claive.' R. P. C."

The meaning is rather that of a facing of stone walling
against a bank ; a ditch wall would not be intended to stand
alone like a "dry wall," i.e., one built without mortar. Ditch
wall would be well understood in Somerset, though the act
of making such is to dike. To dig and to dike are quite
different operations, as may be seen by the use of the word
in several passages in Piers Plowman, a 1360.

"Ac 3e myite tratcaille as trevihe wolde . . .
Diken or deluen or dyngen upon sheves"

Piers Plow., Pass. xi. 1. 141, B text.

ON DEVONSHIRE VEUBA.L PK0V1NC1ALI8M8. 61

" To deltie and dike a deop diche'*

lb., Pasa xxii 1. 365, C text

"Dole, What is it? 'Before the hedge was put up
there was a dole.' Evidence given before the lifbon magis-
trates in a dispute as to rights on Bridestowe Common and
the pulling down of a hedge. — Western Morning News, Jan.
28th, 1898. J.S.B."

This is a boundary mark, sometimes spelt Dool and Doole.

Ang.-Sax. dcdan, to divide.

Dole, merke, Meta, tramaricia, Fromp. Parv,

^'And noioe he hath pulled uppe the doolis, and seithe he wolle
maJcen a dyche ryght over the weyeJ* Paston Letters, iii. 38.

*' Dool, Dole, s., a boundary mark in an uninclosed field. It
is very often a low post ; thence called a Dool-^os^." Forby,
Vocab. of Ea^ Anglia.

See ako Halliwell, s.v. Dole — ^Dole-stone.

" Qtt into thy hopyard with plenty of poles.
Amongst those same hillocks devlde them by doles."

Tusser, Apia's husbandrie, 48/6.

•* Doxy maid ~ spruce girl — lively with a suspicion of
lightness.

"A domestic servant, a native of Ashburton, remarked that
Mrs. had a * doxy maid ' as servant. P. F. S. A."

This is a good old-fashioned word, and conveys the uotion
rather of a flirt, perhaps a little worsa The meaning is
sweetheart — though Brockett {North CaurUry Words) says it
does not bear the equivocal sense conveyed by Shakespeare
in the song in Wivier's Tale, act iv, sc. ii. :
" When daffodils begin to peer, —
With, heigh ! the doxy over the dale."

Brockett derives the word from Fr. doux-oeil.

"DBASHEL=the well-known thrashing instrument.

" The following are the names of the various parts, which
being combined make up a drashel : —

" 1. Hand stave of hazel, 3 ft. 9 in. long.

"2. Horn cable made of ram's horn fastened so as to
revolve round head of stave (and forming a loop at the end).

"3. Middle^ beam binder, made of raw horsehide, one
end of which is passed through a slit in the other, and
fastened with a wooden peg (thus forming a kind of ring).

"4 Flesh cable of wide, raw horsehide, fastened to flaQ
by a thong through holes, and very rigid. (The flesh cable
projects from the flail to form a loop, matching that on the

62 SEVENTBENTtt REK)RT OF THE COMMITTEE

'hand stave/ through both of which passes the 'middle
beam/ and so forming the double joint of the ' drashel/)

" 5. Flail made of holly, 2 ft. 7 in. long and 2 in. x 1^ in.
thick. It is slightly flattened, and the narrow sides are
made quite true, so that it may fall evenly on one or other
of these, its whole length.— May, 1898. P. F. S. A."

Though it is evident that the literary name of this
implement has always been JlaU^ it is no less evident that
in local speech that word has only represented one particular
part — on this see W. S. W. J5., pp. 209-256, etc. As further
proof of this, and that it was always so, is implicated in
the Promp. Farv., p. 165 n, where we find " S%oyngyl Jleyle,**
also **A flayle, Jlagellum, tribult^, tribulum" while below,
tribidum is given as the meaning of Swevylle — showing that
swivel was as important as fiail, inasmuch as the same word
stood for both. Curiously, too, so early as 1483 we find the
several parts had each their names, of which our modem ones
are the manifest survivals. Trihulum was the Latin for both
flail and staivel, hence for the whole implement

•* Tres tribuli partes, manuterUum, cappa, flagellum. Manvr-
tentum, a hande stalOTe ; cappa, a cape ; flagellum, a swewille,
QiLO fruges, iactantur,** — Catholicon Ariglicum, p. 133.

" Faitoures for fere her-offl^owen in-to hemes,
And flapten on with flayles f ram morwe til euen''

Piers Plowman, Pass. vL 186, B text.

"Dray8HEL= flail *I bate my birchen (breeches) way
tha drayshel, you knaw what I mean, the vlial' — Jim Slocum
to NoHh Devon Herald, 31st March, 1898. J. S. B."

It would be very interesting to know if this plural en is
still commonly used in North Devon. Rosen, shoesen, and
hoicsen, etc., are still heard in Dorset, but are not in the
Exmoor Scolding. The above birchen has every appearance
of having been called up by "Jim Slocum" out of his
literary reminiscences, a frequent pitfall of dialect writers,
where real speakers never even trip.

" Enterlain. At Barnstaple an old woman of about 70,
a native of Croyde, remarked to me, *I like a bit o* th'
enterlain/ *0f the what?' 'Oh! that's what we call
the streaky bacon.'— February, 1898. J. S. B."

This is merely the common interlean,

" Ee, £ or y (verbal termination variously represented in
the Beports). I have heard the following examples at
Barnstaple in the last twelve months: —

ON DEVONSHIRE VEKBaL I^ROVINCIALISMS. 63

** ' I was so weak I wad'n able to crawl-ee over the stall's.'
A man about 50, native of a neighbouring parish.

'* ' I was that bad I wad'n able to dust-ee.' An old woman
about 70, native of Croyde.

"'Bun on and spin-ee.' Said by a mother to her little
girl as she sent her oif with her hoop.

"A stranger to Devonshire is tempted to regard this
termination as a weakness identical with the talkee talket
terminations of Pigeon and other broken English. It should
be observed that its use is not indiscriminate. It is only
heard after intransitive verbs or transitive verbs used with-
out any definite object The woman would not have said
she could not 'dustee a table.* Nor, again, would the man
have said he was forced to go *crawleeing over the stairs!
To my mind it is one of the elegancies of the dialect, the
ee suffix representing the Devonshire equivalent of the poetic
and energetic use of the indefinite it after certain verbs —
*to lord it,' *to queen it,* or as we may hear energetically
expressed in the street, 'go it ! ' ' slip it ! ' etc. The
elegance of the Miltonian

' Come, and trip it as you go
On the light fantastic toe '

would flow naturally in Devonshire speech : —

* Come, and trip-ee as you go.* J. S. B."

This verbal inflection is treated at length in West Somerset
Grammar (Eng. Dial Soc), p. 49, and in W. S, W. B,,
p. 843; also sa>. Masony, ii., p. 464.

In Mid. Eng. it was used with both transitive and in-
transitive verbs, but in the dialects it is almost always
confined to the latter. In literature it is obsolete.

Old Dan Michel, 1340, uses it with both.

" Huet may \>e zone betere acsy to his uader: ]>an bread
vry \HnUe mxyre uor ]>ane day to endy f "

Ayeribite of Inwyt, p. 110. (Ed. Morris.)

^^ And to pouri itu sseaweres and ine hare here wel to
croki!' lb,, p. 177.

" \>ed%Lc Willam anon uo7*bed alle his,

\hU non nere so wod to robby Tie no maner harm do ]>ere"
Eobert of Gloucester, William the Conq., 1. 68.

" FegTs: the potato disease. A Hartland farmer, age about
70, gives me the following example : * The feet is got into
the tetties dreadful airly these year.' Of course, one hears,
' My tetties be 'fected dreadful bad,' but the use of feet as
a noun seems to be very peculiar. — August, 1897. jj p q «

64 SEVENTEENTH REPOBT OF THE COMMITTEE

"Floweb-nat= flower-bed. A young Highbray woman
said she had a nice fiower-nat to her cottage. — April 5tb,
1898. H.T." •

Flower-knot is the regular term for the little plot between
the cottage and the road, when the space is no more than
a few square feet.

"FRAPE^to bind or lace tight A woman, native of
Ashburton, speaking of a young woman, remarked, 'She
fraped herself so tight' P. F. S. A."

Frap is an old word meaning to bind tightly, but appears
to have been chiefly used in literature as a nautical term.

It also means to brace up a drum.

Moreover, though written frop^ it seems to have been
pronounced frape.

The correct use of the word by the Ashburton woman
is interesting, showing once more what unexpected stores
of language exist among the people.

"F&EATHING. 'Each support of the arches of Bideford

Bridge is guarded by what is locally known as a tterling or

oval bank of loose stones, which, in turn, is protected by a

freathvng or wickerwork arrangement to keep the stones in

their places.' — Western Morning News, January 10th, 1898.

J. S. B.

See Vraith, Eleventh Eeport, W. S. W. B,, 8.v. Vreath, etc.

This is another literary rendering of a dialect pronuncia-
tion. The word in literature is wreathing, in which the w is
dropped, as in luright, vmte, wrong, etc. All of these in
North Devon and West Somerset have the true old double
V sound, as above in Vreath, while the newspaper writer,
knowing that in the vulgarity of local speech /'s are turned
into v*Sy displays his education by giving the correct form.

How much injury may be done by the ignorance of those
who write in newspapers, whose knowledge and truth is so
implicitly believed in by Hodge : —

" It must be true, vor I zeed it in pimt"

"Hairy vethery (feathery), 'like a garden toad.' An
expression used by a young woman, a native of Ashburton,
learned from her mother, a Drewsteignton woman. She was
knitting a stocking, and complained that the wool was bad,
'all hairy vethery like a garden toad,' meaning rough and
loosely spun. P. F. S. A."

An expressive alliteration, but scarcely apt as a simile, for
toads are neither hairy nor feathery, but they are good pegs
on which to hang small abusives.

ON DBVONSHIBE VERBAL PROVINCIALISMS. 65

" Havage = family reputation. A retired gentleman farmer,
living a few miles north of Exeter, was speaking of a labour-
ing man, whom he described as having ' a good havage/ and
on my asking what he considered the meaning of that word
he said one of a family who bore a good character ; and this
I find to be generally considered the meaning of the word. —
January 13th, 1898. C. T. F."

This is clearly a true West-country word, for though it has
not escaped Dr. Murray (see H. E. D,), examples can only
be found in purely western prints. He gives the meaning
as "lineage, parentage," which is very different from the
above.

'^Healed or hailed = covered. A man giving evidence in
the County Court to me as to the state of a dog, said, 'It
was hedUd in dirt all over.' G. M. D."

We have had this word several times (see Sixth, Seventh,
Tenth, Twelfth Eeports), but the above use is slightly
different.

"Hoard (pronounce word), *No, sir, they got to be
worded* (hoarded). Said by a young man at Bishop's
Tawton when asked if some pears were then ripe. — Autumn,
1887. J. S.B."

See W, S. W, B., $.'9. Pixy-wording.

Apples for keeping are always called word-apples.

" Homer = nearest home. A farm labourer, a native of
Widecombe, age about 70, remarked he had finished 'the
homer bed of onions in the garden,' meaning those nearest
the gate. P. F. S. A."

It is suggested that this is merely the home bed, which
would be quite natural, like the home field, home farm, etc. ;
but the connection is unusual, and the pronunciation would
seem to the labourer to need some euphony between m and h,
therefore he inserts r, the easiest to sound.

"Hook brimble = briar or wild rose. A farm labourer,
aged 70, reared up in Widecombe parish. — April, 1897.
P. r.S.A."

*' HORNEN = made of horn (common). Letter from Jim
Slocum, Parracombe, in the North Devon Herald^ December
30th, 1897 : ' Wan ov tha zingers . . . waz oldin a omin
lantera vur tha clanynit player tu zee ees noats.' R P. C."

See W. S. W. B.

66 SEVENTBENTH REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

''H5STLING (the 0 long, as in hast). 'I goes hda'ling
market days/ i.e., doing hostler's work. Said by a young
man of Barnstaple when asked about his employment —
June, 1898. J. S. B."

This is a good example of the common custom of shorten-
ing words by dropping a syllable, especially when the
euphony is not injured — similarly the occupation of a
butcher is always hutchin^ of a farrier farrin.

See W. S, W, B., 8.v, Botching. Even in standard English
we find plumber's work is always plumbing, whereas to plumb
means something altogether different.

Comp. also hawlin for hollowing or hollerin, in Peter
Pindar. See Pillum.

'* JoSEP. At Kingsbridge an old coachman, describing the
quaint manner of a former Quaker acquaintance, quoted him
as saying, ' Josep, thee must mind to catch the train/ On
my informant driving on sharply, he was addressed : ' Josep,
dosn't thee think thee art driving very fast ? ' Later, at a
steep hill where everybody used to walk, it was, * Josep, I
pay thee to ride, and dost thee think I mean to walk ? '
—July 29th, 1897. F. T. E."

This pronunciation is the common one everywhere in the
West, when the name is not shortened into Joe.

It is an apt illustration of the well-known interchange-
ability of p. b. with V. /.

" Knap = the top of a hill ( W. S. W. B.). Letter from Jim
Slocum, Parracombe, to the North Devon Herald, December
30th, 1897 : * Wan Kursmas they waz gwain tu zing outzide
a varm ouze wat stood pun tha knap, en down tha lawer zide
tha ku-ert thur waz a law ditch wall, en inzide a steep claive.'
E. P. C."

A very old British word, found in Aug.- Saxon, Modem
Welsh, and Irish.

" Leert or LEARY = empty. A servant girl, aged 20, native
of South Molton parish, said, ' I can tell it 's breakfast time,
because I'm got leery' — ^February, 1898.

" In N. Bailey's English Dictionary I find * lere (Sax.), leer,
vain, empty, spare ; as leer-horse, a spare horse.' H. S."

See Eleventh Beport

" Lew = sheltered (rhymes with too). I was admiring a
little garden in the vUlage of Greorge Nympton, when a
farmer (middle-aged) passed and said, ' That 's a lew corner.'
—April 26th, 1898. . .

ON DBVONSUIRB VERBAL PROVlNClALtSMS. 67

" Webster gives it, ' Lew, tepid, lukewarm, pale, wan (obs.)/
'The lew side of the hedge' is a common expression in
North Devon. H. S."

See W. S. W. B.

'* So lew 's a cupboard " is a regular simile.

The antithesis of lew is fleet,

" LiBiPERN SCRIMP = the cow-parsnip ( W. S. W. B). Letter
from Jim Slocum, Parracombe, to the North Devon HereUd,
December 30th, 1897 : ' Tu laast e vailed right in auver tha
wall, en rowled down the claive, ornin lantern en all, amangst
the dyshils, en zower zabs, en limpem scrimps,* B. P. C."

** LrviBR (two syllables only) = a householder. A Hartland
farmer, age about 50, remarked: 'I've yurd tell this was
wance the beggest village in the parish. I mind myzell
when there was *lebm liviers yur.* This use of the word
seems to be slightly different from that given in the Sixth
and Eighth Reports. R. P. C."

See W. S. W. B., p. 443.

"Mbasb of herrings (Rep. and Traits, Dev. Assoc,, 1897,
p. 58). Many years ago {Eng, Illust, Mag,, Dec, 1884,
p. 159) I published my local information as to this, which
makes the number not 600 but 612, made up thus : 3 fish =
1 cast; 50 cast+1 cast for luck = 153 (a long hundred + 10
cast); 4x153 = 612.

"I cannot say for certain that the word is peculiar to
Clovelly.— January 28th, 1897. F. P."

" MuFFLE-FAGED = freckled. A farm labourer, a native of
Ashburton, age 60, remarked on May morning, that to wash
in May dew was * a cure for muffle-faced people,* for he
had tried it when a boy. P. F. S. A."

"MusiCKER^a player on a musical instrument (common).
Letter from Jim Slocum, Parracombe, to the North Devon
Herald, December 30th, 1897: 'He kep oldin tha leart
higher en higher vur tha moosicur to zee.' In this case the
*m4)osicur* was a *clarrynit player.' (See W,S, W,B.) R. P. C."

Very common.

''Nbw8Haggino== gossiping. A woman, aged about 83,
native of Rose Ash, speaking of some neighbours, said,
' They newshagging people go from houze to houze and tell
their tales.'— February 26th, 1898. H. S."

68 SBVENTEENTH REPORt 05" tHE COMMITTEE

Is this pronounced new-shagging or news-hagging ? We
presume the latter; and in that case there is perhaps a
confusion between hogging and hawking^ probably a Bttle
of both.

Hagging was a word used repeatedly by Scott (1589),
Discovery of Witchcraft, ^*He wovld spie unto what place his
wife rvent to hogging" IL iv. p. 19.

*" NiCKLEETHiES. *A final note. — Can anyone give the
derivation of the word nickleethies ? It is the island
equivalent for harvest home. In the old days, when grain
was grown extensively on the isles, it was the custom for
farmers to invite their neighbours to " nickleethies,'' t.e., to
help bring in the corn, and to participate in the subsequent
merry-makingSk Nickleethies would last for weeks ; first at
this farm, now at that, and the fun waxed fast and furious.
There is a tale told that at St. Agnes, which was famous for
its feasts, the young men amused themselves at the end
of one nickleethies by putting the horse belonging to a
morose neighbour down that neighbour's chimney. How
that horse got out, or whether it ever did get out, deponent
sayeth not. The ceremonies and feasts have passed, but the
word remains. What was its origin ? ' — * Notes from Scilly/
Western Morning News, September 15th, 1897."

" Ordained = intended. 'I ordaimd to have come on
Monday.' Spoken by a carpenter of this town. G. M. D."

This word has become absurdly limited in Modern English,
almost entirely, it may be said, to ecclesiastical technicality.
Here again the carpenter becomes a teacher to the over-taught.

The Old French ordener, from Latin ordinare, became later
ordonner. We have retained the Old French pronunciation
while changing the meaning. The French have changed the
vowel sound, but retained the meaning.

The first meaning in Modern French of ordonner is
" Mettre en un certain orrangemerU'* (Littrei). The following
prove these changes : —

*^ Al onfourtene nizt, hii hdeuede ]>er ahoute,
And conseilede of baiayle and ordeinede hor rovleJ*
1298, Robert of Gloucester, Will, the Conq., I 71.

" Of pe hous of OlastTiebureo gret ordeynour he toos.'*

lb,, Life of 8t, Dunstan, 1. 45.

^*Adam inohedyent ordaynt to blysse.'*

1360, AUiteritive Poems, " The Deluge," 1. 237.

ON DEVONSHIRE VERBAL PROVINCIAUSMS. 6^

*'PAPEREN»made of paper. May I record the use of this
word as follows^? I was in a shop at Tavistock on May 14tb,
1898, when a man of about 60 came in, and speaking to the

shopkeeper said, *Mr. , have'e got a paperen b«^ you

can let me have V H. B. S. W."

This is qiiite in accordance with the old form of true
noun adjective, now only surviving in a few literary words,
such as wooden, Jlaocen, It is quite sad to note how synthetic
our language is becoming.

Compare Hobnen.

"Pass the time of day = to greet. Having enquired
of a Southmolton woman, aged nearly 60, if she knew a
certain person, she replied, 'I just speak to her, and pass
the time of day.'— March, 1898. H. S."

See W. S. W. B.

"Pee. 'She made a pee of it,' meaning that ''she kept
"nagging" or "throwing up" the subject.' Said by the
wife of a tradesman of this town. G. M. D."

** Persuaded = advised. A police - constable, in giving
evidence before the magistrates at Great Torrington, said,
*I permadei him to go away, but he would not do so.*
G. M. D."

The policeman meant "used persuasion," and what he
said, though unusual, -does not seem to be incorrect, as
the first meaning of persuadeo in the dictionaries is to
thoroughly advise ; whereas our modem development
implies the success or acceptance of the advice given.
Uneducated speakers are constantly more strictly correct
than the highly taught

"PlCKEY-PALE= pointed. A workman, who was fixing a
small gate in my garden, suggested that it should be *pickey-
pale ' at the top. 6. M. D."

This is, of course, the old word jnck^d, or possibly picky,
the shortened form of spih/. We much incline to the
former, and that the workman shortened his word from
pickety into picky. We have the word qncMd for spotted,
and when used in . combination with the noun spickety, so
that the above phrase would be precisely analogous to " a
spicky *effer,'* i.e., a speckled heifer.

Pyked: rostrattcs,

A Pyke of A Staffe ; Cuspis, Catholicon Anglieum,

Pykyd, as a stafTe, Cuspidatus.

70 SEVENTEENTH REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

Pyke, of a stafife, or oJ?er lyke. Ctupts^ stiga.

J^romp. Parv.

"... moo \>an a thousand,

In paltokes and pyked shoes, and pisseres long knyues,
Comen aldn conscience ; with coueUyse \>ei heldenJ*

Piers Plowman, Pass. xx. 1. 218.

" He wente his way, no lenger wold he reste,
With scrip and pyked staf, y-touked hye ;
In euery hotis he gan to pore and prye^

Chaucer, Sompnoare's Tale, 1. 28.

" PiLLUM. See Eeport of 1897. I was told by a Barn-
staple medical man, in 1896, that he had heard the following
definition of this word: 'Pillum is mucksy droo'd'; per-
haps better written thus : ' Pillum is mucks a-droo'd,' mud
dried, mtuks being used as singular, as in Nathan Hogg
frequently. J. S. B."

For the original story, see Sir John Bowring in Trans. Defv,
Assoc., 1866, p. 27. There it is given correctly, * Mux a-
drowedj

" Leek bullocks sting*d by appledranes,
Currantin it about the lanes,
Vokes theese way dreav'd and that ;
Zom hooting, heavin, soalin, hawlin !
Zom in the mu^ck, and 'peUxxm g^rawlin;
Leek pancakes all zoJUU"

Peter Pindar, jRoyal Visit to Exeter, v. 3.

" EUBBEY. A labourer of Great Torrington, whilst tying a
small sapling to a stake, said: 'I must put some binding
round it, or else it '11 rubbey the tree.' 6. M. D."

We cannot but believe that our informant has omitted a
little word, and that the labourer said rubby agin, or 'pon the
tree. If the labourer actually spoke as reported there is a
distinct development going on, and the Boaid School teaching
is not only levelling our pronunciation, but is destroying
the force of our old grammatical inflections.

"RusHURE or RoosHER = a falling away of the cliff. A
leading tradesman at Budleigh Salterton said to me : 'There 's
been a big rushure of the cliff last night.' He said it was a
very common term amongst the fishermen. — Aug. 3rd, 1898.
T. N. B."

This is a new form of a very old word.

ffal has: "Ruse. To slide down a declivity with a
rustling noise, Devon."

ON DEVONSHIRE VERBAL PROVINCIALISMa 71

See RusHMENT, First Eeport Dev. Prov.

To Buse, and rusemeTit, are the very common words through-
out the West for any spontaneous slipping of earth, rock, or
similar substance.

Ang.-Sax. hredsan, to shake or tumble down, or slide.

See W. S. W. A, s. v. EusE.

" Sarvient = servant — so pronounced by country people. A

middle-aged domestic servant remarked that ' Mrs. can't

get no sarvient*

" In Totnes Corporation Accounts there is an entry, 1645,
* F*. the Governor's sarvient of Dartmouth/ etc. P. F. S. A."

This is a very common form.

Compare LrviER, ante, Barriel, Lauriel, Borier, and the
literary Hellier, Haulier, etc.

'^ Score = a weight of 20 lbs., the usual unit of weight for
com, cattle, etc. The following extract from the North
Devon Herald of November 4th, 1897, is a good example of
the method of reckoning by scores and pounds: 'Dispute
ABOUT PIGS. . . . Mr. Crosse put in a small piece of paper
containing the following entries: 8 score 7, at 8s. a score;
13 score 19, at 9s. 6d. a score.' Of course, this means 167
pounds and 279 pounds respectively. R. P. C."

A hundred is five score, a ''long hundred'' is six score.
The score in the West is matched by the stone in the North
and East, as the wholesale integer of weight for stock of all
kinds.

''SoT=8et=to let. An allotment tenant, a native of
Ashburton, who underlet a portion of his plot, when asked
about it, replied, * I sot the garden to he.' P. F. S. A."

This use of set is quite peculiar to Devon, where, es-
pecially in North Devon, it is the common form.

"Spear sticks = sticks for making spears or ^ars for
thatching (see Seventh Eeport, spear; W, S. W, R, spar;
Dial of Hartland, SPEAR). From the North Devon Herald,
December 2nd, 1897 : — * Wanted, spear sticks. State price
per bundle. " X," Herald Office, Barnstaple.' R P. C."

In Somerset these are called simply spars. See W. S, W. B,

"Succourable = sheltered. A farmer of Great Torrington
said to me, 'You'll find it more succowraile down here.'
G. M. D."

This is another archaic form — i,e,, of the active con-
struction— surviving in literature only in a very few words,
such as comfortahle, suitable, etc., and must be defined as

72 SEVENTBKNTH REPORT OF THB COMMITTEE

oJZe to sitccour, comfort, suit. Now, nearly all our words
of this class are distinctly passive in meaning : e.g,, remarkable
means able to be or capable of being remarked upon; de--
fenddble is able to be defended. The same applies to all
the numerous words now compounded with ible, which,
being from Latin through French, are all passive in signifi-
cation, such as accessible, capable of being entered, or reached,
defeasible, ostensible, etc.

Compare Fightable (Twelfth Report), used in the active
voice, and giving the meaning not only of being capable, but
of being ready.

" SUCC50URABLE = providing succour or shelter. A Hartland
farmer, age about 30, said to me, 'It's a very good little
meadow for yawning time \i.e,, the lambing season]. There 's
a succourahle 'adge all round.' (See Dial, of Hartland,)
—September, 1897. R. P. C."

"Swank. When I was a boy at Tavistock Grammar
School this word was of common occurrence. It was used
in the sense of 'bother,* 'worry,* e.g„ 'I am not going to
swank over that exercise,* 'Don't swank about that,' etc.
Many years later I came upon ' Swenjcan^ to vex, to harass,*
in Angus' English Language, and it at once struck me that
our schoolboy slang (for as such we always regarded Swank)
was an Anglo-Saxon survival. J. L. W. P."

" Tare = passion. A labourer, speaking of a woman with
whom he had had an altercation, said, ' She was in a rare
tare: G. M. D."

Very common expression. The idea is, however, tear;
leading to " tearing the things " — a not infrequent result
of conjugal squabbles, when one of the parties happens to
be " overtookt."

"Tbech = touch. 'I shid like to zee a good teech o* it,'
referring to frosty weather. A woman about 60, native of
Barnstaple,— February, 1898. J, S. B."

The above pronunciation is a development on quite
regular lines. Touch is generally pronounced titch (see
Fifth Export), and in the West short i constantly becomes
long e : pin is always peen, bit is beet, pUl is ped, etc. In
meaning the above tov^h means time or occasion. "Tou
baint gwain vor 'ave me theese titch mind," is a very usual
form of speech.

"Tin-bag. A farm bailiff, referring to a bag of manure,
remarked it was only the size of a tin-bag.

ON DEVONSHIRE VERBAL PROVINCIALISMS. 73

** A long, narrow bag, in which 3 cwt. of dressed tin-ore
was carri^ on a horse's back, about 32 in. long by 10 in.
diameter.— 1897. P. F. S. A."

It is carious to note how limited a sense the universal
word stick has here in the West. Except as a measure of
four bushels, and as a bag of a size to bold that quantity,
the term is scarcely used. Bag is a far commoner word,
and while specially expressing a certain quantity, as " bag o'
taties," it is also the word for every kind of flexible hold-all,
from game-bag and ditty-bag to wool-bag (not wool-sack,
which is the Lord Chancellor's seat) and tin-bag as above.
Even sack-cloth is haggin,

"UsEN = use. 'The 5ven han't been usened this good
bit.' A woman about 50, native of Barnstaple. — Oct. 1897.
J. S. B.

Though very unusual, there is a distinction in this word
from simply used. An idea of frequentativeness or con-
tinuous action is conveyed by this form, which is not
alluded to in H, K D. The difference is precisely the
same as between to loose and to loosen — ^very slight, yet
quite appreciable. The examples given in H. E, D, are
ail from verbs made from adjectives, as darken, deepen,
harden, etc., while no note is taken of this purely verbal
form.

" Way = with. * Way a spune.' See Clibby. ' Way tha
draysheL* See Drayshkl. — March, 1898. J. S. B."
See W. S. W. B, Nearly always so.

*' I promised thee, dear Zester Nan,
That thee shudst hear from Br ether Jan,
About the king wey speed,**

Peter Pindar, Royal Visit to Exeter, v. 1.

" But what wey zich have I to dot " Ih,, v. 7.

** Yaw = bite. *I had to ax wan ov tha men to cut the
cheese for me, twaz tu hard to yaw off.* — Jim Slocum,
Parracombe, letter to North Devon Herald, 31st March, 1898.
J. S. B."

This means to hew (always pronounced yoa or yau). A
common saying about hard cheese is : " Anybody mus' 'av' a
axe or a hook to cut it."

" Zand = sand. A farm bailiff said he would send 'a cart
after a load of zand: P. F. S. A."

This is one of the words never sounded with sharp s,

VOL. XXX. F

SEVENTEENTH REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

list of Devon words (for which illustrative sentences are
asked in accordance with the rules of the Association), by
Miss Helen Saunders.

Appledrain

Wasp.

Abide ; canH abide

Do not like.

Backaenfore

The wroDg end first.

Backsunded (said of a farm)

Situated on the north side of a

hill.

Barton

A large farm ; the manor or abbey

farm.

Btzzam

Broom (a plant).

Beat or bait

Peat, turf

Barm or burm .

Yeast.

Brandts

A trivet.

Brandise comer

A three-cross road.

Bare-ridged (g soft)

Without a saddle.

Bliddy-ioaryera .

Wallflowers.

Catdk or calk .

To roughen a horse's shoe.

Cave

A thatched pit for potatoes.

Cavel piece

A beam across a chimney on which

kettles are hung.

Clider

Cleavers (a plant).

Clapper

A slight wooden bridge.

Combe

. . A vidley.

Croumer

Coroner.

Daps, " The very daps of hi«

father "

Likeness in habits, etc.

Dashel

. Thistle (a plant).

Dolwin

. Yeast

Drangtvay

A narrow passage between houses

or walls.

Drapper

A wooden pan.

Eirish

. Stubble.

Fuz or tni2

Furze (a plant).

Furzypig oi fussy pig

A hedgehog.

Gapes nesting .

Stariog about.

Giglots

Young people at a giglots' market

Glint

To look, to glance.

Gurt or girt

Great

Gruels

Refuse of lard.

Hange {g soft) .

The pluck of an animal.

Haymow

A haycock.

Havage

Stock, race, or family.

Hedge-bed

A ditch or gutter.

ON DETONSHIRE YERBAL PROVINCIALISMS.

Hitch up

. To haDg up.

Humman

. A woman.

Huffling wind .

Howling wind.

Htdms

Husks of peas, etc.

Hurtleherry^ eartleberry^ wu

rfe,

or erU

. Whortlebury.

Joram

A large quantity.

Keeve

Tub or vat

Knee-knapped .

Bow-legged.

Learnahle

. Teachable.

Lew side

The sheltered side.

Lime ash

Flooring composed of lime, sand,

and ashes.

Maskles

Caterpillars.

Makewise

To sham or pretend.

Masts or masks .

. Acorns.

Mazzard

A kind of cherry.

Mort

Lard or fat

Mutch 'n dotcn .

Caress a restive animaL

Mooty-hearted .

Tender-hearted; one who easily

sheds tears.

Nestledraft or nessledra/t

The smallest or weakest of a

family ; said also of animals.

Niddiek

. The nape of the neck.

Older ing away .

Gretting old, showing age.

Overlooked

. Bewitched.

Owdrey

Overcast, cloudy.

PiUum

Dust of roads, etc

Pestle-pie

A large pie formerly made for

revels, etc

Pinickin

Delicate (said of children).

Pixy

. A kind of fairy.

Planches

. Planks of a floor.

Pook

. A hay cock.

Purl or pearl ,

An upset

Quarriel

A pane of glass.

Heaping the ground

Said of a long dress.

Rare sight of .

. A large quantity.

Bound shaving .

A reprimand.

Ruzement

A small landslip.

Rummage

Rubbish, nonsense.

ShiUard

Shilling's worth.

Sherds

Broken pottery.

Skiver

A skewer.

DBVONSHIRB VERBAL PROTIKCIALISMS.

Sperrywigs

Pixies.

Slat wood

To split wood.

Sluzee

To slide down.

Squab-pie

Made of meat, onions, apples, etc.

Steeliopping

Gossiping.

Stroil

Couch grass.

Sauce

Pour water, etc., violently.

Stogged

Stuck in mud.

Sugar toast

Cake toasted and covered with

sugar and cider, formerly used

at christenings.

Skinter

• •

An animal that does not thrive.

Skittle little rogue

• •

Said of a pony that shies.

Skummers

• •

Mess, dirty marks.

A mistress

asked her

maid why she wrote her letter

upstairs. She replied, **

Because I do not like to make

skammers on

kitchen table."

Teen

• •

To change (said of the moon).

Thickf thicky

That.

Tifles

Threads, ravellings.

Tinner

A funnel.

Tino-hy

Not that I know.

Varding

A farthing.

Yokes

Folk.

Viema

Ferns (plants).

Vuz

Furze (a plant).

Wets

Oats.

Zettle^ settle

A wooden screen with a seat.

Zin

The sun, also son.

Zummat

Something.

The following

expressionE

\ are frequently used in North

Devon : —

In f other house

• •

In another room.

*Tis much

• «

It is strange.

To-night

• •

For last night.

Ain date

• •

To throw something at one.

A chest of pair of drawers .

A chest of drawers.

Crive or pass the time of day .

To say **good morning," etc.

The both

• •

Both.

Broth. Such as "Will you
have a few broth. They
are very good"

Coming yark over

Hovered up with cold

Broth is used in the plural.
Getting the upper hand.

IVENTEENXa RBPOKT.

LAKE HEAD

f</STVA£Af

Fi«- 2.
.Flint Kiiire, Lake Head KJGtva

Bakrow Cohmittke.

Lake Hkad Kiutvabn.
Flint Knives and Scrai«ra.

FrAgnients cif I'ottt'ry.

SEVENTEENTH EEPORT OF THE BARROW

COMMITTEE.

Seventeenth Report of iht Committee, consisting of Mr. P.
F, S. Amery^ Rev. S. Baring-Gould, Dr, Brushfield,
Mr. R. Bumard, Mr. P. 0. Hutchinson, Mr, J. Brooking
Rowe, and Mr. R. Hansford Worth, appointed to collect
and record facts relating to Barrows in Devonshire, and
to take steps, where possible, for their investigation.

Edited by R. H. Worth, Hon. Secretary.
(RMd at Honiton, Aogtut, 1898.)

Your Committee presents but a short report this year.
The most noteworthy feature is, that from the results ob-
tained in exploring the kistvaen at Lake Head Hill it
may be gathered that many kistvaens hitherto passed over
as having been previously rifled will well repay investigation.

This is being systematically taken in hand by the Com-
mittee at various parts of Dartmoor, and results of some
value have already been obtained. Inasmuch however as
no one district has yet been completely investigated, these
results are held over until next year.

Your Committee is endeavouring to collect information
as to the existence of unopened barrows, and as to the
results known to have been obtained from such barrows
as have been opened within living memory. A short re-
port from one district is given herewith as an example of
the nature and character of the information desired.

EXPLORATION OF A KISTVAEN ON LAKE HEAD HILL,

POSTBRIDGE.

There is a small kistvaen on that part of Lake Head
Hill which is included in sheet 99 S.W. 6-inch survey.
It is not shown in any of the sheets hitherto published,
but will be included in future editions. The accompany-

78 SEVENTEENTH REPORT OF THE BARROW COMMITTEE.

iDg plan illustrates construction and conveys dimensions.
This small kist stands like a box, with about half its
height showing above the surface of the ground. Its
extreme depth is 2 feet. The cover -stone has been
removed. (Plate I. fig. 1.) No trace of a surrounding circle
is visible, but there are slight remains of the once existing
barrow. It had been opened at some unknown period, but
as there seemed to be a good deal of undisturbed soil im-
mediately contiguous to the inside walls, I determined to
clear it out and subject the interior to a close search.

The result was very gratifying, for no less than three
flint knives and three scrapers of the same material were
found packed in close against the S.S.R end stone of the
kist. (See illustration, Plate I. fig. 2, and Plate II.) The
scrapers are apparently quite unused, and are very fine
specimens. One of the knives by its shape suggests the
idea of a spear-head. It may however be safer to include
it in the knife class.

In addition to these implements about thirty small pot-
sherds were found representing two vessels, one evidently
being a large urn, and the other a small food vase. The
pottery is of the usual type, and the vessels were hand-made.

The small specimen was considerably ornamented, judging
from a portion of the rim which is herein illustrated. (Plate II.)

Some wood charcoal was found, but no tiace of bones
or bone-ash.

When originally rifled the kist was not entirely cleared
out around the sides, so that the flint implements were
not discovered.

The urns were probably broken up, leaving some of the
sherds in the bottom of the kist

The small heap of debris which either came from the
interior of the kist or formed part of the barrow was
carefully examined, but nothing was found.

The large urn evidently held the cremated remains, and
the small example the ofiering of food. The interment
indicates the late Neolithic and early Bronze Age — the same
period as the hut circles which have been explored by the
Dartmoor Exploration Committee. (Robert Burnakd.)

Lew Trenchard. — Galford Down, a dilapidated and un-
opened cairn.

Maristaw, — Middle Eaddon, a large tumulus at apex of
hill, much defaced and trampled by cattle, unopened,
on the property of J. Tremayne, Esq.

SEVENTEENTH REPORT OF THE BARROW COMMITTEE. 79

Lydford. — Gallows Hill, a fine tumulus, unopened.

Exboume, — A large tumulus, unopened, on the property
of J. S. Tattershall, Esq., Court Barton.

Okehampton, near "Eoman Eoad," two or more cairns
unopened, on the property of Mrs. Trevor Roper.

Bridestowe. — O. S. IxxxviiL N.W., beside road from
Bridestowe to station, on left side in field opposite guide
post, and where marked 722, a barrow so ploughed down
that it would not be noticed, but that it is indicated on
an early 16th century map of the Bidlake Estate, in
possession of Sev. J. B. WoUacombe, as Crossheath
Burrow, and drawn on it. Crossheath, so called on the
same map, has 2 crosses indicated as then standing, where
is now Leawood plantation. Crossheath Farm, now in ruins,
is now set on 0. S. as Cocksheath. (S. BxRiNG-GtoULD.)

SIXTEENTH REPORT (THIRD SERIES) OF
THE COMMITTEE ON THE CLIMATE OF DEVON.

Sixteenth Report of the Committee — consisting of Mr, James
Hamlyn, J.p. (Chairman), Mr, P. F. S. Amery, j.p.,
Mr, W, Ingham, C.E., and Mr, A, Chandler, f.rmet.soc.
(Secretary) — to collect and tabulate trustworthy and
comparaUe observations on the climate of Devon.

Edited by Alfred Chandler, F.R.Met.Soc., Honorary Secretary.

(Read at Honiton, August, 1898.)

The Annual Report of the Meteorological Observations taken
during the year 1897 throughout the County of Devon is
here presented by your Committee, in which are given care-
fully prepared monthly tables, with a summary for the year,
of Rainfall, Temperature, Humidity, Cloud, and Sunshine.

All the observations are taken simultaneously daily at
9 a.m., local time, with the exception of Salcombe (Prawle
Point) which, being a Station of the Meteorological Office,
reads at 8 a.m.

A new Rainfall Station has this year been established,
through the kindness of Mr. J. R. T. Kingwell, at South
Brent. The observations taken so long at the Athenseum,
Barnstaple, are here given for the first time, and also the
important Rainfall Stations at the large Reservoirs of Totti-
ford and Head Weir.

Much care has been exercised to make all the observations
comparable, and as accurate and trustworthy as possible
for future reference; and at all the Stations only Kew
certificated instruments are in use, and the readings have
the instrumental errors applied for correction.

The special thanks of your Committee are due to the
Observers, whose names are here given, for their voluntary

OBSKKVATIONS ON THE CLIMATE OF DEVON. 81

work 80 exceUently done daring the past year. The height
of the Station above mean sea-level is given also in this list

It has not been possible np to the present to carry out the
nsefol suggestion of Mr. Cuthbert Peek, of Bousdon Obser-
vatory, with regard to the Agri-Meteorological returns from
about five selected districts of the County of Devon.

Mr. Peek's plan consists in placing in parallel columns,
with plus or minus signs, the annual average results of
cereal, root, hay and straw, fruit and potato crops, with the
annual average records of Sunshine, Bainfall, and Tempera-
ture of the several districts into which the County is divided.

These districts would be, as far as it was possible, placed
under North, South, East, West, and Central Divisions, and
again into Corn-growing, Grass-growing, and Moor or High-
land Districts.

The records might be well worth working up and printing
for future reference.

It is first necessary, however, to obtain some Meteorological
mean data upon which to work.

For example, it is required to know what is the average
Sunshine, Bainfall, and Temperature of the different districts,
and no average can be properly stated which is not based
at least on ten years' accurate work with certificated
instruments.

If it could be possible — and your Committee think it is —
to make an Agri-Meteorological Map of the County of
Devon, showing the Corn and Grass Districts and the Moor-
lands separately, with their average amount of annual
Sunshine, Bainfall, and Mean Temperature, the results when
published in the Transactions of the Society would be of
undoubted practical use in the futura With this map
before us it might then be profitable to give an analysis
of the figures so carefully and with so much labour brought
together in a comparative form in, these tables for many
years past.

Successful Agriculture, as well as her allied sister. Horti-
culture, are both so dependent upon Meteorological conditions,
that to know what these local conditions are, and how best
to use them for the service of man, is a subject well worth
the highest and most careful work and study.

Your Committee desire to call the attention of all the
members of this Association, as well as the public generally,
to the very great importance of using their solicitous in-
fluence to preserve carefully and to have maintained in situ
all Ordnance Survey Marks, and also all Storm and Flood

OBSERVATIONS ON THE CLIMATE OF DEVON.

Marks, which are of such great use to Meteorologists in their
work.

It is unfortunate that some of the measured arrow marks
of the Ordnance Survey are placed in such precarious
positions as kerb stones, old walls, etc.; they should be
fixed on small pedestals having deep and wide bases, which
will not sink or bend; but if kerb stones are moved or
old walls taken down, which bear on their faces these
important signs, then it should be seen to that they are
very carefully replaced in sitxL

The particulars of the Stations with their approximate
heights and the names of the Observers are as follows : —

BTATIOH. ILSTATIOir (feet). OBSBBYKR.

Ashburton ^ Druid) 584 ... P. F. S. Amery, j.p.

Barnstaple (Athenaeum)

... 25

Buckfastleigh 250

CuUompton 202

Head Weir (Plymouth Water-
shed) 690

Holne (vicarage) 650

Ilfracombe 20

Newton Abbot (Teignbridge

House) 27

Plymouth 116

Prlncetown (H.M. Prison) 1359
Rousdon (The Observatory) ... 516

Salcombe (Prawle Point) ... 332

Sidmouth (Sidmount) ... 186

South Brent (Qreat Aish) ... 500
Southmolton (Castle Hill
School) ... ... ... 363

Tavistock ^Rose Villa) ... 392

Teignmoutn 70

Tottiford (Torquay Water-
shed) 718

Torquay (Gary Green) ... 12
„ (Chapel Hill Obser-
vatory) 286

Woolacombe Bay

Thomas Wainwright

James Hamlyn, j.p.

T. Turner, j.p., f.r.Mbt.Soo.

Edward Sandeman, o.E.
Rev. J. Gill, M.A,
M, W. Tattam.

F. H. Plumptree, j.p.

H. Victor Prigg, A.M.I.O.E.

W. Marriott, F.R.MET.Soa

C. E. Peek, m.a., j.p., f.r.a.8.,

P.R.Mbt.Soc.

R. H. Scott, M.A., F.R.&,
F.R.Mrr.Soo.

W. T. Radford, M.D., F.R.A.&,

F.R.MtT.8oo.

Miss Kingwell.

W. H. Reeve.

E. E. Glyde, f.r Mbt.soo.

W. C. Lake, m.d.

William Ingham, c.B.
Charles Shapley, F.R.MBT.Soa

Alfred Chandler, P.R.M*r.8oo.

60 ... Edward Henshcdl, a.m.i.o.e.

James Hamlyn, J.P., Chairman.

Alfred Chandler, F.RMet.Soc, Secretary.

OBSIKVATIONS ON THB CLIMATE OF DEVON.

JANUARY.

STATIONS.

RAINFALL.

ft*

TEMPERATURE IN SCREEN.

MBAMa.

XXTBBMES.

a
S

•

o
•-*

•

S-o

•a
1

-§

•s

•**

9
00

Alhbarton .
Bftnistapla
Baek^Ueigh .
Oaliompton
Hewl Weir Res. .
Holne

IHnoombe.
Newton Abbot .
Pljmoatii .
Princetown
Rcmdon Obaerv.
8aloombe(8a.ni.)
Sdmoath .
^Totii Brent
^jQthmolton
Tanitock .
Teignmouth
Tootf ord Res. .
Torquay (C. G.) .
Torquay (C. H.).
Wooiaoombe Bay

in.

deg.

4.12

I.OI

36.7

34.0

42.0

38.0

2 22

.40

38.4

34.3

42.6

38.48

4 47

.97

36.4

32.1

42.2

37.1

2.56

.62

36.9

31.6

41.4

365

4.62

• • •

4.09

.66

• • •

• • ■

1.85

.44

40.4

37.2

43.5

40.3

2.79

.90

• • •

3 29

.61

38.9

34.9

43.0

38.9

5 39

1. 10

32.6

30.0

37.4

33.7

2.58

.57

35.7

33 «

40.2

367

2.58

.65

37.3

34.5

42.7

38.6

2.58

37.4

33.8

41.6

37.7

4.80

• • •

2.19

.34

35.98

41.09

31.59

36.34

380

.62

36.8

32.3

42.1

37.2

2.76

• • •

• « •

.3.47

.84

• • •

2.48

.73

38.3

34.9

430

39.0

2.57

.66

37.3

33.4

40.9

37.2

1.74

.30

39.1

36.5

42.5

39.5

deg.
23.8
21.0
18.5
18. 1

29.2

• • •

24.5
19.9

23.4
240

23.8

• • •

16.9
19.5
234

• • •

24.0
23.0
29.0

deg.

52.5
50.0

50.9
47.9

50.5

• • •

49.9
48.0

47.4
49.0
508

48.8
50.6

48.3

• • •

50.1
48.8
49.6

• • •

7.2
7.2
6.4
7.5

hrs. m.

• t •

• • •

51" 0

• • 1

• • (

• • <

• • •

7.0

• • •

9 • *

• • •

85
98

94
90

• • •

6.8

74
6.8

7.4
7.2

53 35
74 3
58*15

20.
29.

• • a

• • 1

0
0

• • •

7.0
6.2

• • t

• • •

• • 1

• • •

6.9

7.5
6.0

59*55
60 50

• • )

• • 4

• •

• • •

t • •

• • •

12
II

FEBRUARY.

Ashboiton .
Btmstaple
Backtastleigh
Callompton
Head Weir Res.
Ilolne

Ilfncombe.
Newton Abbot
Plymouth .
Princetown
Romdon Observ
S«]combe(8a.m.
8idinooth .
South Brent
Boathmolton
Tafistock .
Teignmouth
Tottiford Res.
Torquay (C. G.)
Torquay (C. H. )
Wookacombe Bay

3.26

.84

452

42.1

50.4

462

31.8

57.1

8.8

• ••

• • t

6.37

I. II

45.4

41.2

49.6

45.4

31.0

54.0

• • t

• • •

4.22

•93

46.0

40.8

5'.3

46.0

30.9

56.5

8.6

• • •

4.14

.84

45.2

41.4

50.7

46.05

30.8

57.2

• • •

9.1

40 10

• • •

5.92

• • •

• t •

3.76

.93

• • •

6.37

1.09

46.8

43.6

490

46.3

38.0

52.3

• • •

2.91

.77

• • •

• • t

• • •

4.06

.85

46.3

42.9

49.8

46.3

33-0

55.0

8.5

39 29

140

8.72

>.3o

40.4

38.0

446

4».3

31.8

47.8

8.9

• • •

4.04

1.05

43 5

41.0

47.8

44.4

33.3

53 9

9.0

43 6

16.0

)

4.37

«9

.93

45.0

42.0

48.1

45.1

34.0

52.0

8.6

• • •

3-9^

I.OO

45.1

41.5

49.8

45.6

32.6

55.4

8.9

42 0

• • •

6.40

1.26

t • •

• • •

...

• ■ •

• • •

6.86

[.II

4372

49.09

40.20

44.64

31.0

53.3

8.0

• • •

5.50

I.OO

45.2

41.7

49.9

45.8

30.2

53.7

8.4

• • •

3.46

.88

• • •

35.6

56.9

• • •

391

«9

I.OI

• • •

2.98

.79

46.2

427

50.4

46.6

35.0

56.4

7.8

• • •

3.04

.88

45.4

42.0

49.5

45.8

33.3

55-3

8.4

52 0

18.8

5.54

1.05

46.0

43.0

49.0

46.0

36.0

52.2

8.0

20 0

...

• • •

OBSERVATIONS ON THE CLIMATE OF DEVON.

. MARCH.

STATIONS.

■» A t1_

k.V> .

r «

TEMPERATURE IN

SCREEN.

•

m 5

RAlj^fjiXiLt.

MEANS.

KXTREXES.

•

a
a

0
00

Amount.
Inches.

Greatest
Falls.

Temperat.
9 a.m.

•a

a
B

"a
do

Ashbuiton .
Barnstaple
Buckfastleigh
Ciillonipton
Head Weir Res.
Uolne
Ilfracombe .
Newton Abbot
Plymouth .
Princetown
Rousdon Observ
Sa]combe(8a.m.)
Sidmouth .
South Brent
SoutbmoItoD
Tavistock .
Teignmouth
Tottiford Res.
Torquay (C. G.)
Torquay (C. H.)
Woolaoombe Bay

ID.

7.02

398
8.28

4.53
7.27

7.08

4.88

5.48

^.22

839
4.49
4.90
4.67

7.71
4.63
5.85
427
6. 1 1
5.89
5.04
3.51

23
22

• • •

23
21

27
22

25
19
28

27
18

20
18
21

ID.
I.7I
.70

1.68
.77

• • •

>-59
1.29,

.94

.83,
1.30

.83
.98

.79

«-3«

.83
1.07

1.40
1.52

.95
.53

deg.

4S-9
46.2

47.7
40.5

47.9

• • •

47.0

39.2
44.0

44-6
46.4

• • •

44.34
45-3

47.1

45.7
46.4

deg.

brs. m.

40.1

52.2

46.1

33 9

60.6

6.6

• • •

41.6

50.9

46.2

60.0

32.0

6.8

• ••

« • •

40.5

527

46.6

29.5

59.5

5.8

• • •

39-9

• • •

52.6

• • •

58.95

• • •

30.6

• • •

59.9

• • •

7.7

• • •

>«3 15

• • •

• ■ •

• • •

43.0

• • •

508

• • •

46.9

• • •

37.0

• • •

61.3

• • •

8.0

• • •

• ••

• • •

41.4

• • •

50.7

• • •

46.0

• • •

34.0

• • •

57.1

• • •

7.8

• • •

102 44

28.0

36.1

45.0

40.6

29.0

51.0

7-9

• • •

40.0

48.9

44.4

33-3

56.9

7.0

127 27

35.0

40.6

48.7

44.7

33.0

52.0

7.4

• • •

40.7

51.6

46.1

32.3

57.5

7.5

133 15

• • •

50.17

• • •

3^05

• • •

44.61

• • •

30.9

• • •

60.4

• • •

7.0

• • •

39.7

50.9

45.3

32.5

56.5

7.7

• • •

• • «

34^8

61.0

• • •

41.9

• • •

51.4

• • •

46.7

• • •

35.0

• • •

58.6

• • •

• • t

6.1

• • •

• ■ •

40.5

51.3

45.9

31.7

57.9

7.2

136 50

376

42.2

49.9

46.0

34.0

60.2

7.0

78 SO

• • •

• •

APRIL.

Ashburton .
B^rnAtapIe
Buckfastleigh .
Gullomptou
Head Weir Res. .
Holne
Ilfracombe
Newton Abbot .
Plymouth .
Princetown
Rousdon Observ.
Salcombe(8a.m.)
Sidmouth .
South Brent
Southmolton
Tavistock .
Teignmouth
Tottiford Res. .
Torquay (C. G.) .
Torquay (C.n.).
Woolacombe Bay

5-34

3.73
6 70

3.29

5.13
6.01

4,64

4.02

5.04

6.06

3.66

4.44
3.62

7.01

438
376
4.05
5.50

3.98
392
371

23
21

• • •

24
20

24
21

26
22

24
22

23
20

23
21

.80

.76
.86

.55

• • •

.72

.61

1.03

.71
.90

.56
.90

.67
.87
.83

.51
1.47
i.oo
1.26
1. 18

.73

46. 5

47.9
48.4
47.8

48.2

48*3
40.3
45.2
46.1

47.2

• • •

45-39
47.3

48.3
46.3
47.5

41.1
42.2
41.2
40.7

43-5

• • •

41.6
37.0
39.8

41.5
32.5

• • •

5i.«5
39.8

42.7
41.4
42.6

52.9

53-7
538

54.1

51.8

• • •

52.2
46.9
501
50.8
64.6

47.0

47-9

47.5
47.4

47.6

• • •

46.9
41.9

450
46.2

46.8

39 39 45-62

53.2

52.3
51.9
52.2

46.5

47.5
46.7

47.4

33.8

33-0
29.0

30.3

340

• • •

34.0
29.8

31.9
32.0

32.S

• • •

29.0
30.6

34.3

• • •

34.3
33-3
33-6

64.3
66.0

67.5
67.8

83
79

61.3 83

• • • • • •

60.0 81

60.8 qo

61.6 83

61.0 92

64.6 81

• • •

66 I
66.4

63.7

85
81

59-9 79
635 I 84
62.2 I 80

7.8
6.9
7.7
7.5

7.0

• • •

7.3
7.7
7.3
7-7
7.4

• • •

7.0
7.0

7-4

7.3
6.0

• • • I 9 i

136 20

124 38
148*52

• • •

142 15

139 35
III 30

30.0

■ • •

36.0

• • •

• « •

34.0

4
9

OBSERVATIONS ON THE CLIMATE OF DEVON.

MAY.

RAINFALL.

TEMPERATURE IN SCREEN.

mm*

•

MBAHS.

EXTREMIS.

STATIONS.

Amount.
Inches.

Greatest

Falls.

•
OB

a
S
"a

•

0
a

Per cenfi
Actaal of P<

a
do

in.

deg.

hrs. ni.

Ashburton

1.96

.41

53.8

44.6

60.4

52.5

37.6

72.7

6.0

...

• • •

Barnstaple

1.62

.32

52.2

45.0

59.2

52.1

3i.o

73.0

5-4

.. •

• • •

Backiastleigh .

2.06

.33

55.3

42.9

61.6

52.5

32.0

73^5

5.8

...

• • •

• ■ •

OiUompton
Head Weir Res. .

1. 41

•3>

52.9

42.5

61.0

52.25

34.0

74.1

• • •

6.3

211 0

• • •

2.59

• ■ •

• • •

Hdoe

2.23

•59

• • •

Il&aconibe

1.50

•42

52.3

47 3

57^5

52.4

39.7

69.0

5.5

• • •

Nevtcm Abbot .

1.99

.66

• ■ •

• • •

• « •

• • •

Plymouth .

1.68

.45

54.0

46.7

58.3

52.5

36.5

72.7

5-4

259 25

FiTiicctown

329

.95

45.6

40.8

53 •«

46.9

32.8

62.8

5-3

• • •

■ • •

• • •

Rooadon Obaerv.

1.46

.27

49.8

42.9

57^5

50.2

34.0

71.3

5-9

226 24

.Salcombe(8a.ni.)

1.82

«3

.35

50.8

44.4

57-4

50.9

36.0

68.0

5.9

• • •

Mdmonth .

1.43

.23

52.9

35-0

74^3

51.5

35-0

74.3

6.0

232 45

• • •

South Brent

2.45

.58

• • •

■ • •

« • •

• • •

Soothmolton

2.14

.39

51.08

57.90

42.09

49.99

32.7

70.0

6.0

• • •

Tavistock .

2.19

.48

52.3

43-2

60.2

51^7

32.5

73.8

5.8

• « •

• • ■

• • •

Teignmouth

1.86

.3»

• • •

37.4

74.1

• • •

Tottiiord Res. .

1.46

.42

• • •

* • •

• • •

•• •

• • «

• • •

ToraoaT (C. Q.) .

1.68

.36

53^ 2

45.6

58.9

52.3

37.0

70.4

5-4

• • •

Torqaay (C. H.).
WooJaoombe Bay

1.54

•34

5>9

440

59.6

51.8

36.0

70.5

6.0

247 30

49.4

1. 16

.23

52.4

46.9

57.6

52.2

40.4

71.2

4.0

206 20

• • •

. JUNE.

Ashbnrton
Bamstaple
Bocklastldgh .
OoHompton
Head Weir Res. .
Hobe

Ilfraoombe .
Newton Abbot .
Plymouth .
Piinoetown
Roiwlon Obsenr.
Silcombe(8a.m.)
Sidmoath .
South Brent
Soathmolton
Taviatock .
Teignmouth
Tottilord Res. .
Torquay (C. G.) .
Torquay (0. H. ) .
Woolacombe Bay

2.97
1.92

3.76
2.50

3.05

353
1.89

2.94

1.77

4.59

3-47
2.82

2.48

4-24

2.69

2.18

2.44

3.09
2.64

3-43
1.98

15
12

9
II

15
13

9
10

1.31

•55
1.38

•95

• • •

1.20

•55
1.25

.63
1.25

1.26

.72

.76
1.25

.73
.71
.90

>.35
.91

1.62

.90

61.4
59.6
64.0
63.1

60.1

• • •

62.7

55-9
58.8

59.0

61.3

• • •

59.67
61.3

61.9
60.7
59.6

532
52.6

51.9
51.9

54.8

• • •

538

50.0

52.3

53.1
52.6

• • •

66.52
51.4

54.1
52.6

53.8

67.4
66.5
69.5

69.3

64.8

• • •

66.0
62.1

63.7
63.8
65.9

• • •

50.19
68.1

66.1
67.0
64.4

59.8

59.5
60.7

60.6

598

• • •

59-9
56.1

58.0

58.5

59.2

« • •

58.35
59.8

60.1
59.8

591

45-4
44.0

42.0
43.3

49.5

• • •

47.0
41.8
44.0

45.0
43-9

• • •

39.9
43.2
45.2

• • •

47.0

44.7
47.8

78.8

79.0

79.9
80.2

78.8

• • •

74.8

72.9
77.0
76.0

78.5

• • •

77.9
78.6

751

• ■ •

77.0

79-7
77.0

77
76
72

• • •

85
89

• • •

75
84
82

5.4
6.9
5.6
6.2

5-4

• • •

6.1
6.6

6.5
6.4

6.4

• • •

7.0
6.0

50
6.1
5.0

198 25

239 44

« • •

202 6

• • •

199 o

239 10
161 30

50.0

• • •

41.0

49.2

...

I
3

■ •

2
3

OBSERVATIONS ON TOE CLIMATE OP DKVOS.

TEMPEttATURK IN SCREEN.

BAIHPALL.

•i'S

5
1

7
i

BTATI0N8.

Is,

s l&

ID.

iD. 1 ilea- di'K. : dug, 1 deii-

d.g. 1 deg.

^«

hr..nn. %

Aibburtoo.

3-61

14 i.4oU7-8'4J-8 5J.4 4S.1

34.9! 599

92 8.7

BuniUple

1.24

.68:474 41.1 537147.4

28.0

63.0

KO;7-6

Biickfutleigh .

3-74

I-3S 489

4^.8 53 0 1 479

29-5

60.9

83)8.9

He«i*eitIUi.

1S9

.26 46.5

40.2 S2.8

46.5

19.5

6..5

... 8.7

41 SS

3.10

...

Holne

4-38

1.42 ...

...

a- 77

.75 50.6

46.0

54.'7

io.3

3i"8

eiis

8: 6.9

Newton Abbot

i.SS

.63* ...

...

Plymouth .

1.94

.46; 49.4

■M'3

53'*

48' 7

33. ■

60.0

88 8,0 49 14

19.0

5.30

1.90

43.1

38. g 47.7

4)-3

3:.8

S3-9

94,9.3 ■-". ,

Rouadon ObMTv

.81

■'9

46.1

42.2,51.1

46.7

31,6

57.4

94 1 7 9 65 a6

iS,o

1.78

■50

49.2

45 '

53-3

49.2

37.0

60.0

93 : 7.6

Sidmouth .

109

48.2

42.4

53-7

48.0

30.3

61.0

90 7.9

51 'S

South Brent

3.J6

SouthruoltoD

3.01

.61

4S-»7

52.42

39.0'?

45.75

26.8

6t.o

7-0

T»»i«tock .

3*9

1.23

48,1

40.6

S3-4

47.0

19-3

61.S

7.3

Teignmouth

34-6

59 4

TottifordEM.

2.17

.67

Torqiiaj (C. G.)

i.ij

■24

50.0

45.3

S3-4

49.4

34.0

fe'3

S-3

Torquaj {C. H.)

1.30

.19

48.4

43-9

SJ.i

4li.o

346

599

8.9 33 SS

Woolacombe Ba;

2.03

»3

■SO

49.6

44.3

S4.0

49- J

3S-8

63.0

7.0

49 50

■3

AihburtoD .
B&rnitaple
Buckfastleigh
Cultomptun
Head Weir Res.

Jlf racombe .
Newton Abbot
Plymonth .
Princebiwn
RoQidon ObMrv
8a1coinbe(8K.in.
Sidmouth .
Soath Brent
Southmolton
Tavittock .
Teignmouth
Toltiford Rea.
Torquay (C. Q.)
Torquay (C.H.)
Wuolacoube B<iy

43-6

39.7

49-4

44-S

31.1

S7.6

6.9

44-4

39.6

49-1

44-3

28.0

58.0

6-5

42.6

37-3

49-7

43-5

*3-o

S8.S

7.0

41-6

36.4

48.9

42.65

2&.3

'1-'

6.6

71'

46.4

42-7

s'o.J

46-4

33.3

S9-0

6.'5

;;

45-9

40.0

50-4

45-2

29.2

5^-7

6.6

34-0

390

35- 5

44.7

40.1

2S.4

54-8

7.9

43-1

39.0

47-7

43 3

27.4

SS.'

6.9

91'

»s

38.0

4S-8

41.3

49-8

4S.6

30.0

S6.o

6.9

44-8

39.7

'^' ":^

*7.5

56.5

7-3

76 15

...

41.63

48.35
37-6

37- '4 42 74

26.'9

"■3

7.0

43 S

49.6 43.6

V.5

57.8

6.1

30.0

S8.7

46!6

4;."8

50.2

46;o

32.0

seie

44-6

4a6

48.9

44. 8

30-2

57-3

7-4

3*-9

44-9

Saa

45-7

32.6

58-4

&.0

...

OBSEBTATIONS ON THB CLIM4TE OF DKVOK.

SUMMARY FOR THE YEAR 1897.

TKMPBEIATURB IN

8CRBEN

RAINFA

STATIONS.

JD.

deg.

d«g.

deg.

d^.

deg.

dag.

56-49

J89

3.&3

S'-S

456

573

5'-4

2^0

83".

43. j6

1.67

51.3

45-3

57-3

51.3

81.S

BneUMtleiKh .

63-08

200

3.I&

53-7

44.1

58.1

S>-i

3S.8S

.98

1.09

5»-5

435

57-9

51-8

IS. I

{')

Hod Weir Bm..

58.50

HoIm

61.91

213

3-85

lllrMombe

46.45

193

I.I9

5*- 7

48-3

S&4

5»-3

29.2

&i.'6

8*3

SwtoD Abbot .

39-75

170

2.0S

Pimwith

40.2:

J96

I.I3

51.7

46^4

56^6

S'5

24.5

79-1

PriDoetown

8'-9J

4.35

45-3

41.6

Sl-3

46.5

19.9

75.9

SoudoD UbMrr.

37-44

1&2

1.36

49-6

44-7

54-7

49-7

23.4

77.0

»7

S*lttmbe(8>.iii.)

37-07

196

.98

sag

46.1

55.4

SO.S

34.0

78.0

SOmmth . .

35-64

213

1.17

52.0

43-7

59.3

S'-l

23.8

78.6

SwthBKDt

63- 57

221

2.29

SoQthBlottOIl .

47.80

23s

1. 41

49-5'

43:80

56.19

49.49

.6:9

83.0

TiTiftodc .

S2-59

2.13

51-4

43-8

57.3

50.5

'9-5

82. J

rignmonth .

3S-I4

1.47

334

81.5

Dttiford Rea. .

50.97

207

3.02

CFrqQ»7 (C. G.) .

J6.rf

170

3.14

s'i-'?

Vi'g

56.8

51.9

34.0

78:7

w3SiS.%

34-97

191

51.1

45-5

56.6

Si.i

330

81.7

39.00

1.93

Si-9

47-3

56.3

51-7

29.0

81.0

5 153340 .,
7 ...

i 164801

? '655 as -

FIFTEENTH EEPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON
DEVONSHIRE FOLK-LOEE.

Fifteenth Report of the Committee — consisting of Mr. P, F,
S, Amery (Secretary), Mr, O, if. Doe, Mr, 2>. 0. Evans,
Rev, W. Harpley, Mr, P, Q. Karkeek, Mrs, Radford, Mr,
J. Brooking Rowe, F.S.A^ Mrs. Troup, and Mr, H. B,,S.
Wood?u)use,

Edited by P. F. S. Ambrt, Honorary Secretary.
(Read at Honiton, August, 1898.)

Your Committee beg to present the following scraps of
Folk-lore received since the last report made at Ashburton
in 1896, as being worthy of record.

They will be found to include several valuable local stories
contributed by Rev. S. Baring-Gould, to whom, with the Rev.
J. P. Benson, Dr. Brushfield, Mr. 6. Doe, and Mr. J. Stevens
Neck, the thanks of the Committee are due.

W. Harpley, Chairman.

P. F. S. Amery, Secretary.

HOLY WELLS.

Sheepstor. — There is a Holy Well, S. Leonards, at Sheepstor,
in a field belonging to the glebe east of the church. Re-
cently the rector has led the water from the spring, which
never fails, to the roadside, for the convenience of the vil-
lagers, and to prevent incessant traffic over the field.

Below this churchyard is the Bull-ring, still roughly circular.
To see the baiting the people sat on the south wall of the
churchyard and round the raised bank of the further side.

There is at Sheepstor, above Lerystone House, the old seat
of the Elfords, a Windstone, an elevated platform of cut
granite, on which the wheat was winnowed. It bears date
and initials— <« j^ e. A. E. 1637."

That is, John and Anne Elford. She was daughter of John
Northcote, of Hayne, and they were married in 1637.

ON DEVONSHIRE FOLK-LORE. 91

Coryton. — North of the church, in a field, is a Holy WeU.

Broadwood Widger. — In Slew Wood ia a Holy WeU, Slew
Well, probably S. Lo's well.

Bradstone. — On the glebe is an unfailing spring. A former
rector, Eev. — Johns, told me it was a Holy Well

Femworthy. — In Bridestowe parish there is here an ancient
chapel now converted into a cottage. A mason working for
me told me that he repaired it some thirty years ago, and
that the timber above the ceiling was richly carved.

Lifton, — Below Dunce Hill is a never- failing well, the
Holy Well, from which till within a few years the water was
always fetched for baptism. Lately the pathway has been
stopped. It is not five minutes from the church.

(S. Baring-Gould.)

LOCAL STORIEa

West Mclland. — This is an old house that belonged once
to the Courtenays. It came to them through the Hunger-
fords, and the Hungerfords had it from the Botreaux. Over
the doorway is carved a hawk with clipped wings. This is
not a Courtenay cognizance, but that matters not, the story
is told of a Courtenay in reference to this hawk.

Once a Ck)urtenay killed a man, and he was tried for it at
Exeter. But as he was so high in family they set him
beside the judge. The judge went hard against him, and
condemned him as guilty. Then Courtenay turned round
and ** knacked the judge over 'ed and 'eals down into the
coort"

For that complaint was made to the king. Well, Cour-
tenay he mounted his horse and rode and rode till he came
to London town to see the king.

Now the king " he wor out on the watter wi' the queen,
and 'a seed sumwan swimmin' 'is 'oss out in the water to he.'
So sez the king to the queen, 'Darn'd if that baint old
Courtenay. What iver in the world ha' he been arter ? '

** * WeU now,' sez the queen, sez she, * if it be old Cour-
tenay ye '11 let'n off aisy now won't 'y, what iver he ha'
done?' 'Well, I don't naw,' sez the king, *I'll clip his
wings for 'n anyhow.' Courtenay he comed up to the king's
boat, swimmin' of his 'oss, and he up and tells the king the
'ole taale. * I muss clip thy wings a bit,' sed the king, * but
nip oflf thy 'ead that 1 won't do.' So he prived him of a lot

o 2

92 FIFTEENTH KEPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

o' his manors; and so arter that the hawk had his wings
clipped, to betoken how Courtenay were sarved by his
Majesty, Gkni bless 'n."

This was told to Rev. Kichard Turner, Vicar of Meavy,
whose brother now occupies West Holland House. It was
told him by an old workman at the place. I give it as told
me by Mr. Turner. (S. Baring-Gould.)

A somewhat similar story is told at Sampford Courtenay,
which manor also formerly belonged to the Courtenay family
as part of the Barony of Okehampton, to account for the
manor and presentation to the rectory now being held by
Provost and Fellows of King's College, Cambridge, in which
the Courtenay of that day is said to have pulled the nose of
the judge in the Court at Exeter, for which offence the
manor was given to the college. The resentment of the
inhabitants to the change of lords may have led to Sampford
Courtenay being the place where the Western Kebellion broke
out in 1549. (P. F. S. A.)

Sheepstor, — "There was once an old squire called North-
more Uved there. He had an eldest son as were a bit totte ;
and the old gentleman he thought 'twould be a purty job if
the property were to come to this silly chap, so he sent word
and had'n pressed for sea. The press-gang came as they
was all haymakin', and they nabbed the young chap and
carried'n off just as he were tossin' hay. He went to say.
He was away a long time. In those days them as went to
say didn't often return. But this young Northmore he sims
to ha' tould his shipmates what he was, and they let out
as how his father had contrived it all. So he war nigh mad,
and when he came to Plymouth he made up a party, and
they went to Sheepstor ; they was to sarve the old chap out,
and ransack the house and carry off the title-deeds. Well,
I reck'n, they broke in at night, and they turned everything
upside down, and if the old squire hadn't hidden atween the
ceiling and the hellens, they 'd a done for he, and they carried
away the papers and everything they could lay hands
on. But after that the young Northmore were never heard
on no more. Whether he died at say, whether he were
killed in war, or whether he were so soft he got rid o' the
papers, I can't say. However, I '11 tell'y what comed o* the
old man. He took to drinking, and he 'd ride home from the
public-house that tipsy, he 'd ride right into his kitchen and
tumble off his boss, and he 'd get out a bottle o' gin, and sit
in his settle, and make the 'oss stand there too for good

ON DEVONSHIRE FOLK-LORE. 93

company, and he 'd drink to the 'oss, and when the ou'd 'oss
nodded his 'ead, Squire Northmore 'd say, ' Same to you, sir ;
I drinks to 'y again.'

"But all went bad after that, and the family couldn't
bide there. You see they 'd lost the papers, and things went
agin 'em. I reck'n no gude niver comes o' doin' a wrang
action, does it ? "

Told by an old woman at Sheepstor.

(S. Baring-Gould.)

Broadwood Widger. — 1. There is a farm in this parish
where the young son was in a decline. He insisted on
helping in the hayfield in the hay harvest, and he tossed
the hay up into the waggon. WeU, he broke a blood-vessel
and died right off. After that a little blue flame used to
come and dance over the place where he made hay, and then
travel along to the hayrick and dance over it.

2. There is a bridge, I believe, now over the Wulf ; but
formerly there was none. A spirit lived near this ford, and
used to take folk up at night and carry them over. But if
anyone who was being carried spoke a word, then the spirit
let them drop into the water.

3. Joanna was engaged to a certain young man, who

made her a present of a handkerchief. Before they were
married he died. Then she became engaged to the man she
afterwards married. The night before she was married, her
first lover came to her bedside and asked for the handker-
chief. He said he would not allow her to marry till she had
returned his present Then she had to get out of bed and
fetch the kerchief. She put it into his hand, and he
vanished. After that she never could find the kerchief
again. And she maintained the truth of this story stead-
fastly. She is now dead. I knew the woman, but the story
I heard from the wife of the vicar.

Lifton, — The neighbourhood of Wortham, the ancient seat
of the Dinhams, is haunted by a spirit called Long Strike.
He has very long legs, and is seen at night either striding
along the lanes, or stepping over a lane from one hedge to
another.

Bridgende. — ^There was an old woman lived in Bridgerule
parish, and she had a very handsome daughter.

One evening a carriage and four drove to the door, and a
gentleman stepped out He was a fine-looking man, and he
made some excuse to stay in the cottage talking, and he

94 FIFTEENTH REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE

made love to the maideD, and she was rather taken with
him.

Then he drove away, but next evening he came again, and
it was just the same thing, and he axed the maid if on the
third night she would come ii^ the coach with him and be
married. She said yes, and he made her swear that she
would.

Well, the old mother did not think that all was quite
right, so she went to the pass'n of Bridgerule and axed he
about it " My dear," said he, " I recken it *s the Old 'Un.
Now look'y hera Take this 'ere candle, and ax that gentle-
man next time he comes to let your Polly alone till this 'ere
candle be burnt out Then take it, blow it out, and rin
along on all your legs to me,"

So the old woman did so.

Next night the gen'leman came in his carriage and four,
and he went into the cottage and axed the maid to come wi'
he, as she *d sworn and promised.

She said, *• I will, but you must give me a bit o* time to
dress myself." He said, " I '11 give you till thickey candle be
burnt out"

Now when he said this, the old woman blew the candle
out, and rinned away as fast as her could right on . end
to Bridgerule, and the pass'n he tooked the can'l and walled
it up in the side o' the church ; you can see where it be to
this day (it is the roodloft staircase now walled up). Well,
when the gen'leman saw he was done, he got into his carriage
and drove away, and he drove till he comed to AGGBdand
Moor, and then, all to wance down went the carriage and
bosses and all into a sort o' bog there, and blue flames came
up all round where they went down.

Told me by a woman who lives at Mountlane in Lufiincott
parish. (S. Barikg-Gould.)

Fardel in Comwood. — I have heard an incident which
illustrates how a foundation of fact holds together a
tradition of fiction.

In a railway carriage, travelling between Ivybridge and
Cornwood, a stranger recently inquired of a countryman
if there were any places of interest in the neighbourhood.

Beply, *' I don't knaw of no places of interest hereabouts."

Stranger. " But are there no old houses ? "

Native. " Ees, there be a sight of old tumble-down houses
as wants doing up."

Stranger. " But are there no ancient houses of the gentry?"

ON DEVONSHIRE FOLK-LORE. 95

Naiive. '^Ees, there be wan most noted house there under
they trees" (pointing out of the window to the old farm-
house at Fardel) ; " there was wance a most noted baccynist
died there."

Stranger. *'0h! I was not aware that any important
tobacconist ever died in Devonshire."

Native, "Lor* 'twas hundreds of years agone, one very
celebrated man, not a baccynist like they now what keeps
shop and sells baccy and snuff, but a mazing noted man.
I'll tell 'e ee's name present" Then scratching his head
he continued, "Why 'twas one Walter Kawley who died
there."

Stranger. "I was always informed by history that Sir
Walter Kaleigh was executed on Tower Hill."

Naiive. "Well, sir, I don't wish to contradict you, and
I've no fault to find with history; he may have been
executed where you say, but er died to Fardel."

Here we have the facts of tobacco and Fardel connected
with Sir Walter Kaleigh, and that formerly "tobacconist"
meant one who used tobacco, and not one who sold it
Fardel, as a fact, was his father's estate, and afterwards Sir
Walter's. (P. F. S. A.)

Pixy Ovens. — In the review of Mr. Elworthy's work on
" The Evil Eye," in the Quarterly Review of July, 1895, the
writer cites the following : —

"An old man in Devonshire lately told to a lady a tale of
a boy who found * a Pixy's oven,' an object made of wood. The
boy broke it up, exclaimiDg that he hated the Pixies, whereon he
was beaten black and blue by invisible hands. The nature of
a Pixy's oven the old gentleman did not explain." (p. 214.)

(T. N. Brushfield.)

MISCELLANEOUS SUPERSTITIONS.

For Whooping-cough. — When a child has whooping-cough,
if a hair is taken from its head, put between slices of bread
and butter, and given to a dog ; and if in eating it the dog
coughs, as naturally he will, the cough will be transferred to
the animal, and the child will go free. (J. S. K)

Future Mate, — You will marry the man (or woman, as the
case may be) that you meet first on "Valentine's mom."
A popular belief is that the first unmarried person of the
other sex whom one meets on St. Valentine's day on walking
abroad is his or her destined wife or husband. (J. S. TS.)

96 ON DEVONSHIRE FOLK-LORE.

Dead People*8 Things. — An old servant was standing near
her master; the latter was examining an old framed
engraving. He said, " Good gracious, how the picture is
mildewed." To which the servant replied, "You could
expect nothing elsa" The master natuMdly inquired why.
To which the old servitor replied, "You bought the picture
at a sale, and the persons who once owned it are dead, and
dead people's things always turn mouldy." (J. S. N.)

UrdtLcky to baptize more than one girl in the same water. —
The Vicar of Witheridge writes that three women, natives
of Devon, two having been bom in Witheridge and the
other in Backenford, were to have their babies — all girls —
baptized on Whit Sunday (1898). Each applied to have
the baptism taken at a different time, because they had
heard it was unfortunate (imlucky) to baptize more than
one girl in the same water. (J. P. R)

A domestic servant of Great Torrington told me that the
windows ought not to be opened on the 1st of March, as
if they were the fleas would swarm into the house.

(6. M. D.)

The same servant told me that if people cut their corns
when the moon was "on its back," they (the corns) would
not grow as they otherwise would. (G. M. D.)

FIFTH REPORT OF THE DARTMOOR EXPLORATION

COMMITTER

(Retd ftt Honiton, August, 1898.)

Tbe following works have been undertaken since the
presentation of the last report: —

1. Exploration of a hut circle in Berry Field, Huccaby.

2. Examination and measurement of an unrecorded stone
row on Stannon Newtake.

3. Exploration of a collection of hut circles within and
without an enclosure on the slope of Yes Tor Bottom, a
valley which lies south of the Princetown Eailway, and east
of Swell Tor Quarries. (See CVI. S.K)

4. Exploration of hut circles at West Dart Head.

5. Examination and measurement of an unrecorded stone
row on Soussons Warren Hill, near Postbridge.

6. Exploration of Cox Tor.

7. Exploration of barrows and stone circle at Fernworthy,
of three small barrows close to Langstone stone circle, and
two small barrows near the Grey Wethers.

8. Examination of an unrecorded stone row on Whiten Tor.

9. Discovery of a hoard of Boman coins at Park Hill,
near Okehampton railway station.

STONE ROWS.

Stannon outer Newtake. (XCIX. N.E.)

This row runs N.N.E. to S.S.W., starting from a ruined
cairn. The total length is 320 feet, but was probably longer,
for it has been pillaged and stones used in the construction
of the newtake wall. No blocking stone remains. There are
twelve small standing stones, and about the same number
were traced which were either fallen, broken, or buried. The
row appears to have been originally a double one. It is too
dilapidated and unimportant for accurate planning.

98 FIFTH REPORT OF THE

Soussons Warren Hill. (XCIX. S.E.)

There are four fine tumuli on the highest point of this
hill, the largest of which was apparently once surrounded
by a circle of stones, but of these one only now remains.
These tumuli show some signs of having been dug into,
but if so the operations were of a very superficial character,
and the mounds should be properly explored.

They are honeycombed with rabbit burrows, and the
appearance of previous partial explorations may be due to
the sinking in of the centres owing to the extensive under-
ground excavations made by these animals.

Due north on the ridge near Golden Dagger is a rifled
cairn 31 feet in diameter, and starting from this is a very
ruined and pillaged stone row, which seems when perfect
to have been composed of three lines of stones. The
standing examples are small, and only seven in number,
but numerous fallen and buried stones can be traced. This
row has been very recently destroyed, probably within the
last twelve months, for the pits from which the stones
contributing to the row were taken are freshly dug and
very apparent. The surface of the moor for a considerable
distance around the row has been carefully picked over and
almost every stone removed.

A newly -built wall in the near neighbourhood is the
evident reason for this destruction and collection. The
former was probably done in pure ignorance, for the stones
were evidently mostly fallen and small, and with the
surrounding surface stones not easily recognized as the
work of man.

Had the Committee known of this row earlier, and set
up the fallen stones, the nature of the remains would have
been recognized and respected. The row runs from north
to south, the ruined cairn beiug north, and it can be traced
for 202 feet.

Higher Whiten Tor. (XCIX. S.W.)

On ascending the hill at the back of the Powder Mills
a newtake wall is encountered, which must be crossed to
reach the ridge connectiug Longaford Tor and Higher White
Tor; on this ridge, but near the latter tor, and running
roughly parallel with the newtake wall, are the remains
of what is apparently a double stone row, that runs from
N.N.E. to S.S.W. No traces of any cairn can, however, be
found in connection with it, and the position is exceptionally
near the clitter of stones of the tor ; stone rows are almost

DABTMOOR BXPLORATION COMMITTEB. 99

always^ if not always, planted where the surface is free
from such natural clitters.

The double row can be traced for 330 feet. But ten stones
remain in the southern row, and fifteen only in the northern.
Of these all in the former are standing, and eleven in the
latter. The height of the stones varies from three feet to
a few inches. The rows apparently end in a long earth-fast
stone or rock at the N.N.E. extremity. But their extent
S.S.W. is uncertain, the rows having been pillaged for the
construction of the newtake walL

HUT CIRCLES.

Berry Field, Huccaby. (CVII. N.K)

This field contains the remains of a small ''pound," and
within this, at the eastern end, was a heap of stones which
supplied the road-menders with material. These, finding
fragments of xude pottery, reported the matter to the
Committee, and the heap was thoroughly examined.

The remains of a hut circle were found underneath, and
this, on exploration, yielded wood charcoal, a red grit rubber
stone, seven cooking stones, the rim of a small shallow vessel,
and a large sherd which formed part of the mouth of a hand-
made cooking pot The paste and ornamentation were of the
usual type.

Yes Tor Bottom. (CVI. S.E.)

The Princetown Eailway, just beyond the twentieth mile-
stone, and between Foggin Tor and Swell Tor Quarries, makes
a considerable bend to the south-east and south, and a
reference to the six-inch Ordnance map discloses the fact
that south of this bend there is a smaJl collection of hut
circles. Six of these are within an irregular enclosure
(not shown on the map), and five lie outside between the
enclosure and the field on the west, which has in its north-
east angle a single hut circle.

This enclosure and the hut circles are visible from the
train, and with this description of locality should be easily
seen and recognized.

The exploration of the collection was commenced by the
examination of the hut circle nearest the railway. This
is a fine circle, with a diameter N. to S. of 26 feet 9 inches,
whilst £. to W. it is 26 feet 6 inches. The wall is double-
faced, with a core of small stones and earth between, and
is 4 feet wide from out to out. On the western side the
wall was between 3 and 4 feet in height, and this hut

100 FIFTH REPORT OF TAB

circle would have been a very perfect example, but for
the fact that during recent years stonecutters had been
at work within it. Large stones from the wall had been
thrown down, and piled against the inside of the western
circumference of the circle, and left unworked. Others
again had evidently been cut and worked and removed,
for underneath the turf of the hut quantities of spalls
struck off by the stonecutters were found.

The Committee at first thought that the heap of unworked
stones formed a ruined portion of the structure of the
dwelling, but their removal and evidence of the spalls made
it perfectly clear why they had been thus accumulated.

The excavation was commenced at the ruined entrance,
which faces S.S.W., and continued over the whole of the
floor of the hut.

There was a pavement of rough flat stones in the entrance,
and this was carried a short distance inside. On removing
the turf and " meat " earth to a depth of six inches, not only
were stonecutters' spalls met with, but occasional small
pieces of unmistakable tin-slag, and the latter increased in
quantity as the N.E. part of the circle was reached. Here
was a large stone which had fallen inwards from the wall of
the circle, and on removing this more slag was found under-
neath, together with some of the fragments of a mug or jug
of highly-glazed ware. These were too small and few in
number to settle shape of vessel.

The paste is well made and thin, barely an eighth of
an inch at the rim; the interior is somewhat deeply
corrugated, but this is only faintly apparent on the exterior.
These sherds have been submitted to experts at the British
Museum, and compared with standard examples of late
mediaeval pottery. They correspond with fourteenth century
work and some early fifteenth century, and may be ascribed
to these periods. These sherds and the slag were found
together, and the age of the former is the measure of the age
of the latter. Both were found sub-surface, and both were
covered by the stone which had fallen from the wall.

Yes Tor Bottom has been very extensively streamed for
tin, but so far no sign of a blowing-house has been observed.
A closer search may reveal this. Smelting must have been
carried on in the neighbourhood, and either smelters or
streamers must have temporarily sheltered in the hut There
was no evidence of their use of the hut as a habitation, as
the further exploration demonstrated.

Further stopes of the surface were removed until a depth

DARTMOOR EXPLORATION COMMITTEE. 101

of 20 inches was obtained, and the floor of the hut resting on
the " calm " was reached. This, the prehistoric level, yielded
the rim and two fragments of a hand-made cooking pot,
with chevron ornamentation and one fragment of flint and
a flake of the same material. There was a cooking hole
nearly in the centre of the circle 1 foot 9 inches long,
1 foot 4 inches wide, and 1 foot 3 inches deep. The
hole had within it three cooking stones and much charcoal
No regular hearth or fireplace was found, but the whole floor
was more or less strewn with wood charcoal.

Hui Circle No, 2 lies south of No. 1, and is represented
on the Ordnance map as two circles attached to each other.
No. 2 is really a hut 22 feet in diameter N. and S., and
19 i feet £. and W., constructed with a semicircular outer
wall protecting the northern half of the dwelling. Both
arms of the semicircle embrace the southern half of the
wall of the circle, and are therein merged, so that it is
not quite a circle within another, although at first sight
it looks very much like it

The wall of the circle proper is about 4 feet in width,
the width of the wall of the semicircle due north is 5 feet,
and at this point the space between the two walls is 4 feet
7 inches.

This space was explored, but yielded no sign of human
occupancy, and the Committee came to the conclusion that
the semicircular wall was erected for the protection of the
hut below it, for the slope of the ground is somewhat
steep, and such a barrier on the high ground above would
be desirable in very wet weather for the purpose of pre-
venting surface-water from washing through the lower wall
into the dwelling.

The arrangement is unusual, and the explanation may
be inadequate. It is however more reasonable and likely
than that the builders intended in the first place to con*
struct a larger hut circle, and subsequently built a smaller
one, for had this been the case they would surely have used
up the stones of the outer circle for the construction of the
inner.

The entrance to the hut circle proper faces S.S.W., and is
unusually massive. The wall at the entrance is 5 feet thick.
On the east side of the door there is a fine stone 4 feet
7 inches high, with a breadth varying from 2\ feet at ground
level to 18 inches half-way up, and about 1 foot at the top.
This forms an outer jamb, which projects somewhat from the
outer wall of entrance.

102 FIFTH REPORT OF THE

Another stone 3 feet 2 inches high forms the inner jamb,
and this is flush with the inner wall

The corresponding inner jamb on the west side of door^^
way is standing ; this is 3 feet 5 inches high, with a greatest
breisuith of 2 feet 5 inches. The outer jamb on this side has
been removed.

The lintel was evidently placed over the inner stones, so
that the entrance must have been about 3 feet high and
2 feet wide.

The outer standing stones probably supported a porch or
penthouse, which protected the entrance. Outside this is a
paved plateau, with a width of 14 feet nearest the entrance ;
this curves somewhat on each side, and has a total length
of 14 feet. The paving is composed of rough flat stones.

A trench 4 feet wide was dug through it from the door
outwards, and the following objects were unearthed : — Two
fragments of flint, a small river stone, and five small rough
pieces of slate.

Deep pits were dug K and W. of this paved plateau with
the hope of finding middens, but none were discovered.

The exploration of the hut was commenced at the entrance
as usual, and it was found that the paving was continued a
short distance in the interior and towards the western
circumference. The following results were obtained:—

Under western wall, the stones of which leaned somewhat
inwards, some sherds of rude hand-made pottery were found.
These were without ornamentation.

About 2 feet from the centre towards the northern portion
of the circle more broken pottery occurred, and on carefully
removing this the bottom of a cooking pot was found resting
on the " calm." (Plate I.) It had a diameter of 11 inches, and
the inside bottom was strengthened by ridges crossing each
other at right angles and forming a cross. These ridges are
an inch wide, and raised a quarter of an inch above the
bottom. There was a good deal of charcoal around the
remains of the pot, but no cooking hole could be made out
near it As a rule the cooking holes and most of the finds
occur either in or about the centre of the hut, or from this
point to the entrance, and often under the western portion of
the wall. If the hut is built on a slope, as they mostly are,
the lower portion of the hut gives, as a rule, the best results ;
but in this case this experience was reversed as far as the
cooking holes are concerned, for no less than three were un-
covered in the northern part of the circle, and on the higher
portion of the slope.

DARTMOOR EXPLORATION COMMITTEE. 103

No. 1 was 1 foot 6 inches long, 1 foot wide, and 9 inches
deep, and contained some charcoal.

No. 2 was 1 foot 5 inches long, 1 foot 7 inches wide, and
14 inches deep, and contained much charcoal.

No. 3 was a double example, like a big-waisted figure 8 ;
one was 10 inches by 14 inches, and the other 9 inches by
10 inches, whilst the waist connecting the two was 9 inches
wide. The holes were respectively 10 inches and 16 inches
deep.

These holes yielded a goodly quantity of charcoal, a broken
cooking stone, and sherds representing about one-third of a
shallow vessel. These were of hand-pottery of the usual
type, without ornamentation.

A round hole in the ** calm," 6 inches deep and 3 inches
in diameter at the top, was found, 4 feet 6 inches from the
north to south central line of the circle towards the east, and
about 4 feet from the centre. A similar hole was found in a
hut circle at Gullacombe, Shapley Common,^ and in the latter
case the Committee thought it might have contained a
support for the roof. In the present case this explanation
does not appear to be so feasible, as the hole is not sufSciently
central.

The further finds in this hut circle were two fragments of
flint, two more cooking stones, and some fragments of slate,
which were probably Uie remains of a pot coverer.

On the whole this proved to be a most interesting hut,
and justified the two days which were spent over its thorough
exploration.

Hut Circle No. 3. Diameter 11 feet, entrance facing south.
The only finds made were charcoal and a flat river pebble.

Hut Circle No. 4. Diameter 17 feet, entrance facing
south. This circle was partially paved, mostly over the
southern half. A little charcoal only was found.

Hut Circle No. 5. Diameter 15 feet. The feature of this
dwelling was a large fire or cooking hole 4 feet long, 2 feet
wide, and 15 inches deep. It contained much charcoal. The
exploration of the floor of the hut yielded a flint scraper,
two portions of a river pebble, and three rubber stones of
grit.

HtU Circle No. 6. The floor near the entrance was paved.
There was a cooking hole in the N.E. portion of the circle,
which was 11 inches deep and 9 inches in diameter. This
circle yielded charcoal, one cooking stone, a crystal of quartz,
and some fragments of pottery.

^ See p. xsvii. 89.

104 FIFTH BKPORT OF THE

H%fJt Circle No, 7 was commenced, but owing to changes
in weather which came on last autumn the further
examination of this and other hut circles in the neighbour-
hood was postponed.

West Dart Head. (XCIX. N.W.)

There are four small hut circles on the east slope of the
hill lying between Horse Hole Bottom and West Dart Head.
They are in a very remote district, and are close to the great
central bogs. The attraction to the primitive dwellers of
these huts seems to have been the dry pasture land which
lies between West Dart Head up to Flat Tor on the north,
Horse Hole Bottom on the west, and the slope of the hill
on the east known as Summer Hill — a dry oasis sand-
wiched between the great bogs.

On the south this firm pasture land runs down to
Loogaford Tor and beyond. This district is a valued cattle
and sheep run to-day, and in the summer is always well
stocked with beasts.

The whole of the four small hut circles, which are all
connected with the ruins of small paddocks, were explored,
but only one gave any results, and that was the first dug
inta This had a diameter of 14 feet, a wall, very ruined,
2 feet wide, and a dilapidated entrance facing S.S.W.

The floor of the hut resting on the " calm " was 20 inches
below the surface, and on this were found much charcoal,
some rotten fragments of pottery, eight cooking stones very
much fired, two flint scrapers, three fragments of the same
.material, and a flint arrow-head, the only one the Committee
has so far found in a hut circle. It is of the tanged and
barbed variety, one of the barbs being missing, but other-
wise it is in a fairly perfect condition.

EXPLORATION OF COX TOR.

The following is a list of the antiquities on Cox Tor : —

1. The outcrop of granite on the summit is surrounded
by an ancient wall, enclosing a space of some 70 feet in
diameter, built of small stones brought from the surrounding
slopes in immense quantities. What is left of it is 4 to 5
feet high, with a width at the base of some 6 to 7 feet
approximately. It has been pillaged, and part of it has
been used in the erection of the cairn for the 1887 Jubilee.
There is no trace of any cairn in the centre, which is a
mass of rock, though at one side there is a collection of

Dakttcoor Eici

FERNWORTHY

3/lR^OtV

SEC TION E W

SECTION N.S.

/? C//A/SO /</S T

S ECTION A.B.

f^^

PLATE III.
Dahtuoor Explo ratios.

FERNWORTHY.

UllS KHOM B.VUIil.W Xo. 1.

Dartmoor Explobatioh.

Fifth Report.

EXPLOHATIOS,

DiBTMoon Exp

Fifth

Rei-ort.

LANGSTON MOOR

K/S Tt/^£/V

S--'

/«

,^?.^-'-''"'

KlsCVAEN Xi). 2, LANOi^

OS Moon.

DARTMOOR EXPLORATION COMMITTEE. 105

stones which may possibly prove to be a cairn. One would
suppose it to be for purposes of defence were it not for
its analogy to Nos. 4 and 5, which are certainly not intended
for that purpose.

2. In a sheltered nook twenty yards below the summit
of this cairn, but forming part of it, on the N.E. side, there
is a little hut circle with a doorway facing north. The
walls have been recently raised, apparently to afford
additional protection for a fire or some such purpose, and
the doorposts have been carried off. It is an oval, 8 feet
from N. to S., and 5 feet 6 inches from R to W. There
was no regular floor, and the walls seem to have been laid
on the solid rock just below the original surface of the soil.
It is possible that it served as a shelter for the man who
managed the beacon or kept a look-out Nothing was found
in it, and there was no trace of charcoal

3. Three or four hundred yards north of the summit is
a very large cairn of stones which has been much pillaged,
but which is still large enough to form a landmark. The
centre is hollow, and has every appearance of having been
pillaged.

For this reason, and also because five or six workmen
would be required to explore it, no exploration was
attempted, but it will have to be examined at some future
time. Dimensions were not taken. It is composed of small
stones only.

4 Some two hundred yards KN.W. of No. 3, at a lower
level, there are two very curious cairns close together on
a grassy plateau. The larger of the two and No. 3 are
marked on the six-inch Ordnance map. They were both
partially examined last autumn, and the larger may be
described as follows: —

It is a ring of small stones 55 feet in dicuneter, the
ring wall varying in breadth from 4 to 6 feet, and raised
15 to 18 inches above the surrounding grass. It is a perfect
circle, but 28 feet from the eastern side occurs a line of
original rock outcrop bisecting the circle. West of this
line of rock the circle appears to have been continued for
the sake of symmetry, because the intervening space is
encumbered with original earth-fast rocks and can contain
nothing, and here the circle itself is less carefully made.
On the eastern side of the ring there are two small hollows
3 feet 6 inches in diameter. From one of these we drove
a trench westward to the line of rocks, and a second trench
north at right angles. We found that in the ring the stones

VOL. XXX. H

106 FIFTH REPORT OF THE

were laid on the "calm/* built in with very little earth,
but when the ring was passed we came to larger stones
loosely impacted with meat earth. The "calm" was
encountered at 18 inches, and no trace of charcoal or flint
was found.

5. The second ring cairn lies 41 feet E. by S. from
No. 4. It is exactly similar in shape, though smaller,
and not encumbered by a line of rocks, though several
earth-fast stones were encountered in the middle. It is
27 feet in diameter. The "calm" lay 15 inches below
the surface. The construction of the central portion was
somewhat looser, much earth being mingled with the stone.
The whole of the contents of the ring was examined, but
not the ring wall. Nothing was found, nor was there any
pit in the "calm."

These ring cairns are a puzzle. They were certainly not
dwellings; they cost great labour to erect; and so far
they have shown no trace of interment.

6. On the southern slope of the Tor, 200 feet below
the summit, there is a cluster of little cairns, evidently
sepulchral.

Five are certainly cairns, while there are other mounds
which are doubtful. Two were examined. Thev were
9 feet by 4 feet, but originally circular, and 18 inches
high, composed of earth and stones, similar to the barrow
near Langstone Circle, which yielded a small kistvaen. In
neither was anything found. The rest remain to be
examined.

7. On the S.E. slope (S.E. of No. 1), about 200 yards,
there is a single hut circle. The surrounding land is rocky
and grassed, and traces of other hut circles were detected,
which have been pillaged for road-mending, as indeed have
all the remainder in this neighbourhood quite recently.
The walls of this circle are exceptionally high. Poorway
faces S.E., doorposts fallen. 100 yards south of the circle
runs an old wall or trackway, which is probably more
modem than the circle, because the circles nearest to it
seem to have been pillaged to build it. The floor was
very uneven. Not a trace of charcoal was found, nor of
a cooking hole or pottery; but on the "calm," about the
centre, a flint flake and a pebble were found. The stones
on the "calm" showed traces of long exposure to the
weather. Interior measurement 11 feet by 12.

1. On the S.W. slopes of the Tor are several (six or seven)
hut circles not yet examined.

DARTMOOR EXPLORATION COMMITTBE. 107

£XPLOKATiON OF BARROWS AND STONE CIRCLE AT

FERNWORTHY.

This very important group of antiquities received con-
siderable attention at the hands of the Committee during
last autumn, permission to do so having been very kindly
granted by Sir John D. Ferguson-Davie, Bart. The stone,
or so-called " sacred '* circle, is the prominent feature of the
group. It is almost a true circle, being 64^ feet from
N. to S., and 64 feet from E. to W., internal diameter.
There are 27 stones standing, the highest being 3^ feet
above ground, and the shortest 1 foot. There is a gap in
the south circumference of the circle, probably caused by
the removal of a stone or stones. This can be verified by
a search for the pit or pits in which these stood.

But for this gap the circle would be a very perfect one ;
as it is it is a good example, notwithstanding the smallness
of the stones.

About 80 yards KS.E. of the circle is a small barrow,
which was reported to the Committee by Mr. F. N. Budd,
of Batworthy, as being unviolated. It stands on a slight
rise in the ground, and is numbered 1 on the accompanying
plan.

No. 2 is another barrow, containing a ruined kistvaen,
from which a stone row starts, connecting No. 2 with
another barrow, No. 4.

No. 3 is also a small barrow, encircled with small standing
stones, from which another stone row leads to a large stone
fixed in the newtake wall. This stone looks very much
as if it might have been the blocking stone of the row.
Both the latter are of the double variety, but have been
much robbed for wall-building.

Barrows numbered 2, 3, and 4 have all been disturbed
at some unknown time.

. A little way north of the stone circle are the remains
of another double stone row. This also has been pillaged,
for the pits in which the stones originally stood can be
traced for a considerable distance.

The row points to the stone circle, but whether it was
ever actually joined to it is doubtful.

The graves and stone rows are grouped about the stone
circle, cdl evidently being in connection one with the other,
and probably erected at about the same period.

The leading idea was evidently sepulchral, and as No. 1
.barrow appeared to have escaped previous disturbance it

H 2

108 FIFTH REPORT OF THE

was determined to devote a large share of time to the tho-
rough exploration of the whole of the group of antiquities.
If the exploration of No. 1 resulted successfully, it was felt
that the i^e of the remains could be determined, and probably
some light would be thrown on the purpose of the " sacred "
stone circles.

To incontestably settle the period of the erection of
three stone rows in addition to the circle and the barrows
seemed almost too good to expect The most sanguine
expectation was happily fulfilled by the thorough ex-
ploration of No. 1. It had a diameter of 19 feet, was

2 feet above ground in the centre, but was concealed by
a growth of heather and short furze and bracken — the roots
of the two latter were found deep down into the barrow.
The barrow was originally surrounded by standing stones;
three of these were in position 9 to 10 feet from the existing
foot of the slope of the barrow.

The accompanying plans (Plate II.) explain the structure of
the barrow. It was evidently made by clearing away a circular
area of ground, with a diameter of about 19 feet, and ex-
cavating about 14 inches into the ''calm,'' and in about
the centre sinking a pit to a depth of 18 inches. This
pit was 4 feet wide from E. to W., whilst from N. to S.
it was 7 feet

The depth of this pit from original ground -level was

3 feet 3 inches, so that the total depth from the highest
barrow surface was 5 feet 3 inches.

A trench was dug from W. to K, and subsequently
another was cut from N. to S., so that almost the whole
of the interior of the barrow was exposed.

These trenches disclosed the area occupied by the pit.
The portions of the barrow left intact were subsequently
examined, but nothing was found in these.

On removing the turf of the barrow it was found to be
built of handy-sized stones, gathered from the surface.
Some were large enough to require two hands to lift Not
only was the barrow piled up of these stones, but the
entire pit was filled up or packed with them, so that some
little difficulty was experienced in getting them out

In the central pit at a depth of about 4^ feet from the sur-
face a small piece of oxidised bronze was found, with fragments
of some fibrous wood attached to it The bronze object is
1^ inches long, with a greatest width of three-quarters of an
inch, and weighs half an ounce ; it is apparently either the
remains of a small knife or spear-head, most likely the former.

DABTMOOR BXPLORATlOK COMMITTEE. 109

Near this were two or three fragments of pottery, and clo&e
under these a small urn was discovered (Plate III.)) which had
been crashed by the subsidence of the cairn stones. Before
ttie latter was removed a large dress- fastener, or button of
Eimmeridge *'coal" was found on the same level as the bronze
(Plate IV.), and distant 2 feet towards the N.W, The upper
surface is polished, and has a brown lustre.^ The bottom
of the urn was resting on the "calm/' and lying amongst the
sherds was a flint knife (Plate V.) in such a manner as to
suggest that it might have been placed in the urn.

The sherds still had adhering to them some light brown
soil, which gave traces of phosphoric acid. This appears to
be '' calm" with a similar composition to the substance found
in the urn discovered in the kist on Western Down.* It con-
tained a little peaty matter.

The urn from its size and shape corresponds with those
known as food vases, and the presence of traces of phosphoric
acid in the fine soil which was therein contained may
indicate the remains of food.

Not a trace of bone, burnt or unburnt, could be detected
anywhere in the pit of the barrow, nor were there any of the
larger sized urns or remains of same for containiug a cinerary
interment.

This absence of bone may seem surprising, but when
it is remembered that the roots of the furze, ete., penetrated
down to the lowest depths of the barrow it is not difficult to
realize that these plante growing for an unknown period
had assimilated, and thus entirely removed, any signs of
phosphatic matter.

The food vase was evidently placed in the bottom of the
pit on the " calm," and some of the cairn stones were roughly
built around it, two flat stones forming the cover of this rude
receptacle. The bronze object was found lying on the upper
coverer.

Although no bone ashes were found the Committee has no
hesitation in considering this to be an interment after in-
cineration, for wood charcoal was discovered in the bottom
of the pit.

The dress fastener or button may have been deposited
in the barrow alone or it may have been attached to the
dress, and the whole placed therein with the ashes of the
dead, the food vase, the bronze object, and the flint knife

* Eimmeridge, Dorset. The brown lostre is conclusiye agaiDst its being
jet or "cannel coal " from Yorkshire.

' See *• Barrow Committee's Report,'* vol. xxix.

110 FIFTH REPORT OF THE

at the time of interment This most interesting and im-
portant exploration settles the period of the interment as
that of the period of culture known as the late Neolithic
and early Bronze Age.

The bronze object above the food vase and the flint knife
below links. the Stone and early Metal Periods in a most
satisfactory manner, and in addition to this there is the
decoration on the food vase and the evidence of the dress
fastener.^

The dimensions of the vase are as follows : Extreme
height, 7^ inches ; diameter of bottom, 3 inches ; at mouth
(internal), 5 inches ; thickness at rim, one-eighth of an inch.
The dress fastener has a diameter of 2^ inches. (Plate III.)

Barrow No. 2. A very much wasted example contained a
ruined kistvaen. (See plan, Plate II.) Although this had been
previously rifled, masses of burnt bone mixed with " calm "
and peaty earth weighing 4^ pounds were found in the bottom
of the kist. This was submitted to Professor Stewart, F.R.S.,
of the Eoyal College of Surgeons, who could not positively
identify them as human, as they were too fragmentary and
burnt, but they correspond with the characteristics of human
remains. The kist also contained a little wood charcoal, but
no trace of pottery. It is curious that the bony matter
found in this kist should have survived the disintegrating
efiTect of time and vegetation, for thus far the experience
of the Committee has been that in other cases the bone has
almost or wholly disappeared ; in fact, in only one other case
has burnt bone been visible in unviolated barrows, whether
the interment was placed in a kistvaen or in a hole dug
in the ** calm." (See Barrow No. 2., Langstone Circle.)

Barrows Nos. 3 and 4 gave no results, with the exception
of a tiny flint chip in No. 4. Both had pits dug in the
'' calm," which contained nothing but soil Each had been
extensively pillaged, doubtless for material for the newtake
wall hard by. No. 4 might be further examined in its S.W.
and western portion, but the prospect is not encouraging.

The next step taken was to examine the interior of the

* For further particulars of buttons or dress fasteners consult Evans's Stone
Implements and Green well's British Barroufs, and espocially Much (Mattha-
sus), Die Kupfer zcil in Eurapa^ Jena, 1898, who bases his argument in
favour of a Copper Age having preceded that of Bronze, in part on the fact
that buttons of this character, with the peculiar V perforation for fastening
to the dress, belong only to the very earliest Bronze reriod. At the request
of the Committee Sir J. D. Ferguson-Davie very graciously consented that
these extremely interesting objects recovered from this barrow should be
given to the Plymouth Municipal Museum to form a portion of a coUection
of relics illustrative of the antiquities of Dartmoor.

DARTMOOR EXPLORATION COMMITTEE. Ill

stone circle, and this was done by driving a trench north and
south and another east and west. These were cut through
peat locally known as "ven" forming a layer 18 inches thick,
and which rested on the " calm." There was no meat earth.
The trenches were driven right through the circle with
a width of 2 feet, and from end to end it was observed
that the floor of the " calm " was strewn with small pieces
of wood charcoal. There was no charcoal in the " calm " ; it
was all existing on it, and the floor of this material was
as definite as those found in the hut circles.

Three pits were dug between the trenches, and another at
the foot of the large square stone at A. The whole of these
gave the same indications of charcoal — the remnants of fires
of wood ; in fact, fires seem to have been kindled all over the
circle, for every scoop of the pick and shovel which was
removed firom the " calm " floor displayed charcoal.

This is a very interesting and important discovery, for
it may unravel the mystery of the so-called " sacred " circles.

Femworthy Stone Circle is the important and predominant
feature of a group of sepulchral remains, and it is very
probable that we can now see in this the crematorium or
the site of the funeral feasts, or both.

It is likely that similar circles will yield the same results.
A preliminary exploration of the Grey Wethers confirms
Femworthy; and but for the fact that the Committee*
recognized that the Grey Wethers were probably part and
parcel of a sepulchral arrangement, the unviolated barrows,
which were found and examined later on near them, would
never have been discovered.

It is also likely that more unviolated barrows will be
found near the large stone circles — their mounds perhaps
wasted down so as to be hardly recognizable, or interments
might have taken place in pits with no definite mounds over
them — the latter being almost hopeless to find. The Com-
mittee intend pursuing this subject further, and hope to give
additional particulars and the results of the exploration of
some of the well-known stone circles in next year's report

It is hoped that more unviolated barrows will be found,
and some valuable results obtained from their exploration.
It is evident that the mode of interment in the late Neolithic
and early Bronze Age varied, some being in kistvaens with an
urn, others being in kistvaens with no urn, or in pits dug in
the " calm " witi^ neither kistvaen nor urn. If the bulk of
the people were disposed of in the latter manner it would
account for the few visible graves compared with the large

112 FIFTH REPORT OF THE

number of hut circles. The important folk were buried in
the more imposing graves, whilst the common people were
disposed of in a cheaper manner.

EXPLORATION OF THREE SMALL BARROWS NBAR THE STONE

CIRCLE ON LANGSTONE MOOR.

No. 1. 336 feet from the centre of the stone circle in an
KS.E. direction is a wasted barrow 15 feet in diameter.
There are the remains of a circle of stones surrounding it.
The usual pit, 2 feet wide and 1 foot 10 inches deep, dug in
the " calm," was found, but no kistvaen. This contained no
trace of the interment, nor even a particle of charcoal.

No. 2. 42 feet S.W. of No. 1. Diameter 11 feet. Slight
trace of surrounding circle. The barrow is 1 foot above
ground in centre, and is made up of small stones and earth.
Found a large thick stone in about the centre, and under
this a large fiat stone, which on removal disclosed an un-
violated kistvaen. It was packed full of " calm," containing
small pieces of wood charcoal and a little bone asL No
pottery or implements.

The bottom of the kistvaen was paved.

This is the smallest and the best made kistvaen yet ex-
plored by the Committee, and is yet another variation in the
•form of burial.

It is only 21 inches long, 13 inches wide, and 14 inches
deep. (See accompanying plan, Plate VI.)

Owing to the beauty of the little kistvaen, the Committee
has approached His Grace the Duke of Bedford with the
request that he would allow of its removal to the Plymouth
Municipal Museum.

No, 3. Small barrow very much ruined. The interment
hole in the " calm " was 18 inches square and 12 inches deep.
It contained nothing but soil.

EXPLORATION OF TWO SMALL BARROWS NEAR THE

GREY WETHERS.

No. 1 lies 700 yards south of the stone circles known as
the Grey Wethers. Diameter 16 feet ; not very visible, as it
stands only about 9 inches above the ground, and is concealed
with heather.

It was found to be quite intact, and on exploration dis-
closed a large hole in the " calm,'' in which nothing was found
excepting a little wood charcoal.

The interment pit was oval in shape, 4 feet by 3 feet, and

DARTMOOK EXPLORATION COMMITTBE. 113

2 feet 2 inches deep. As it was cleared out water came in
plentifully, the grave being situated in a damp, boggy place.

If it ever contained bony matter this had long since dis-
appeared through the medium of the water. No pottery or
implements were found. There was no stone circle around
the barrow. This was probably a cinerary burial, the ashes
being thrown into the pit, without urn or implements.

No. 2 is situated about 300 yards east of the stone circles.
Like No. 1 it had never been violated.

Diameter 16 feet. The pit in the centre of the barrow was

3 feet by 3 feet, and 2^ feet deep.

In both these cases the soil and charcoal taken from the
pits were carefully examined for phosphoric acid, but only
traces in either case could be detected.

If they had originally contained bone or bone ash these
substances had in process of time been assimilated, and had
disappeared.

DISCOVSRY OF ROMAN COINS IN OKBHAMPTON PARK,

LXXVL N.B.

On October 6th, 1897, a workman named R Furze found a
hoard of Soman coins under a rock on Park Hill, above the
present Okehampton Railway Station, and within a stone's
throw of the old Soman i*oad, or supposed Soman road.
He showed those that he had found to Dr. Toung, of Oke-
hampton, who at once communicated with the Dartmoor
Exploration Committee, and a deputation was appointed to
at once examine the spot, and continue the clearing of the
place where the hoard had been discovered. Accordingly on
October 12th the investigation was made, Dr. Toung and
R Furze being also present

The collection would seem to have been secreted under a
leaning natural rock on the side of the hill ; earth had
accumulated, and the whole covered up till discovered by
Mr. Furze. He had originally found about 160, and 40
more were recovered by sifting the earth by the deputation.

A considerable number of the coins was broken or so
corroded as to be indecipherable. The entire collection
was made up of third brass pieces of dates between A.D.
320 and 330. It is very probable that it was the store
of a beggar who sat beside the Soman road begging, as
every coin was of the smallest size and most insignificant
value in itself. The b^gar either died, or could not find the
place where he had deposited his collection.

114 FIFTH REPORT OF THE

The coins were kindly classified by H. A. Grueber, Esq.,
of the British Museum, as follows : —

3 copper denarii of Constantine the Great, with on
Ee verse, "D. N. constantin. max. auo." and a wreath
with " vot. XX " ; the date, 325-330. J

1 ditto of Licinius I., with on Eeverse, "lovi cx)N-
SERVATORI " and Jupiter, with attributes ; date, arc. 320.

4 ditto of Constantine the Great. Eeverse, " providentiae
AUGG." and gateway ; date, 325.

1 copper denarius of Constantine the Great, struck at
Lyons; circ. 330. Obverse, Head of Constantine; Reverse,
Victory.

5 ditto of Constantine II. as Caesar, with Eeverse,
"CAESARUM NOSTRORUM," a wreath, and "vot. x"; date,
325-330.

1 ditto of Constantine II. as Caesar, with Eeverse,
"PROVIDENTIAE CAE8S." and gateway; drc. 325.

42 ditto of Constantine the Great, with Obverse, "urbs
KOMA " and head of the city ; and Eeverse, Wolf and Twins ;
drc, 330.

34 ditto of Constantine the Great, with Eeverse, " gloria
EXBRCiTUs" and two warriors holding standards; date, circ.
330.

28 ditto of Constantine the Great, struck at Treves ; circ.
330. Obverse, Head of Constantinopolis ; Eeverse, Victory.

1 ditto of Crispus, with Eeverse, " cabsarum nostrorum,"
a wreath, and " VOT. x " ; circ. 325.

4 ditto of Constantine the Great, with Eeverse, "beata
TRANQUILITAS " and altar with globe ; circ. 325.

1 ditto of Constantine the Great, with Eeverse, " sarmatis
DEViCTis."; drc. 325.

4 ditto of Constantine II. as Caesar, with Eeverse,
"GLORIA EXERCiTUS'* and two soldiers holding standards;
drc. 330.

2 ditto of Crispus, with Eeverse, " beata tranquilitas "
and altar with globe ; drc. 325.

. 18 copper denarii of Constantine II. as Caesar, with
Eeverse, "gloria exercitds" and two warriors holding
standards; drc. 330.

10 pieces of denarii of copper of Constantine II. as Caesar,
so corroded as not to be decipherable.

15 pieces of denarii of copper, with figures holding
standards.

Other fragments of which nothing could be made.

The Committee deemed it imperative to secure the entire

r^WORTHY

•*■ ♦

t %

DARTMOOR EXPLORATION COMMITTEE. 115

collection by purchase of the finder, and then communicated
with Mrs. Trevor Roper and Mrs. Lees, to whom the
manor belongs. These ladies, after reserving some
specimens, kindly allowed the Committee to retain the
rest of the purchase for presentation to the Plymouth
Municipal Museum.

The collection, though of very small intrinsic value, as
the coins are of the commonest, is important as being the
only Soman coins found on the outskirts of Dartmoor, as
far as is known; the sole exception being a couple dis-
covered at Princetown, but these probably had come from
the pockets of some of the French prisoners. French
peasants have very generally a number of such coins about
them which are found in quantities in ploughing, and are
often dropped by them into the collecting-bags in the churches.
It will be seen that the date of this little store can be
pretty accurately determined, as between 320 and 330, and
the hoard cannot have been majie earlier than the latter
date. Constantine the Great died in 337, on May 22nd.
The denarii with the head of Constantinople on them are in-
teresting, because it was precisely in 330 that Constantine
dedicated the New Eome at Byzantium on the Bosphorus,
and called it after his own name. No coin in the hoard is
later in date than that

In conclusion your Committee may mention that the
exploration of the very interesting crest of White Tor,
near Cudlip town, has been commenced, and that it is
hoped that the report that will be presented at the
ensuing meeting of the Devonshire Association, the sixth of
the Exploration Committee, may contain an account of this
examination.

It is also hoped that the next report will contain further
experiments with clay obtained from the Forest and its border-
land. Some samples have been collected, but these arrived
too late for present report

S. Baring-Gould.

Robert Bdrnard.

J. Brooking Rowe.

John D. Pode.

R. Hansford Worth.

SECOND REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF THE
PHOTOGRAPHIC SURVEY OF DEVONSHIRE.

(Read at Honiton, Angost, 1898.)

During the current year the contributions of photographs
have not been very numerous, but of those sent in some are
of great interest and value.

It is hoped that next year the Committee will be in a
position to exhibit at the Annual Meeting a selection of
the photographs received, and to furnish a list of the subjects
dealt with, and the names of all those who have assisted in
the work.

J. S. Amery. C. E. Robinson, Hon. See.

R. BuRNARD. Mrs. Frances B. Tboup.

S. Grose. R. Hansford Worth.

HONITON IN 1530.

BY MBB. FRANCES B, TROUP.
(Read at Hooiton, Augost, 1898.)

The early history of Honiton is wrapped in obscurity, and
eyen the origin of its name is a matter of dispute. We
might trace it to Danish origin if we had any proof that
it was the ''town of Hanna." There is said to have been an
active Danish chieftain of that name who was associated
with Hannaford, Hennaford, Henbury Fort, and Henna-
borough in North Devon, and with Hanna-ditches, now
corrupted to Honeyditches, near Seaton, and perhaps with
our own Henbuiy Fort, as it was styled frequently in the
early part of this century, though this is most doubtful, and
many other derivations of the name have been suggested.

But without attempting to trace the history of the town
from its earliest days, let us try to picture the place and its
surroundings about the year of grace 1530.

The roads approaching it must have been very different.
Dr. Stuckley, writing at a later date, describes his approach
from Chard as by " a very bad road of stones and sand over
brooks, spring heads, and barren downs." In the sixteenth
century the old British trackways and the ancient Boman
road would have formed the chief ways of entering the town.
The latter came down Church Hill, passed along the High
Street, and so into the Exeter road. It probably followed a
British trackway through the watery course of the Giseage,
and near the site of the Turk's Head Tavern branched off to
Hembury Fort. The road from Axminster did not then come
down the smoothly-graded King's Road, but under Spring-
field by Shipley Lane, from Copper Castle Gate, and Hale
Lane to the old Taunton road near Holy Shute.

On leaving Honiton for Exeter, Dr. Stuckley wrote: —
"The scene of travelling mended apace, and the fine Devon-
shire prospects entertftined the eye in a manner new and

118 HONITON IN 1630.

beautiful ; for here the hills are very long and broad, the
vallies between proportioned, so that the vastly-extended
concavity presented an immense landskape of pastures md
hedgerows, distinct like a map of an actual survey, and not
beyond ken. These are full of springs, brooks, and villages,
copses, and gentlemen's seats, and when }rou have passed
over one hill, you see the like repeated before you with
nature's usual diversity."^

Another writer describes this country as ''the sweetest
scene of cultivation I ever beheld. This may be called the
garden of Devonshire, not only from its own intrinsic
superiority, but the beauteous order in which it is disposed —
a fine amphitheatre of meadow and arable inclosure, gradually
ascending towards the south, in the highest cultivation, up
to its natural boundary of open hills ranged in all the
uniformity of a perfect wall."^ Wipe out some of the gentle-
men's seats, make part of the pasture land rough, and the
arable land unreclaimed, increase the copses and add a
morass or two, and you should have a fair picture of the
district three hundred and seventy years ago.

But on entering the High Street, then nearly three-quarters
of a mile in length, we would not have seen the broad high-
way of which the town is now so justly proud. It could
have been little more than two lanes passing on each side of
the low buildings that occupied the centre of the present
street, with some intervening spaces, from Allhallows Chapel
to below the Dolphin Inn. The street, too, has been graded
in recent times, so that three centuries ago the sharp decline
to the ford of the Giseage must have been exceedingly steep.
From an early date the little stream flowed through the
town, perhaps not then confined in any conduit, nor fur-
nished with dipping-places, nor banked with green turf.

Nearly opposite the present market-house stood the
shambles, styled "tottering shambles" in 1807, but prob-
ably of comparatively recent erection at the period I am
describing. Behind them stretched a few houses, perhaps
extending as far as Mr. Murch's shop even then. On one
side of the street stood the house not long before occupied
by that worthy couple, John and Joan Takell, now inherited
by their grandson, Michael Mallett. Joan's " new house over
the way" with the shambles under it had passed to John
Swayn. Lower down on the north side stood a flint-&onted
house owned by the Abbot of Dunkeswell; this may be

* Qaoted in Polwhele*h Devon ^ p. 278.

* Shaw's Tour in the West, 1788.

HONITON IN 1630. 119

identified with the present post-ofiSce building, which shows
evidence of having been erected in the sixteenth century.
Either this building or one near at hand was leased in
1533 to John Tryppe. The worthy abbot may have already
recoguized the approaching wave that was to sweep bim from
his place, and sought, as many did at this period, to save
something from the rapacious maw of Henry VIII. by
placing the property in the hands of some faithful layman.
To the east of Tryppe's tenement stood the mansion house of
the Courtenays, styled "Le Place," evidently the greatest
place in the town. The gardens of this residence may have
extended to the site of the present '* Dolphin," which takes
its name from the badge of the Courtenay family, to whom it
belonged. On the south side of the street, nearly opposite,
would have been the house soon afterwards occupied by the
busy silversmith Murch, a Protestant refugee from Flanders,
whose descendants still own the house.

Near the market-place would have been the stocks for the
punishment of delinquents, and at hand would have been
the ducking-stool — ^reserved for the punishment of women,
and still in use in 1760 — and it may have had as a companion
a scold's bridle. In those days it behoved naught to a
supposed witch whether she sank or swam when thrown
into the duck-pond; for if she sank and was drowned she
proved her innocence at the cost of her life, but if she swam
she was proved a witch, and only survived to be dealt with
accordingly. So the poor women of early days ran risks
more terrible than those of their advanced daughters, whose
greatest danger seems to lie in careering down the steep hill
on their bicycles, with the chance of being pitched over the
bridge into the ducking-pool at the foot should they en-
counter a chance stone scattered with too lavish hand by the
road-menders.

Among the usual shops we would find those of the serge-
dealers, but it was some years before another great manu-
facture of the town was introduced, so we would look in vain
for the place where James Rodge displayed his bone-lace.
The makers of this " pretty toy " at a later date would have
been found in the surrounding district, but doubtless when
they brought their wares to town on market-day they would
take occasion to bathe their eyes, wearied with close atten-
tion to their pillows, at the Holy Wells, at the east end of
Honiton, which by the faithful were believed to possess
wonderful healing properties. Perhaps, too, they would re-
ceive from their admirers the daintily ornamented bobbins.

120 HONITON IN 1630.

What inns were standiDg in the sixteenth century we can
hardly say, but it is recorded that there have been 56
hostelries in the town, and that 32 were closed in the last
century, while at the present time Honiton boasts of 25.
Possibly, as it has from time immemorial been a " thorough-
fare," it may have had an abundance of such places. The
'^ Angel House'' is mentioned as early as 1605, and occupied
the site of the present Angel Inn, close to the Chapel of
AUhallows. Before the doors of the inns we may imagine
a group of pack-horses, or the brilliant train of the Bishop
of Exeter on his way to his cathedral.

Of the great people who might have been met in the
streets of Honiton there were the Courtenays, who would
come for a brief stay at their country house on the hill or to
attend a rent audit in the town, and the Chardes, who had
inherited Traceyhayes. Sir John Kirkham, recently Sheriff
of Devon (1524), and who had at that time generously given
lands to the charity of AUhallows, might have ridden in from
Feniton, as he had married the daughter of Bichard Malherbe,
of that place; and Sir Amias Powlett, who soon after sold
part of Batishorn to an ancestor of the Yonges, a name so
closely associated with Honiton; and Humphrey Arundell,
owner of another portion of Batishorn, who a few years later
(1549) was to suffer a traitor's death at Tyburn on account
of his action in the Western Rebellion ; and Baldwin Mallett,
Solicitor-General to Henry VIIT., who had married the heiress
of John Takell ; and Thomas Marwood, afterwards the famous
doctor, now but a youth of eighteen. Members of the family
of Drake, of Ash, who held a reputed manor here, the Lote-
rells, who held Blannicomb, and the Minifies, who obtained
Northcote after the dissolution.

To these may be added a number of country gentry from
the surrounding district, including Sir Greorge Carew, of
Mohun's Ottery, years after as Vice- Admiral to go down in
the ill-fated Mary Rose, and his imcles. Sir Peter and Sir
Gawen, famous for their connection with the Western Eebel-
lion ; the aged Cicely Bonville, Marchioness of Dorset,
weighed down by years of sorrow, passing on her way from
Shute to Ottery St. Mary, where she had added an aisle to
the church; Nicholas Wadham, of Branscombe, some years
previously Sheriff* of the county, and the father of the founder
of Wadham College ; while the incumbents of the neighbour-
ing parish churches may have discussed in low voices the
threatened ecclesiastical changes, but would have doffed their
hats respectfully to the Abbots of Dunkeswell, Newnhami

HONITON IN 1580. 121

and Fold, or other high ecclesiastics passing through the
town.

But, leaving the High Street, let us climb, by way of New
Street, to the ancient church of St. Michael's on the hill
to the south of the town, near which stood the old manor-
house. The Manor of Honiton had belonged to that strong-
minded lady, Isabella de Fortibus, and by her had been sold
with the Isle of Wight to the king in 1297 ; but there was
a doubt cast on the transaction as far as it related to the
Isle of Wight, and it may have been deemed politic to hand
over Honiton to her heir, Hugh Courtenay, or he may have
obtained it by purchase. Id either event we know the
living was in his possession in 1314, and that the manor,
with all its rights, view of frank-pledge, assize of bread
and ale, and tumbrell and pillory, descended from him,
through the Powderham branch of the family, to Eichard
Courtenay, who was made Bishop of Norwich in 1413.
Five years previously he had presented Kobert Fynour
to the living. In his day there was, near the Courtenay
manor-house on the hill, a chapel, some say of mendicant
friars, others that it was a family oratory ; tradition says
that it occupied the centre of the present chancel, and
about this period became the parish church, and that this
Bichard Courtenay, impressed by the necessity of greater
accommodation, undertook to enlarge the building. The
nave and perhaps the tower of the present church we may
assign to this worthy bishop, aided by his parishioners, for
John Chepman, in his will dated the Monday next before
the Feast of St. Peter ad Vincula (26th July), 1406, left
money for the "works at the parish Church," and desired
to be buried before the Great Cross in St. MichaeVs. The
work would have occupied a number of years, doubtless
proceeding slowly; meanwhile Fynour died, and we learn
that he left the chancel and parsonage in a dilapidated
condition, so that an inquiry was instituted into the matter
at the instance of his successor, John Sneynton, on
13th June, 1413. Whatever work was in progress was
presumably stopped on the death of the Bishop of Norwich
in 1415, and during the minority of his nephew and heir
little would have been done. Nearly three-quarters of a
century after the bishop's death the manor and living were
in the possession of another bishop, his great -nephew,
Peter Courtenay, Dean of Exeter in 1477, and made Bishop
of that see in 1478. He appears to have carried on the
good work of his predecessor, and to him perhaps we may

VOL. XXX. 1

122 HONITON IN 1580.

ascribe the south aisle, where the Gourtenay arms appear,
with its chapels of St. George and St James, and the screen
of carved and painted woodwork, which stretched across
the nave and aisle, and we know that he inserted some
stained glass — a portion with the arms of his father impaling
those of his mother, a daughter of Lord Hungerford, stiU
remained in the tower window when Ezra Oleaveland was
rector early in the eighteenth century ; a fragment with the
Gourtenay arms still exists in the window of the south
transept. Possibly he began to rebuild the chancel, but may
not have completed it before 1491, when he died.

Still his work was not sufiScient to bring the fabric to
its present dimensions; either the church was not large
enough to meet the requirements of the community, or
else the wave of enthusiasm for church restoration that
swept over the country just prior to the Reformation
touched Honiton, and another aisle to the north was
erected. The date of this may fairly be placed between
14th August, 1506, and 26th August^ 1528, and it was
largely, if not entirely, due to the generosity of a worthy
Honiton couple, John and Joan Takell.

John Takell, to whom I have already referred as residing
in the town near the Shambles, we have reason to believe,
was not " a man learned in the law," as has been said, but
a merchant of some sort — perhaps a dealer in leather or
the son of one, as he desires his parents' names and his own
should be put on the Brotherhood of St. John at Bradninch,
and the chapel of this fraternity belonged to the Guild of
Gordwainers. Or could he have been a miller? for a mill-rind
is carved on the pillar at St Michael's Ghurch, though no
mills are mentioned in his will.^ That he was a man of con-
siderable wealth we may infer from his will, and it may have
been that which furthered the marriage of his daughter with
Baldwin Mallett, Solicitor-General to Henry VIII.

John Takell had married Joan, daughter of John and
Alice Stonard and widow of William Hede ; after his death
she evidently carried on the business, and lived as a wealthy
widow for over twenty years. During this time she must

3 That he had a shop of some kind we know from his reference to goods
in it in his will, immediately followed by the words, ** I will that three pieces
of cloth be divided among the poor." His widow refers to "a great brazen
mortar and stamper of iron being in mjr shop." Soane gives, "The Mill-rind
(or Fer-de-Moulin, or InJce-de- Moulin) is the name of the iron which upholds
a Mill-stone, and is a very ancient and honourable bearing." No arms of
Takell have been traced. Takell owned a manor in Gittisham that descended
to the Malletts. See Pole's Coll, p. 169.

HONITON IN 1630. 123

have been engaged upon the task of restoring the parish
church, to which, it is thought, she added the north aisle, "the
newe chapell of our Blessed Lady," or " the newe Isle," as
she calls it in her will, and in which she was buried. It is
probable she enlarged the chancel as well, for here we find
on the capitals of the two eastern pillars the memorial
inscription, "Pray for ye soul of Joh'n Takell and Jone
hys wyffe," in old English letters.

It would not be difficult to imagine the appearance of the
interior of the church in the year of grace 1530, when
Nicholas Courtenay was rector, an absentee rector we may
fancy, if he was identical with Nicholas, son of Sir William
Courtenay, at that time Hector of Powderham, and after-
wards deprived by Queen Mary in 1554. Perhaps Sir John
Cocks, clerk, was the curate-in-charge. On entering the
charch, after passing the holy-water stoup, into which as
devout Catholics we would have dipped our fingers, we
would be struck by the beautiful screen, recently continued
across the north aisle, and freshly painted under the will
of Joan Takell, and gleaming with the reflection of many
candles. Surmounting it was the massive rood, representing
our Saviour upon the Cross, with images of St. John and
the Blessed Virgin on either hand. The top of the cross
may have reached to the chancel arch, and above that
may have risen a lantern tower, where there are now four
curving beams carved with heads, one with wings, and the
others with mitre, cowl, and armour, supposed to represent
St Michael, the bishop, the rector, and the patron. A lamp
would have been burning before the rood, a silver lamp
suspended by chains. Another burned before the sacrament
on the high altar, another twinkled before the images of
St. George to the west of the screen in the south transept,
and others before that of St. James in the south chancel
aisle and before the altar of Our Lady in the new north aisle.
If our visit were upon the 25th March the statue of the
Virgin would have been adorned with Joan Takell's "best
girdle of blew colour, harnessed with silver," while her
" best table-cloth of dyaper," or else the " silken cloth called
a pall," and John TakeU's best silver cup might have been
upon the altar in the north aisle.

We might picture that "shrewd, well-ofif, devout" Joan
Takell a few years previously kneeling upon the spot after-
wards occupied by her own blue stone memorial slab, before
the altar of the Blessed Virgin, as she has been described,
"of imposing presence, clad in her best hood and kirtle,

I 2

124 HONITON IN 1680.

gown of murrey, green girdle, harnessed with silver-gUt
buckle and filigree, to which was attached her beads of
coral and silver-gilt dependent."

Passing out by the north door, we would have noticed
and perhaps learned the original purpose of that strange
frame of Tudor design, afterwards utilized as a window,
let into the wall ; we would have passed beneath the parvis
of the north porch, if that structure then existed. Near
at hand would have been the small building said to have
been intended for the residence of the priest Hence we
could have seen to the gate, for the row of cypress trees
was not then there to obscure the view; and we might
have observed the approach of a funeral procession, wearied
by the climb up the steep incline, but still chanting as it
advanced, and on our ears might fall, mellowed by distance,
the solemn words of the psalm, "Homo vanitati similis
factus est, dies ejus sicut umbra praetereunt" Or, if it were
a market day, we could watch the people pausing to enter
the church to say a prayer before the image of their patron
saint before returning to their lonely farms, or to bring a
candle or votive offering to his shrine. Perhaps the lowing
of kine or bleating of sheep would reach us from a neigh-
bouring field wherein the parson's tithe was being collected.

Returning to the town, we would have wended our way to
the Chapel of St. Thomas k Becket, the very site of which to-
day we seek in vain. It may have been at the north-western
end of the town on the road to Traceyhayes, where dwelt
the Traceys, who, in expiation of their ancestor's crime,
dedicated chapels to that holy martyr. The earliest mention
we have of it is the entry stating that Bishop Grandisson
licensed it for the celebration of divine service on 28th
February, 1332, at the desire of Philip de Pontyngdone,
rector of the parish,* a favourite with the bishop, who visited
him once on passing through Honiton on his way to Bishop's
Clyst. But by 1406 it was in need of repair, to judge by
John Chepman's will. Nor was it forgotten by the pious
Takells — John left a small sum to the Chapel of St. Thomas,
"in the town of Honiton," while his widow added to **the
store of St. Thomas of Honyton."

Nor did these worthy citizens forget the Chapel of
Allhallows, which stood near the site of the present St
Paul's Church. John Chepman bequeathed £10 "for the
roofing of the Chapel of All Saints, if the parishioners

* Bishop Orandisson'a Hegister, fol. 149b. Preb. Hinokston-Randolph's
Edition, p. 639^

HONITON IN ISSOb 125

are willing to cover it with lead"; if not, his executors
were to dispose of this sum at their discretion. He also
gave the croft of Heathfield, so that a chaplain might
celehrate at the altar of St John Baptist in All Saints
for the souls of himself and others. John Takell left six
shillings and eightpence to this chapel, but Joan's gifts
are more interesting. Can we imagine the portly widow
conveying in person along the High Street "a brazen pott,
the weight of ten pounds " ? Yet such seems to have been
the case to judge from her will, wherein she expressly
declares that this article was ''delivered by myne owne
hand," and intended for the store of Allhallows. Her
two great Latyn candlesticks were ''to stand upon the
principall altar of Allhallows there, to the honour of God,
and Our Blessed Lady and Allhallows," while a silver cross
was to be placed before the image of Allhallows and Our
Lady "to remain there forever." We may thus infer that
there were above the high altar representations of the Virgin
and Allhallows. That the latter was represented in some
form is evident from the mention of "an Idol of all
hallowes" at Belton, Lincolnshire, but we have no evidence
of its appearance.^

Not far beyond the precincts of the town stood the Lazar
House, wherein dwelt the lepers. In the fifteenth century
there were at least eight leper houses in the county, an
indication of the prevalence of that horrible disease at that
period. This one existed as early as 1374 when an in-
dulgence was granted to those contributing towards its
maintenance, a privilege no doubt available later, when
John Prestecote, in 1412, and Thomas Beymound, in 1418,
left bequests to this and other lazar houses, and which was
also revived by a similar indulgence granted in 1482.

Just prior to the period of which I write the buildings
had fiedlen into decay, but at the right moment a generous
.benefactor was raised up. In the ancient house that stood
near the mansion, now showing between the trees clustered
on the sides of the hill of St Gyres, then known as Tracey-
hayes, was bom about the year 1470 Thomas Gharde, a
descendant through the Mabbes of the Traceys. Across
the river from his birthplace he could see the buildings
then becoming ruinous. He recalled this in after years,
when in the plenitude of his powers as Bishop of Solubria,
suf&agan to the Bishop of Exeter, and Abbot of the beautiful
foundation at Ford ; perhaps, too, he was reminded of it by

• £* p£A0O0K's Church Furniture, &c., p, 46.

126 flONITON m 1630.

the devout Joan Takell, who had entrusted him with " 120
ryalls of gold," ® so that for twenty years a priest, under the
oversight of the monks at Ford, might sing for the souls
of herself and relatives, and he determined to restore the
buildings, and link them with the place of his birth.

By 1530 his task was nearing completion, and we might
have heard, as we passed along the road, the clink of the
hammer and trowel upon the stones, and the cheery voices
of the workmen, busy upon the restoration and enlargement
of that house, " with five apartments, one for the governor
and four others for four leprous people, with an handsome
chappel annexed for God's service." We might have lingered
in the orchard adjoining, with its boughs laden with fragrant
blossoms, or passed through the herb-gardens, where the
plants, as we brushed against them, would have given forth
a pungent odour. Here, too, we might have seen the busy
bees collecting that yearly toibute of three pounds of wax,
which, with twenty-one pence, was to be paid to the heir
male of Gharde living at Awliscombe. Even the right
reverend father himself might have been present to watch
the progress of the work, little dreaming perhaps of the fate
so soon to overtake him, for nine years later he signed away
the temporalities of his abbey, and about 1643 he was buried
in an unknown grave, perhaps within this very Chapel of St
Margaret's Hospital.

But he left enduring monuments behind him in a portion
of Ford Abbey, in the south transept of Awliscombe Church,
and in these buildings which he restored and beautified. His
pious wish, inscribed upon the bell still hanging in its little
cote, " God preserve this House," has been fulfiUed.

And so, leaving the quaint old town of Honitou, busy with
life, embosomed in its charming hollow, we wake to the pre-
sent day, when the sleepy little borough scarce rouses itself,
even when the modem iron horse rushes shrieking through the
lovely valley, fit emblem of the tumult and hurry of the age.

KoTB. — The wills of John and Joan Takell are given at length,
with much other information concerning the testators, in West
Country Stories and Sketches^ by W. H. H. Rogers. I have
quoted largely therefrom, and would here acknowledge my in-
debtedness to that writer, who has been so ready to help me
in my researches. John Chepman's will, also quoted freely, is
given in Bishop Stafford's Register^ edited by the Eev. Prebendary
HiDgeston-Bandolph, to whom I owe a heavy debt of gratitude.

• Prinob*8 Worthies, p. 196.

SOME NOTES ON RECTORS OF HONITON SINCE

THE COMMONWEALTH.

BT THOMAS OANN HU0HB8, M.A.
(Bead at Honiton, AngriBti 1866.)

1663-1699. Ozias Upcott. — This man was presented by
Grabriel Baraes by right of the advowson granted by Sir
William Courtenay, of Powderham, Baronet, and Amy
Sonrton, wife of his predecessor, Rev. Francis Sourton, who
was deprived for nonconformity.

I have not been able to find any record of his parentage.
He matriculated at Exeter College, Oxford, on 23rd July, 1656 ;
was a Fellow from 1659-1664, graduated B.A. on 12th July,
1662, He was admitted as Rector of Honiton on 8th
January, 1662-3. He resigned his Oxford Fellowship in
1664. " He died 6 February two minutes before 12 o'clock
at night and was buried 15 Feb. 1698/9." ^

1699-1740. Ezra Cleveland. — I have been unable to find
any trace of his place of birth or of his parentage. He
matriculated at Exeter CoUege, Oxford, on 20th March,
1677-8, "aged 16"; he graduated B.A. on 17th October,
1681, was elected a Fellow in 1682, and so remained until
1698; meanwhile he graduated M.A. on 19th June, 1684,
and B.D. on 25th June. 1695. WhUst a Fellow at Exeter
College he was tutor to William Courtenay, who recommended
him for promotion to his grandfather. Sir William Courtenay.
He was presented by the latter, on the death of the Rev.
Edward Basill, to the rectory of Powderham, and was
instituted on 8th April, 1697; and on 28th July, 1699,
was transferred (again on the nomination of Sir William
Courtenay) to the rectory of Honiton. In 1735 he published
in folio at Exeter A Genealogical History of the Noble and
Illustrious Family of Courtenay. His wife, Margaret, was

^ See Parish Register ; see also Boare's History ofEoater CoUege^ p. 74.

128 80MB NOTEd ON HECTOHS OP HONITON

buried at Honiton on 20th April, 1733, and their son John
died of the small-pox at Ideford on 18th June, 1724, and
was buried at Kingsteignton. This lector died on 7th August,
1740, and was buried at Honiton, where was formeriy an
inscription on his gravestone in the chancel, compiled by
the Bev. Richard Lewis, headmaster of Honiton Grammar
School This inscription (in Latin), as restored in full by
the Rev. George Oliver, is given at p. 30 of voL i. of hw
JScclesiastical Antiquities of Devon. ^

1740-1761. ITon. Charles Bertie. — He was youngest son
of James Bertie, Baron Norreys of Rycote and Earl of
Abingdon, and was bom about 1679. His sister Ann
married Sir William Courtenay, of Powderham Castle. He
matriculated at Christ Church, Oxford, on 29th October,
1695, graduated B.A. 18th December, 1699, became a student
of the Middle Temple in 1700, graduated M.A. 6th July,
1703, became a Fellow of All Souls Collie, and graduated
B.C.L. on 17th December, 1706, and D.C.L on 23rd October,
1711 ; he was Sedleian Professor of Natural Philosophy from
1720 to 1741. On 27th August, 1726, he was presented, on
the nomination of his brother-in-law, Sir William Courtenay,
to the living of Kenn ; on 15th November, 1740, he was also
presented to the Honiton living. He died 15th February,
1746, and on 20th February was buried at Kenn.

By the kindness of the present courteous Rector of Kenn,
Rev. Frank W. Vining, I am favoured with the following
copy of his tombstone and that of his widow (the tomb was
in the chancel, but is now covered over) : —

''The Hod. and Rey<>. Charles Bertie L.L.D. yoongeat son of James, First
Earl of Abingdon Professor of Natural Philosophy in the University of
Oxford and Rector of this Parish. Died Feb. 16"» 1746 in the 69^»» year of
his age. Here lie also the Remains of the Hon. M". Elizabeth Bertie relict
of the above Doctor Bertie who died 21"' June 1759 ased 76.

"Also Anna Walker their youngest daughter who aied 12^ day of August
1762 aged 80."

His will, dated 6th August, 1746, was proved 30th Sep-
tember, 1747. He gave to his daughter (the wife of Dr. James
Fynes, Hector of Moretonhampstead) £10 lOs. for mourning
(he had provided for her on her marriage). He gave all his
books to his son Charles, subject to charges of £100 for
his niece Anna Sophia Courtenay, and of £500 to his own
daughter Anna.

1746-1761. I am unable to find who was rector between
these dates.

^ See BoASB, p. 80.

SINCE THB COMMONWEALTH. 129

1761-1788. Charles Bertie,— Tin& is presumably the " son
Charles" of the former rector of the same name. He, I
imagine, graduated B.A. at Magdalene College, Oxford, on
3rd June, 1731, and M.A. on 17th January, 1733. He died
in 1788.

1788-1813. Edward Etmywood. — He was son of Sir
William Honywood, Kt., of Mailing Abbey, Kent, and was
born about 1762. He matriculated at Oriel College, Oxford,
on 8th May, 1780. He transferred to Alban Hall, and there
graduated B.A. on 27th January, 1787, M.A. on 17th June,
1793, and D.C.L. on 11th July of the same year. He was
admitted Rector of Honiton on the presentation of William,
Viscount Courtenay, on 6th December, 1788. He married
Sophia, daughter of Bev. John ling. Their daughter Sophia
Elizabeth married his successor. He died 1st December, 1812,
and was buried at Honiton on 7th December.

To him was dedicated the frontispiece of The Life of
Joseph : the Son of Israel in Ten Books, published by Spurway,
of Honiton, in 1799.

By the kindness of the present Rector of Honiton, I am
enabled to set out the following inscription on the monu-
ment of Dr. Honeywood in the north chancel aisle of
Honiton.

Copy of the inscription on the tablet erected in the north
chancel aisle of St Michael's Church, Honiton, in memory
of Dr. Honeywood, Rector of Honiton : —

''This Tablet

Was erected by the inhabitants of Honiton, as a mark of

Their attachment affection and regard,

To the Memory of

The Reverend Edward Honeywood, Clerk, Doctor of Laws

Who was Rector of this parish upwards of 24 years, k died on

The 1st day of December 1812, aced 59 years.

As a preacher he was eloquent and persuasive ;

As a magistrate he was just and humane ;

His manners were elegant and unaffected ;

His mind liberal and benevolent ;

He had an open k generous heart ;

And he lived and died in love and charity with all mankind."

His remains were interred on the north side of the altar
on the Monday after Ms death, and on that solemn occasion
the shops in the town were kept shut, cmd all business was
suspended, and the parishioners at large of every denomina-
tion flocked to this sacred place to bid a last adieu to their
beloved pastor.

1813-1827. Emry Allewright Hughes.— Son of Henry
Hughes, of St Swithin's, in the city of Worcester, gentleman.

130 SOME NOTES ON RECTOllS 0^ HONITON

He was born about 1781, and matriculated at Worcester
College, Oxford, on 4th December, 1798 ; he graduated B.A,
on 17th June, 1802, and M.A. on 19th February, 1813. He
was presented to Honiton by Henry Wrottesley and Thomas
Smith, of Lincoln's Inn, and John Pidsley, of Exeter. He
preached on 12th September, 1819, before the officers of the
Boyal First Yeomanry Cavalry assembled at Honiton on
permanent duty, and the sermon was printed by James
Spurway, and a copy is preserved in the Bodleian Library.
He resigned in 1827, and died at Nycolls Nymett, Devon,
22nd May, 1861.

1827-1855. Villiers Henry Plantagenet Somerset. — ^Was
third son of Lord Charles Henry Somerset (second son of
the fifth Duke of Beaufort), and was born on 12th February,
1803. He matriculated at Christ Church, Oxford, on
18th October, 1820, and graduated B.A. on 1st June, 1826.
He was admitted Sector of Honiton on 16th July, 1827,
and on 8th August, 1844, married Frances Dorothea, eldest
daughter of John Henry Ley, of Trehill, Devon, Clerk to
the House of Commons. Their eldest son is the present
Vicar of Crickhowell. The above rector died on 3rd February,
1855.

1855-70. John Fielder Mdckarruss, — Eldest son of John
Mackamess, West India merchant, bom at Islington
December 3rd, 1820, educated at Eton and Merton College,
Oxford, of which he was Postmaster from 1840 to 1844,
graduated B.A. 1844, M.A. 1847, and D.D. 1869. From
1844 to 1847 he was a Fellow of Exeter Collega In 1845
he was made Vicar of Tardebrigge, Worcestershire, and on
7th August, 1849, married at Ottery St. Mary Alethea
Buchanan, youngest daughter of Sir John Taylor Coleridge.
In 1855 he was appointed Hector of Honiton by William
Courtenay, Earl of Devon. He was very instrumental in
improving Honiton Grammar School. In 1858 he was made
a Prebendary of Exeter, and in 1867 Vicar of Monkton.
This last living he retained with Honiton, till his elevation
to the Episcopate in 1870 as Bishop of Oxford. This office
he resigned in 1888, and dying on 16th September, 1889,
was buried at Sandhurst, Berks. His portrait by Ouless
is in the dining-room at Cuddesdon Palace.

1869-1895. Michael Ferrebee Sadler. — Bom at Leeds in
1819, eldest son of Michael Thomas Sadler, the reformer.
He was educated at Sherborne School and St. John's College,
Cambridge, where he was Tyrwhitt Hebrew Scholar in 1846.
He graduated B.A. in 1847. From 1852 to 1857 he was

SINCE THE COMMONWEALTH. 131

perpetual curate of Hanover Chapel, Eegent Street, and in
1855 married Maria, daughter of John Tidd Pratt, Esq.,
Registrar of Friendly Societies. In 1857 he was appointed
Vicar of Bridgwater, and in 1864 was transferred to St Paul,
Bedford. He was nominated by Mr. Gladstone to the rec-
tory of Honiton in 1869. He was an influential Anglican
divine, and wrote Church Doctrine^ Bible Truth, and many
other books of kindred nature. He died at Honiton on
15th August, 1895, and is buried in the churchyard there.
There is also a tablet to his memory in Exeter Cathedral.

A HISTORY OF SALCOMBE REGIS.

BY J. Y. A. MORSHEAD.
(Read at Honiton, August, 1898.)

UNPRINTBD AUTHORITIES.

(Mostly Transcribed by Ret. H. Retkolds.)

From ChapUr MunimenU,

Marked "C" in Notes.

A.D. 1225-1509 Bishops' Statutes. (Catalogue No. 8629, &c.)

1226-1288 Ghelson Deeds (1558-1588.)

1282 R. Cote quits claim. (1506.)

1281-1891 Surveys. (2858-8672.)

„ 1819 Nytheway v. Atway. (1509.)

1619-1778 Surveys. Cromweirs, &c. (152^1528.)

1356-15S4 Court Rolls. (1510, &c., 4926.)

1445,1468,&c. Compoti. (8551, &c., 5137-8.)

1406-1647 Rotuli Debitorum. (2718-2776.)

1887-1807 Act Books. (3550, &c.)

154&-1798 Garb, Manor and Ckelson Leases. (15186, &c.)

1083-1763 Correspondence. (3601, 8499, &c.)

From Ecclesuutical Court Room,

1611-1784 Peculiars. (14 cases.)
1540-1779 Consistorials. (26 cases.)

From WilU Room.
1647-1760 Willi. (97.)

From P. 0. Hutchinson MSS.

1322 Boundary Award.

1414-1605 Poor-land Deeds.

From Guildhall Library at Exeter.
1501-1622 Ameredith Deeds.

It
»♦

»
>i
••
»»
>»

»•

«i

From P. R. Office.

1551-1620 Subsidy Rolls.

1649 Sale by Commissioners to Stone A Parsons.

From Major Balfour's Document*.

1709 Prideaux Settlements.

1798 Land-tax Deeds.

From Rev. F. J. Huyshe's Documents.
1220-1298 Leases of Sonde, Voggishill, kc.

From Notes on the Architecture of the Church, Ac,

By Rev. J. L. Fulford and J. Reed, Esq.

From Dp. R. Kt*tell Cornish Chord of the Manor's) Documents.

„ 1608-1801 Court Rolls.
„ 1644 A Poor Rate.

From Parish Chest.

,, 1704, Ac. Churchwardens' Accounts.

,, 1688, &c. Poor-law Accounts.

„ 1720, Ac. Apprentice List.

„ 1812, &C. Parish Traditions.

A HISTORY OF SALCOMBE REGIS. 133

'^The parish has never been insignificant/' its oldest in-
habitant tells me. This seems true. Oar first institution,
a silicified cone,^ proves the original sandbank was shaded
here by groves of Pinites oblongus. We were a kind of
Neocomian Bournemouth. And when after a few seons the
county assumed its present shape, and the soil of our
2597 acres was thus composed : —

Alluvial (brought down by the four streams) . 359a.

Marl (on the slopes next above) . . . 628a.

Eox-mould, &c. (on steeper slopes above marl) . 495a.

Chalk-clay and Flints (on a 4-mile down above all) 1 1 15a.

the last of the white walls of old England capped our
eastern cliff. Neither alluvial nor fox-mould are fertile, and
though marl will grow 40 bushels of wheat to chalk-clay's
20, it takes a plough one-third of a day longer to do it. No
wonder that while our valleys remained a woody solitude for
mammoths,^ our down was eagerly occupied by Neolithic^
men.

What little evidence of Silurians we have connects them
with the same uplands. On it are four fields called Shelfs,*
another Little Shelver, a tenement styled Long Stone, and a
waste known as Mare and Colt, from a large flint breccia
balanced on a small one. Five others on the Great Plain
may be a Dolman, and most of our carters are small, dark
men with a head-measurement of 20x11 in. But this is
craniology.

The Celts, too, were on the high ground. Their Dun,^
with its Dunstone, adjoined the Shelfs. Their horses grazed
on Chevilstone,® and their owners were taken along the
Kist-er-me-le-weye^ for cremation on the Down. One
barrow in a spinney® has been overlooked by Mr. Kirwan.
Their descendants are tall labourers, who still have blue or
grey eyes, still swagger at evening over the cider, but still
have to light the fire for their wives the next morning.

The Romans (200 a.d.) have left no trace, unless the
name "Ston-her-path"® shows the Lyme road was their
handiwork.

Then came the Saxons (650 a.d.). Our farmers are still

* Manchester Lit, and Phil. Soc. x. 8.

' Trana. Devon. Assoc, vi I. 285. ' Ibid, viii. 437.

* Ordnance Map, Nos. 503-8. • Ibid. No. 500.

* Mr. Barinff-Grould thinks it means ''Ceff^lston."

7 C. 1579=the funeral road ? » Ordn. 10.

* 0. 1679. "Viavoc* Stonherpath ;" cf. Trans. Devon. Assoc, xvii 196,
«* Her-path."

134 A HI8T0RT OF SALCOMBE REGia

short, broad men, with stolid features. They seem to have
made each fresh conquest a Soyal demesne, and to have
called each group of demesnes after its chief village.
Alfred's will (880 a.d.) appears to use a traditional formula
when it speaks of '' all that my land at Crewkeme, Axmouth,
Branscombe, Collumpton, &c." If so, Branscombe was the
original Hundred - Court for all between Axe and Exe.
They too began on our Down. The Dun was renamed
Burgh, and the arable strip adjoining was long called " Wolf-
ring-croft.*' ^' The skeleton found* there in 1850 was perhaps
some old reeve's. But agriculture soon became scientific,
and it cannot have been long before our marl lands were
cleared, and the Manor Court followed the plough from
Dunscombe across to Salcombe.

And now (925 A.D.) occurred our most important event
Athelstan gave 26 vills to the Exeter Monastery. In
Testa NevUl Sidbury, Salcombe, &c., are cited as "in
Begum elimosina." In Quo Warranto Sidbury, Brans-
combe, &c., as "in elema: AthelstanL" This looks as if
Salcombe was one of Athelstan's 26. Can we reconstitute
this lost grant ? What hides did we then comprise ? Only
3 of that king's grants to Exeter survive.

Birch {A» S, Cartid,) Domesday Exon,
Topsham . 1 Cassata ... 1 Hide.
Stoke Canon . 6 Perticoe ... 1 Hide.
Culmstock . 5 Cassatoe ... 5 Hides.

But as Salcombe in Domesday had 3 hides, the chances
are two out of three that also in Athelstan's time we had
3 hides. Traditions of such sites lingered long. Thus
Sidbury retained^ its 3 hide obligations (all on the marl),
Saunde \ hide, Hitwaie's 1, Stone 1, Cotford i, Worton
(Ebden?) ^, as late as 1381 a.d. And in a curious deed,*
A.D. 1282, we find this manor called " Saltecombe, Donscomb,
and SudvilL" Forgive my audacity if I suggest these were
our 3 hides.

If so Saltecomb means Thorn, and its thorn-tree, which
still has to be renewed with music, marks the north apex
of the demesne hide. (925 a.d.). Till 1356 it was the home

^ C. 2493, A.D. 1820.

' p. O. HutchlDson, MSS. Hist. 82. Trans, Devon. Assoc, xii 148.

' 0. 2945. " J. Trivet at Stooe defendat pro una hida," Ac.

* C. 1506. '*R. C. remisi Decano et Capitulo orane jus in manerium
Saltcombe, Donscomb, and Sudvill, ut in tenementis quso Ds ; et Cm. :
teuent in Saltcomb, Donscomb, Sudvill, Bisyde, Burgh, Trowe, and Sclade,
nil juris habeam," Ac. Probably he was a lay-farmer resigning office.

A HISTORY OF SALCOMBE REGIS. • 135

of the demesne oxen, and its arable would be the 90
imperial acres of marl in the Combe below. Such a hide
is smaU,^ but we must remember our local acre is only
two -thirds of the imperial, that the track to it was till
1800 A.D. a stony goyle, that marl is tough, and the land
then studded with flint breccias since used for weiring.
The Combe would be a good year's work.

Donscombe again (the demesne dairy -house) would be
a suitable place for coUecting the rents of such old-fashioned
tenants (probably Celts) as still lived Above-down. Its
area, as bounded by the four roads there, is 184 acres, and
its clay was lighter than the marL But much was poor ; so
we will claim only 90 acres for arable.

The third, Sudvill, later called Holway village, is on the
best part of our western marl, and on the best stream of
hill water. This hide seems bounded by the Salcombe Hill
road, and its area (like the other marl one) 90 acres, the
cattle, of course, grazing along the river alluvial.

Our boundaries have always been, east, Dunscombe, and
north, P£U)Combe waters, with a curious notch at the north-
west corner belonging now, but possibly not then,® to
Sidbury. On the west we overlap the Sid, perhaps to secure
our several fishery for the monks against the rude salt-
workers of Sidmouth. Its mouth, too, was ours. Becent
excavations ^ show the sea never came inside ; so the " Port
of Sidmouth " must have been outside. Perhaps the Mussel
Bock® was once tall enough to shelter vessels.

If so, we were still important. The king had kept
tJie best manors for himself; their value in Domesday
averages £16 13s. If d. But what he gave to the monastery
were his second best; they average £12 16s. 9^d. Our
modest 3 hides again are above the average Devon area
of 1 hide 3 virg. ; and everything else, Hue-and-Cry, Blood-
shed,® Free-warren,^ Foreshore,^ Infangtheof (925 a.d.). Frank-
pledge and Bread-and-beer, were in their Saxon forms legally

' C, 1531. "The west acres here are f of the Statute acre." Cf. Charity
Commissioners' Report^ 1819, p. 6, "one-third less than the Statute acre."

« C. 1509, A.D. 1319, bounds us "a See-cliff ad" (not Herpath, but)
"Side-bostell.'*

^ Since Mr. Hutchinson's death. His view, too, implied that the sea,
advancing elsewhere, has receded just there.

* 120 yards south -south-east of the mouth.

' C, 4840. Presentment, 1507 A.D., of "Venatores phasianorum," &c.
No grant is recorde«l. Sidraouth's dates from 1328 a.d. "Provided it
does not lie in any Royal forest." P. O. H.'s MSS. Hist, (sub anno).

* C. 2419. "Tempus immemoratum." " Per signum Merill. **
« C. 2498. " Ibidem captos."

136 A HISTORY OF 8ALC0MBE REGIS.

complete. In our quiet way we even had, what Edward L
never detected, a gcdlows,^ overlooking our Chelson frontier.
Trailing these relics of sovereign jurisdiction, we in 925 a.d.
settled down as Church-land.

In such a manor a wooden chapel was probably soon
erected, and a salt- work, as "useful for food and divine
service," placed below the comba But actual records fail
until Canute (1019 a.d.) was by way of penance restoring
all the monastery lands Sweyn had plundered to Akelwold.
Risdon thinks Salcombe was then first granted, but in
an old list* of Chapter deeds that king gives Stoke Canon,
though Athelstan had before. Ours probably was a similar
reconveyance (1051 a.d.). Still the monastery profited littla
It was only by much pressure that Leofric (1061 a.d.)
regained actual possession from "the tyranny of certain
lofty Danes." The quarry here is nearer than the Bowood,
and there is a very early cross over our east window, so
perhaps this was the date of our earliest stone church.

And now we come to Domesday (1068 A.D.), which shows
a great increase since Athelstan's time.

" Valet et Valebat, 60s" There are reasons for thinking
we were really worth more. £3 reads like the normal £1
per hide. The rents of all monastery estates, except
Dawlish, Culmstock, and Ashburton, remain unnaturally
fixed. There has been an immemorial practice for the
Chapter manors and Great Tithes to be leased off on a big
fine for life at an ''ancient rent," while the lessee did all
repairs and recouped himself by extracting fines (generally
thnce the annusd value) from the copyholders. When
a history of cathedral finance is written we may find
Salcombe even then supplied pocket-money for some
influential monk.

S hidas posstcnt arare 6 caniccB. This must mean that
the old arable area had now doubled. Where can we find
the new 360 acres required? Not round the demesne
hide (1068 a.d.). That remained (as the shape of the
Combe suggests, and as Domesday declares) unchanged. Let
R de Cote's deed ^ again give an answer. It was at
"Bisyde, Burgh, Trow, and Sclade," and therefore round
the two copyhold hides. Now Biside, Milltown, and
Eipstone are 3 marl squares, each bounded by roads, of
115, 72, and 88 acres. Burgh and Sclade lie north of

' C. 1662, &c. Ordnance 164 ; north-east corner ; cf. Upton v. Wigsted.

* C. 2862. " Carta Cnut de Stoke, AthelsUni de Sidebiry,'* Ac.

* a 1606. (V.S. p. 2, note.)

A HISTORY OF SALCOMBE REGIS. 137

Dnnscombe, and contain 22 acres each, while Trow (named
fix>m some tree marking the north-west comer?) had
probably absorbed the odd 90 acres of the Dunscombe
square. Total (379 acres new + 300 acres old), 679 acres.

*'Inde 8 carucce!* This only restates the fact that our
marl is hard to work. If we give Bisyde 3^, Burgh and
Sclade \ each, and Trow the other 1, we get the 5 new
teams required.

" lli habet Eps 16 villanos'* These we may roughly place
as owning about | one of the 7 copyhold carucates, say 40
acres each, and the surplus 2 on the oldest and most sub-
divided pwrt, probably Punscombe.

*' Et 7 bordarios" Labourers who boarded (?) in the
demesne hall, but slept at home. Later they are called
*' Cotagii." They seem to have been the nucleus of Salcombe
church-town.

" Et 2 servos:' When the demesne had (in 1360 A.D.) 4
carucse, it took 8 "famuli" to work them. Now with 1
plough it required 2. Perhaps they had no cottages, be-
cause they slept over their oxen.

" Et 6 agros prati." Most likely " Barton-Hye-Mead," the
6 acres in the combe-head, still '* the best field for dairy-
goods this side of Exeter."

**Et 14 agros nemoris:' They stand 500 yards south of
the quarry. The old oaks and ashes called Bowood.

**Et 80 ovesr They grazed on the West-down.

** Et 1 levgam pasauce x Jf. quadragJ* The Westdown. It
is 2000 yards x 760 yards ; now = 280 acres.

If so, the only parts (excluding Chelson) omitted in
JDomesday are, on the clay, Lincombe (185 acres) and Trow
(50 acres) downs, Winnycroft (38 acres) and Longlands
(32 acres) ; on the marl at Enowle, 40 acres ; on the fox-
mould, 400 acres; and on the alluvial, 297 acres. Un-
recorded, 1042 acres. Recorded, 950 acres. Even now there
are only 600 acres of arable, so we actually must have had
79 more acres under the plough at Domesday than at this
minuta

1068 A.D. Nor has the population much varied. It was
then (even assuming the copyholders had no labourers) 25
heads of families = 125, and now 612, of whom 350 are villa
people, who of course do not count. We have changed very
little since the Conquest

1089 A.D. Chelson (596 acres) too is unrecorded, because
not yet in Salcombe. One hundred years later it was in
Sidbury, but such names on it as Kings-down-tail, and

VOL, XXX. K

138 A HISTORY OF SALCOMBE REGIS.

Kynge-lawe Sclade,^ suggest that in Bufus' time it was part
of the ill-defined East Devon Forest.

1150 A.D. Stephen's is a carious reign in which to find a
church reform, but one then reached even us. Each senior
canon had always wished each Chapter manor and Great
Tithe to be let at its ancient rent (probably the Domesday
£3) to himself, professing to spend the surplus^ in repairs
and hospitality. Each junior wished it to go to the highest
bidder, so that the improved rent might come to Exeter.
And now Pope Eug. III. sided with the boys. All Great
Tithes (1152)^ should come in full to the common chest, and all
ancient manor rents ^ should be modernized by yearly auctions.
The actual increase we cannot trace, but the Cathedral was
so enriched that they built us a new church. It was dedi-
cated to the Virgin, and was a curious mixture of the solid
and the shabby. The chancel was more richly carved than
usual, perhaps by Cathedral masons then quarrying here for
Bishop Chichester, and there was a low arch between it and
a shoi:t nave containing a font. The west door is now em-
bedded in the south chancel wall, and outside stood that
Chapel of SS. Clement and Magdalene which is now the west
end of our south aisle. All windows were small short Nor-
man high-lights, all walls of sandstone from our quarry,
and the roof of straw. There was no tower, and ash trees
stood in the yard.

This done, in 1168 Bishop Bartholomew replaced a
senior canon here at an ancient rent. Its amount I infer
to be that of Tax. Nich. IV. This latter is far less than
a contemporary survey gives, ^ and the Chapter would
naturally admit only the lowest recorded value. If so, the
rent was, manor £18, Great Tithes £5 6s. 8d. The increase
being due partly to the late auctions, partly to an enlarge-
ment of the demesne arable by "Marling." By analogy
from Branscombe the vicarage meant house, glebe 7 acres,
and the Small Tithe of '' peas and beans in all curtalages,"
the whole valued at £2.

In 1225 Bishop Brewer revived the auctions, and again
great results followed. East Devon had been disafforested,
and Chelson had come into Sidbury. The freeholder, W. de
Saunde, had sold Higher Chelson to N. Bonville, but reserved
Lower Chelson, bounded by Herpath on south, and Sudiche

^ C. 1579. 7 C. 8629. " Hospitalitatem et rara servanda.'

^ Oliver's Lives (sub anno), ''Ecclesias ad communitatem."

** C. 3629. " Nuper '* (sc. before 1162 a.d.) " sub annuo censu dimittebantur.**

' C. 3672, for A.D. 1281.

A HISTORY OF SALCOMBE REGIS. 139

Hill' on west, for himself. The Chapter bought both with all
occupiers* rights for £81 16s. 8d. (now £2455?), stopped
agriculture, let the chapel decay, agisted sheep, and attached
the land to Salcombe^ to equalize the manors. But the
tithes remained in Sidburj, and seven centuries of litigation
followed that day's work.

The demesne arable had increased to four carucates. But
they were small; Whinnycroft, Longlands, and 144 acres
east of the Combe. Lincombethorn * marked its south-east
comer.

The copyhold arable was also enlarging. Pieces of Trow-
down clay were ploughed, and Knowle with its 2 ferl. of
marl. The White Lady tree marked the limit between them
and West-down.

The Chelson chaplain having become a sinecurist^ at
Harcombe, his former flock helped to crowd our church.
First the north and then the south aisle, and then the
present chancel arch were built, and all windows enlarged
to Early English shape. We could seat nearly as many then
as now.

But progress in Salcombe never lasts long. By 1281
Bishop Quivil had restored the ancient rent system, and
Canon Nolan, by day, erected fences and limed and marled
the new intakes, as the name Marleys testifies.® By night
he slept at Thorn. The cider-press and cheese-wring creaked
without, but within the hall glimmered those " brass-pottes,"
which already formed our Salcombe plate.

1281 A.D. The copyholders* area, too, became stationary,
and though their numbers increased to 75 ^ = 1 ferling each,
it was only through sub-divisions. The ten least split up
and most retaining their Domesday average of ^ hide
apiece — Sir Warren of Stone's (who was so grand he let his
4 ferlings to a farmer), A. of Knowle, Sanguyn of Bisyde,
Hoi way of Hoi ways, &c. — ^paid a 128. 6d. relief; but all
owed farm-services fast commuting into rents. Others were
specialized ; J. Hooper atte Burgh (surnames were now
coming in) Badulf at Sclade and twelve Bove-down neigh-
bours owed sheep-hurdles at Hokkeday, while thirty-six
Below-down owed Eivjrppri (weiring ?). G. Gibbes kept the

' C. 1679. Cf. C. 1662. " Foasatum hodie levatura.*' Ordn. 164.

' Upton V. Wigsted. Cf. Oldham's Statutes (C. 3629), "ad equalitatem."

* C. ICIO. "Ad Linkum-thorne." Ordn. 620.
^ Huyshe Docts. " de Haracamba, Capellanos."

• We always drop the "h" of "hayes." Cf. "Nor-ways," '^South-ays,"
'* New-ays/* ^'Barns-eas," " HUl-wavs," Ac.

' Even in 1811 a.d. there were only 78 houses.

K 2

140

A HISTORY OF SAIiCOMBB REGIS.

prison, and everyone hauled the new Millstone^ when it got
within twelve leagues. All fields lay in communa vidnorum
from Michaelmas to February, and West and Trow-downs
were open to adjacent tenants the whole year round.

The amount of this ancient rent can be inferred from the
survey which began the epoch in 12.81 to have been : —

rf.

Copyhold irentfi

„ services (as commuted)

Demesne values

Mill .

Chelson (as in Saund's time)

Total £33 13 5 = minus repairs,

say £30, and the Great Tithe, which included Small and Hay
Tithe of demesne, was £14 13s. 4d. Canon Nolan might
well take his ease.

1319 A.D. But Canons De Tlsle, Weston, and Botreaux
had less pleasant times. The loss of the Holy Land made
everyone restless. Even we had three lawsuits. One
shows six "serv" witnesses to "8 lib." I take it that
labourers were increasing, and copyholders absenting them-
selves. But the Black Death made even parsons shift. We
had two preferments in one year, and by 1360 our demesne
system was tottering. Its last balance stood thus : —

RSCEIPI-S.

EXPSNDITURR.

£ B.

£ f.

Hay . 6 10

AU hay and straw 11 10

Straw . . .60

One-third of all grain . 11 6

Wheat (66 qu. at 68.) . 20 15

Eight lahoorersat i bosh.

Oats (73 qv. at 28. lid.) 10 16

wheat per month each,

Barley (12 qu. at 48.) . 2 6

and use of a cow . 7 18

£30 14

£45 4

with a profit of £14 9s. 6f d.

1364 A.D. The auction party declared this could be
doubled^ if the demesne with its Small Tithes were leased
off, its occupiers bound to repair, and all fines paid to the
Chapter. In 1380 Bishop Brentingham granted their wish.
They made the usual reformers' big mistake about men.
Those who lose office naturally turn to mischief, and
Canon Braybroke spent his new leisure^ in oppressing the
tenants. But they made only a smaller mistake about
figures. The demesne profit did increase by one-third to

' C 2493 * * Mola "

» c! 8629.' ♦* Medietatem precii," A.D. 1880.

' C. 2858. " Tenuras dimittere minantur."

A HiSTORt 0^ SALCOMBB UEGIS. 141

about £22 lOs. Its land was cut up into small parcels
of about 1 ferling each. (This should have been 7^ acres,
but as outlying pasture of equal extent seems attached to
each arable unit, it was 15 acres.) These were partly let
to Bove-down copyholders, and partly made the new tene-
ments of Stock, Higher, Lower, and New House, while Lower
Dunscombes, hitherto unploughed (95^ acres), were demised
to Carter and Lyde, and Chelson to Wadham. J. de Brans-
comb^ had been a personage even in 1307. The tenure
was at first ad volurU, but later changed to (1465) secund
consuetvdy and the rents averaged 6^d. per acre on the clay,
and Is. per acre on the marl The tenants were of the
copyhold rank.

On the copyholds the reverse occurred. The 12s. 6d.
relief tenements were now liberi or in socagio, and owned
by absentee gentlemen, such as Kirkham, Malherbe, and
Tristram, while a Gourtenay bought the tenement of his
secretary,* Adam of Knowle. A new class thus arose — that
of professional farmers.

The Vicar's Tithe, too, increased, and only one thing
diminished. The Great Tithe shrank to £11, both, perhaps,
owing to an increase of sheep over corn, the net result
of all changes being a yearly revenue to the Chapter of £48
including fines, and known as the portio. This remained
the ancient rent of the manor and Great Tithe until this
century.

Under the Bed Bose clericalism set in. Our church was
again enlarged. An Early Perpendicular window (copied by
the present one) was inserted at the east end, the chancel
prolonged, the chapel absorbed in the south aisle, the tower
built, and three Jesus bells by Norton hung. 1440 a.d.
Peter's Pence and indulgences were preached,* the church
ale was watered by the sidesmen. Our vicar was allowed to
take the Knowles* copyhold (13 acres), and a priest-ridden
copyholder gave 24 acres of our best Holway ground to a
Sidmouth parson for his poor.

1445 A.D. Still our secular afifairs prospered. By 1445
the excrescence (new copyhold fines beyond the portio)
averaged £6 yearly, and by 1490 £20. The Great Tithe
revived, and the ^£11 lease earned a fine of ^£100 every five
years.

' H. CoLB, Documents from RetMmbrancer's Office, **J. de Branacombe
spondet pro Bo. de Barton, Templariomin capellano.''
» P. O. HutchinaoD, MSS. HUt, ''Miiiistro suo."
* C 4925. '' Oastos Eccles. fregit assisam."

142 A HISTORY OF SALGOMBB EBOIS.

But our morals did not keep step. After 1501 (?) the
Court Bolls are mere business, but until then Sidbury kept
more and more " Disorderly houses, and tennys-places/' which
Salcombe deserted its peaceful bowlyng-lands^ to attend,
and if they eavesdropped we holcropped.^ Even the Cathedral
seemed worldly. When a faithful auditor died they be-
wailed only " the jubaidi " they were now in of losing by
their tenants. No wonder that by 1509 the Dean had to
pay £5 yearly to certain barristers to labour in defence
of the Church, or that in 1549 they were forced to make
a '* Grand-lease " of our manor sans waste to A. Harvey and
G. Carewe of 99 years for £42 Os. 8f d. Their excrescence
sank at once to £5 8s. O^d. The Reformation had cost them
(£15 now) £250 a year.

Wadham retained Chelson, and the Garb remained
with the Chapter -farmer (Canon Uoyd), but all church
ornaments, except a cope of silk and the three bells, were
taken by the Crown, while Harvy squeezed the manor tightly.
He took a fine from N. Sladd for leave to grass down the
old demesne Combe, from Hooper and J. Baron to enclose
Hillwayes (18 acres) and Southdown (100 acres) out of the
Common, enfranchised Knowle to a Colonel Bowyer, £.
Sidford, &c., to G. Ameredith, Mayor of Exeter, who set up
a sub-court baron^ of his own, Warren's^ to Sidmouth Manor,
and Bridge-plot to the Huyshes, and raised the fines of all
tenants till they lamented '* the better pennyworths of their
old maysters."

But they fieured not so badly on the whole. Everything
was sheep now. The Wadhams kept 1000, and admissions
now first record "the right to keep so many on Trow or
West-down." All testators gave a " Yow to the High Aulter,"
all women had " turnes," and all children tanned offensive
fleeces in the '* pott-water." Even the vicar prospered. His
tithe of wool went up with bounds worthy of the lambkins
themselves, as high as £18.

Under James I. the wiUs show comfortable stone-built®
houses, anci only 30^ per cent, of the owners absentees.

A tenant would breakfast off cheese from his milke
and cider from his drincke-house, don gardes and doting

> OrdD., 241 and 867.

' My dictionaiy fails. " Encroached on the common I " " or lodged in
holes ? "
' ** Snb sectam Cnrie mee.*'
' C. 4927. A.D. 1688. Georgio Maneryng,
' Higher OriggB has the date 1611 a.d.
^ R. K. Conush Docts., ''Indwellers 87, outdwellers 14."

A BISTORT OF SALCOMBE HSGlS. 143

laitter, and ride off to market, or bead pack horses loaded
with mackerel from Mrs. Lyde's Dunscombe sayne, on the
animal ungallant executors called "his" nag. There was
only one pillion in the manor. Evening brought supper
with his wife, salt pork and again cider. A fuzzy fire shone
on coyldrine, puter posnet, and the great brass pott, while
the tender pair on the settle, overhung with rapier or cross-
bow, but devoid of chess or draught-board, would read
their only book, or discuss rendges, branires, and witezoul
absolute.

1625 A.D. Yet social jealousy is stronger than cider. Our
middle-class Hoopers, Weekes, Clapps, and Hoppins hated
our new ''gentlemen," the Drakes &om Ashe at East, the
Isaacs from Exeter at West, Dunscombe, and HeUyer the
garb-farmer. They bought Diurnal Exercises^ became ad-
dicted to Baptist practices,^ and finally slipped away, as
Pilgrim Fathers, to Dorchester, U.S. Only the rich and the
poor remained loyaL

1640 A.D. Under Charles L the "grand lessees" were
felling all timber, so Laud pressed the Chapter to redeem
their manors, and had two of our bells recast But by 1640
''the little Scotch cloud" had stopped all reforms, and a
new lease was sealed to Sir T. Stafford for £400 fine, which
was lent the king.

1650 A.D. Under the interregnum our wills were still*
proved in Exeter, and our vicar (J. Tuck) retained the living
as a '' licensed minister," but Cromwell took care of his own.
The remaining Clapps collected the compositions here, and
the manor worth £38 ancient, and Chelson £59 modern rent,
were sold to Stone & Parsons, merchants, of London, for
£2905 cash down. The fines were now worth another £100
per annum, and make this a fourteen years' purchase. They
offered the land as freeholds to its occupiers. The Drakes
and Lees misliked the security, but the Clapps, Barons,
Hoopers, &c., bought their own tenements for £3273. For
a time the Elect were in clover.

1660 AD. Under Charles IL the Chapter might have
carried out Laud's reforms. They did (after cancelling
Cromwell's sale) allow his rise of the Chelson rent to stand,
but here their virtue halted, and they kept the manor at
£38 Os. 8Jd. Lord Shannon's fine (£1000 for a 21 years'
lease) shows what a scandalous price this was. WitMn a

' Hayshe Doots., ''The Ctptiye DeliTared from the Strong," by W.
Allen.
* Eliz. Slade'i *<Prob. apad Ezon, 1662, a.d."

144 A HISTORY OF SALGGMBB RS6IB.

year he sold us to a syndicate, Glapp, Hooper, and Eustace
BudgelL^ Each became lord of that third, which included
his piece of demesne, and the old firm ** thus snugly enjoyed
their lands every 19 years rent free."

As quickly too did the Barons, &c., sink back into copy-
holders. Our roll of 1673 gives the same families as 1637
had. Political changes here were only skin-deep. Only the
vicar took them seriously. He knew four languages. His
"prowde wife" determined such talents should receive
adequate remuneration, and made him claim tithe of poultry
as weU as of eggs. But the parish determined culture should
be its own exceeding reward. Hooper and Drake combined,
and the Bev. P. Avant's defeat is an Exchequer record unto
this day.

1688 A.D. Under William III. our ringers first began to
celebrate Guy Fawkes out of the rates, and then first did
Mr. Avant^ write a paean on that Torbay scenery which for
16 years he had never noticed. But our tenants could now
all sign their own names,® our Stewart Poor-rate had shown
only three destitutes, and we knew too much to value the
Eevolution.

By Greorge II.'s time the manor was partly reunited.
" Old Clap " bought up the Hooper third, and became " such
a tyrant he made the parish undervalew his lands," while
the third lord, "Father Pearce," made himself a demesne
by purchasing seven Biside tenements.

1725 A.D. Copyholds too consolidated. They retained
old owners' names, Jackson's, Farthing's, &c., but they got
into fewer hands. Mr. Clapp threw five into one farm
called Trow, and gave the houses there to labourers. The
tenant-farmer class had now increased to 12, and the
Chapter planted orchards for them in the Marl-pits. Cider
was sold at 4s. a hogshead, and each of its drincke-
houses stood for a district.^ Letters were addressed not
"N.W." or "E.C.," but "Green Dragon" or "Cat and
Donkey."

Labourers prospered with 5s., and their wives with 3s.
a week. As a shoulder of mutton only cost Is. 8d. and
they baked at home, several rose into small Chelson farmers.
Even apprentices had 4d. freath gloves, and 2s. 6d. breaches,

^ Friend of Addison—foiKer, deist, and suicide.
* T B. Davidson, Bibliotheca Devonietms,

^ A greater feat than modems recognize. They were engrossed, not
cursive.
' So at Bransoombe to this day.

A HISTORY OF SALCOMBl REGIS. 145

and were gladdened with powder and shot to scare the rooks,
which already were at Knowle.

There were shops too in those days, a forge and a
harness-maker's, a carpenter's and a glazier's. Sir 6. Yonge
mined for coal. One old man caught wants at 48. for the
8^ dozen, and another during 40 years presented the vestry
with foxes, grays^ otters, vairs, and hoops. Only the last
of these trades survives.

But our unemployed fared badly. A small-pox epidemic
lasted four years. Our pauper list had lengthened to 14, at
2s. a week. Our poor-house had only three rooms, and such
entries as *' biding with Het Flay in her tantrums," or " rug,
tub and sope, for S. Pyke, and liquor for they as stratched
him " suggest many things.

1760 A.D. Consolidation still went on under George IIL
Mr. Kestell, an army surgeon from Minden, head of an
ancient Comish family, married Miss Sally Clapp, added
the Holway copyholds to her estates, and thus increased
our tenant-farmers yet more.

None of them were Papists, and only one a Dissenter,
yet Parson Hall ungratefully denounced Mr. Avant's com-
positions, but he took small gain of money.

By 1792 Bousseau had sapped even the Salcombe con-
vention. Our only young lady. Miss Kestell, eloped with
an equally young officer, Mr. G. Cornish. The French
war followed, and six of us took the shilling, while another
served at Trafalgar, though he so loved parish, home,
and cider as to sham dead at the first shot. By 1816 the
runaways had returned, and bought the manor from the
Chapter. They made it high, while the Wolcots were
low-church, and between these poles Salcombe has ever
since revolved in unconscious orthodoxy.

By 1820 the price of com had put even the Chelson
furze-brakes under the plough, but farms kept on coalescing,
and the unused copyhold houses at Byside were turned
into villas. Sidmouth had become a Jewish health-resort,
but our new gentry were all Christians.

1837 A.D. At the Accession all cooks struck (at the
Jubilee they volunteered), so the ladies dressed the dinner.
Beform was in the air, but we took it grumbling. The
apprentice system fell, though ** we always bound the worst
boys on the Vicar." "Poor Mr. Boughey" (a stalwart
rogue) "would never be happy in the new Workhouse."
Without lace-making " all our maidens would be driven to
sarvice," and, worst of all, "the new organ stopped the

146 JL HISTOBY OP SALCOMBE REGIS.

old choir suppers. No one now believes in the White
Lady."

1898 A.D. But some ghosts still walk. The Roller, the
Odontoglossum, and the Gamberwell Beauty visit here, and
churchmanship, industry, and good-feeling are yet among
us. As our parish churchwarden says, "Why don't other
folks drink cut -throat, stop calithumping and imitate
Salcombe Begis?"

ANDREW AND NICHOLAS TREMAYNE

BY MRS. O. H. RADFORD.
(Bead at Honiton, August, 1898.)

In this paper I desire to give some short account of
Andrew and Nicholas, the famous Tremayne twins. From
the Devonshire point of view, as presented to us by the
Devonshire historians, Risdon, Westcote, and Prince, their
principal, if not their only claim to rank among the worthies
of Devon rests upon their extraordinary resemblance — a
resemblance so great that ''they could not be known the
one from the other, no, not by their parents, brethren, or
sisters, but privately by some secret marks, and openly
by wearing several coloured ribbons or the like, which in
short they would sometimes change to make trial of their
friends' judgment; yet somewhat more strange was that
their minds and affections were. as one, for what the one
loved the other desired, and so on the contrary the loathing
of the one was the disliking of the other; yea, such a
confederation of inbred power and sympathy was in their
natures, that if Nicholas were sick or grieved, Andrew
felt the like pain, though far distant and remote in their
persons, and that without any intelligence given to either
party ; and it was also observed that if Andrew were merry,
Nicholas was so affected, although in different places, which
long they could not endure to be, for they ever desired
to eat, drink, sleep, and awake together; yea, so they lived,
and so they died together, for in the year 1564 they both
served at Newhaven, where the one being slain, the other
stepped instantly into his place, where, in the height of
danger, no persuasions being able to remove or hinder him,
he was there also slain. Of these two gentlemen it may be
truly said what was feigned by the poets of twins, that they
were bom, eat, slept, and died together." ^

^ RuDON, pb 216.

148 ANDREW AND NICHOLAS TRBMAYNK.

These facts are no doubt sufficiently unusual to cause
the Tremayne twins to be still remembered; but if we
leave the Devonshire historians, and go for our facts to
actual contemporary records, we find that these Tremaynes
have claims on posterity far above the mere physical ones
presented by Kisdon.

Andrew and Nicholas were the sixth and seventh sons of
Thomas Tremayne (born 1465-6), of CoUacombe, in the
parish of Lamerton, and his wife Philippa, eldest daughter
of Eoger Grenville, of Stow, co. Cornwall. The Tremaynes
had been seated at Collacombe for five generations, since
Thomas Tremayne, of Oarwithenack, in Constantino, had
married Isabella, daughter and heiress of Trenchard, of
Collacombe. This Isabella, who died June 28th, 1408,
must have been a charming woman, for having married
Sir John Damarell after her first husband's death, he
entailed several estates on her children by Tremayne.

Thomas and Philippa Tremayne had a large family— eight
sons and five daughters — and the estates being entailed, the
younger sons had to make their own way in the world.
How Andrew and Nicholas were educated does not appear ;
possibly at Tavistock, the nearest town, where there was a
flourishing school, and having acquired reading and writing,
probably lived as page or squire in some gentleman's house,
following the usual custom for younger sons.

Perhaps Andrew lived with his distant cousin, Sir Peter
Carew, at Mohun's Ottery. It is at all events certain that
when Sir Peter left the country hastily, in Queen Mary's first
year, Andrew Tremayne went with him. " S'. Pet. Carew
was embarked at Waymouth 25 January (1553-4) by one
Kyllygrew with whom is gone Andrew Tremayne, John
Courtenay and James Kirkeham gentlemen." (Sir Gawen
Carew's statement)

According to the evidence of Edmond Knoplocke, who
saw their setting out, Andrew Tremayne was " a more longer
young man " than the others. He also heard one of them say
at departing, " The King of Spayne wolde come shortely, he
shall be as well barkyd at as ever man was." ^

Sir Peter went to Souen, and from thence rode straight to
the Court of France; but Andrew and his twin brother
Nicholas joined '*the adventurers, English, Scotch, and Irish,
who swarmed in the narrow seas in Mary's reign." ^

2 Sir John Maclean's Life of Sir Peter Carew, from the MS. of John
Vowell, alias Hooker, p. 67.
^ Eistory of the Boyal Navy from, 1609 to X660, by M. Oppenheim.

ANDREW AND NICHOLAS TREMAYNE. 149

And here, lest my heroes should be stigmatized as pirates,
I must say something of English ships and seamen at this
period. Henry VIL, as we all know, saved money, and
Henry VIII. spent it, not always to his own or his country's
advantage. But it is always pleasant to speak well of the
departed, even when we are glad they are gone, and Henry
VIII. did at least one good thing — he built ships and
established a navy. In 1544 he had 12,000 seamen in
the king's fleet at Portsmouth, repulsed the French fleet,
and kept his ships of war continually ready. But his
successor did not carry on these good works; in his short
life he scarcely got beyond faith, and works languished, so
that the men who should have been manning the king's
ships found other work to do.

To quote from one of Professor Fronde's Oxford Lectures,
describing the state of things in Edward VI.'s reign : " The
genius of adventure tempted men of the highest birth into
the rovers' ranks. Sir Thomas Seymour, the Protector's
brother, and the king's uncle, was Lord High Admiral.
In his time of office, complaints were made by foreign
merchants of ships and property seized at the Thames'
mouth. No redress could be had ; no restitution made ; no
pirate was even punished, and Seymour's personal followers
were seen suspiciously decorated with Spanish ornaments.
It appeared at last that Seymour had himself bought the
Scilly Isles, and if he could not have his way at Court, it
was said that he meant to set up there as a pirate chief."

*' The persecution under Mary brought in more respectable
recruits than Seymour. The younger generation of the
western families had grown with the times. If they were
not theologically Protestant, they detested tyranny. They
detested t£e marriage with PhUip, which threatened the
independence of England. At home they were powerless,
but the sons of honourable houses — Strangways, Tremaynes,
Stafibrds, Horseys, Carews, Killegrews, and Cobhams —
dashed out upon the water to revenge the Smithfield
massacres. They found help where it could least have
been looked for. Henry II. of France hated heresy, but
he hated Spain worse. Sooner than see England absorbed
in the Spanish monarchy he forgot his bigotry in his politics.
He furnished these young mutineers with ships and money
and letters of marque. The Huguenots were their natural
friends ; with Bochelle for an arsenal, they held the mouth
of the Channel, and harassed the communications between
Cadiz and Antwerp."

150 ANDREW AND NICHOLAS TREMAYNB.

So one is not surprised to find the two Tremaynes, who
lived in Devon, and were connected with so many sea-loving
gentlemen and adventurers, among those who, in Mary's
reign, roamed the narrow seas in search of adventure and
foreign prizes. Of course these gay rovers sometimes met
with reverses, and we learn from the Acts of the Privy
Council that (February 24th, 1554-5) the following were
"to be committed to several prisons to be kept secret
without having conference with any, R Bethell and Jas.
Barnesley to the Flete, Andrewe Tremayne to the Marshel-
sey and Nicholas Tremayne to the Gate House, suspected
of piracy."

They were also suspected of being concerned in the
conspiracy devised by Sir Henry Dudley in 1556, for
making Elizabeth queen, instead of Mary, and marrying
her to Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire. Throckmorton,
UvedaJe, and the two Horseys were implicated. " The two
Horseys had," says Canon Venables,* "to forward the plot
crossed to France with other conspirators and had a midnight
audience with Henry II., who gave them private encourage-
ment, promising if circumstances proved favourable to help
them openly." It is extremely probable that the Tremaynes
assisted at this midnight interview, and that they remained
in France.

Dr. Wotton writes from Paris July 13th, 1556: — ^" Grower
(the informer) has not heard anything from Harry Killigrew
who has willed the rebels at Paris to go to Eouen, but
Gower, partly from lack of money and partly from being
unasked remained at Pans, and said to the elder Tremaine
ere he left that seeing they suspected him, he would trouble
them no longer. Tremaine bade him not think so for the
Earl of Devonshire esteemed him as much as any man here
and promised that on his return from Souen he would tell
him all he knew."

This elder Tremayne may possibly be Edmund, and not
Andrew. Edmund was the second son, the twins being
sixth and seventh, and was in the service of Edward
Courtenay, the young Earl of Devonshire. The three
brothers were much together; a witness deposed before the
Privy Council to " supping many times with the three
Tremaynes at Lady Butler's though he had never carried
letters or messages for them,"^ &c. One of them had been
in London, lodging in Fleet Street in the first week in Lent,
1556, but fortunately for himself returned to France before

* Diet, of Nat. Biog, » Cal S. P. Donu

Ain)RlW AND NICHOLAS TRKMAYNE. 151

the plot was discovered. There they remained for some
years making expeditions which Mark's government dubbed
piratica], but under the protection of the French king and
in his pay.

Tn April, 1557, Wotton mentions them among other
Englishmen " who have been much at (the French) Court,
from which he presumes they will shortly be employed some-
where."® Two years later, June, 1559, they were still in
Paris, and '* there was talk of granting new pensions to those
who had been discharged before by their own offer as the
two Tremaynes," &c. They themselves expected to be
employed by the French king; they spoke of this openly
before Throckmorton, who reported to CecilJ

But Elizabeth began to realize the value of the English
exiles. Froude, writing of this period, says, "Privateering
suited Elizabeth's convenience. . • • Time was wanted to
restore the Navy. The privateers were a resource in the
interval. They might be called pirates while there was
formal peace— the name did not signify — they were really
the armed force of the country." In July (21st), 1559,
however, instructions were sent to Throckmorton, the
English Ambassador in Paris. Such Englishmen as Horsey,
Leighton, Comwell, Crokketh, the two Tremaynes, ** and such
other as shall serve their country, the Ambassador shall him-
self comfort them to return home. Circumspection must be
used." A true Elizabethan touch.

The " comfort " was efifectual. Andrew entered the queen's
service, and distinguished himself in a short campaign against
the French in Scotland, Elizabeth commending him for
special bravery in a letter to Lord Grey, April 14th, 1560.
He had led the English cavalry in a brilliant charge, which
drove the French back into Leith, April 7th.

Nicholas returned to England, the queen quickly learning
to rely on him for difficult and perilous missions. The
Bishop of Aquila wrote to his master, the King of Spain,
February 3rd, 1559-60, " The Queen has just sent to France
an Englishman, called Tremaine, a great heretic, who is to
disembark in Brittany. I understand that he goes back-
wards and forwards with messages to the heretics in that
country." He writes again, "Yesterday (27*** March)
Secretary Cecil and Dr. Wotton came to me from the
Queen .... they gave me explanations (as to the tumults
in France), and said there was no Englishmen in France,
except such as were rebels against England. I took good

« Col, S. P, Vim, ^ Col, S. p. Dim,

152 ANDREW AND NICHOLAS TREMATNE.

note of this, because the man Tremaine about whom I
wrote to Tour Majesty is there as a rebel since the rising
of M. Eenault."

Throckmorton sent letters in cipher to the queen by
Nicholas Tremayne (AprU 20th, 1560), but on June 24th
be writes from Dreux. Understanding that Nicholas Tre-
mayne, whom he despatched to her long since, had been
stopped at St Malo, he wrote to the Duke of Guise for
his enlargement; encloses his letter and the duke's answer.
The messenger, Mr. Tremayne, was to come through
Bretagne and the Channel Isles to England, bringing
amongst other news that of ''the entry of the French
King and Queen (Francis II. and Mary of Scotland) into
Tours (18tii April), having the English arms not oidy on
the gate, but also on an ensign carried before them through
the town." . .

Tremayne must have been soon liberated, as Cecil writes
from Edinburgh, July 9th, 1560, to the queen: "As to
the message brought by iSremayne, Grod forbid that Your
Majesty should enter into that bottomless pit of expense
of your force and treasure within the French King's own
mainland, being that manner of war to you more trouble-
some and dangerous than this of the French King here
in Scotland."^

Tremayne went back again to France, returning to
England early in January, 1560-61, bearing letters from
the ambassador in Paris. One of these to Cecily dated
"last day of December, 1560, by Mr. N. Tremayne," is
endorsed by Throckmorton's son, " dissuading the dishonour-
able matching with the Lord of Leicester."

Nicholas would seem to have been a special favourite with
the queen. Sir Henry Killigrew speaks January 13th of
his " poor credit which waxeth to decay. Since Mr. Jones
came over, this change began, which has been augmented
by Tremayne, but more confirmed by De Favori " (Leicester).
But Tremayne did not care for Court life, was anxious to
see more active service. The queen writes to Throckmorton
(January 23rd), licensing Nicholas Tremayne Gent, to enter
into the service of the King of Navarre, by which means
he will be the better able to serve her, and ordering
Throckmorton of his own motion to prefer Tremayne to
the king's service, this not to seem to be at her request.
(Westminster, January 23rd, 1560-61.)

In reply, Throckmorton, writing on March 12th to the

* Bv/rghley Papers,

ANDREW AND NICHOLAS TREMAYNB. 153

Earl of Bedford, encloses '' a letter received from the King
of Navarre, concerning the request made to him to retain
Mr. Tremayne, whereunto he then agreed, and now goes
from it for reason named therein. He is timorous, sus-
picious, and jealous"; asks the earl to place Tremayne at
home, so as he can live like a gentleman. (Paris, March
12th, 1560-61.)

Nicholas did not return to England immediately. Im-
manuel Tremellias, writing &om Bheims, May 15th, 1561,
to Throckmorton, says he has told Mr. " iSremen " what news
he had, how they had collected arms at Angers, "which
they intend to employ against the faithful, whom they call
Hugenaults," a very early use of the term. Throckmorton
himself writes, August 11th, from Abbeville: *'The bearer,
Mr. Tremayne, came out of England with intent to see
the wars in Almain or elsewhere, thereby to be better able
to serve the Queen. He has been here a good while to
hearken which way the flame will rise to his purpose ; but
now finding all the Princes of Christendom inclined to sit
still, returns home. Desires Cecil to do something for him
to help him to live, as it will be right well bestowed. The
Queen will have a good servant in him, and Cecil an honest
gentleman at his command." He writes to the queen at
the same time, the galleys for the Scottish queen have
arrived at Calais. Has requested the bearer (Mr. N. T.)
to pass that way, and to consider the same, and to report
to Her Majesty.

Andrew, the elder of the twins, remained with the garrison
established at Berwick, where he was captain in charge
of a troop of horse. When Lord James came up to see
Elizabeth, Lord Grey writes March 2l8t, 1560-61, to Lords of
the Council that he has appointed Captain Tremayne to
accompany Lord James both for honour's sake and to see
him well used by the way. Has chosen Tremayne because
he is a gentleman of good behaviour, courtesy, and well
trained ; and also that he stands in the favour of the Lords
of Scotland by reason of his valiant service at Leith. He
also wrote to Cecil to the same effect. Andrew had been
sent for by Lord Grey in the previous August to resort
to him in London ; it was after this, perhaps while at Court,
that he received the rank of captain.

Andrew, with two other captains from Berwick, accom-
panied Sir Peter Mewtes to Edinburgh September 12th, 1561.
Lord James " willed " Eandolph to write for Tremayne to be
with him at Edinburgh January 15th, 1561-2. He was at

VOL. XXX. L

154 ANDREW AND NICHOLAS TREMAYKE.

the English Court (1562-8) in the following May, where
Thomas Hedley writes : " With news of the garrison at Ber-
wick. Lord Grey thanks him for his letters, and my lady,
Sir Arthur, and Mr. William commend themselves to him.
Tremayne's lieutenant is merry, and keeps his company in
order ; his horses, too, are in health fair and fat. Asks him
to bring a good bowl when he comes, he will be challenged
at bowling, my lord being a 'doctor * at it." Andrew Tremayne
and the other captains of the Berwick garrison had this year
petitioned the queen ^ to grant pay for their soldiers, hitherto
maintained at their own charges. There would seem to be
points of similarity between the great Elizabeth and our old
friend Mrs. Gilpin, ''For though on warfare (pleasure) she
was bent she had a frugal mind."

In the winter of 1562-63 Elizabeth (in spite of Cecil's
advice) began actively to assist the French Protestants at
Newhaven, or to give it its French name, le Havre de Ordce,
now abbreviated to Havre. Among the State papers one in
Cecil's holograph is "A memorial for Newhaven. The Queen
will send thither Andrew Tremayne with fifty horsemen
pistolliers." This is a mistake for Nicholas, as the next
extract from the same source shows. Nicholas writes from
Portsmouth to Cecil December 15th, 1562. Has had forty
of his soldiers with their horses here these six days, and now
his whole fifty are thoroughly furnished ready to be trans-
ported. Desires a speedy order for them. *' I do mind to go
over with Sir Hugh Paulet ; the longer I shall be stayed here
the more charge to the Queen, and I not in place where I
may show my willing service to her Highness." Suggests
leaving his brother Andrew Tremayne here until his horses
and men are transported. Nicholas accordingly crossed with
Sir Hugh and 300 men on the 17th. On the 20th Lord
Warwick writes that Tremayne hopes to have fifty lances
for furnishing his band, whose horses and pistoliers still
remain at Portsmouth for want of transportation.

Much correspondence and delay follow, but finally the
horses and men were shipped on January 6th, 1562-63, by
his fellow-soldiers.

Jan. 3rd, 1562. Montgomery writes to Warwick from
Dieppe asking for help in garrisoning this place, as it is of
great extent, and will be glad if Captain Tremayne and his
people might be sent.

Andrew, after assisting his brother at Portsmouth, returned
to Scotland for two or three days, being at the Court at

» March 9tb, Cat. S, P. Dom,

ANDREW AND NICHOLAS TRBMAYNE. 155

St Andrews, Febraaiy 29th, 1562, where *'ihe Queen and
whole Court took very wejl with him."^ He was at Berwick
on March 6th, bringing letters from Cecil; "he deserves well
of all officers here,"* :

There is no direct news of Nicholas, though he sends
"commendation" on April 5th to Throckmorton. On the
18th the Privy Council wrote to Warwick that Captain
Tremayne should make his band 100 horsemen, " so as they
be Englishmen only." Possibly Warwick felt some jealousy
of the young captain who was so much esteemed at Court.
He wrote on May 22nd to the Privy Council that he had put
certain of his and others with Captain Tremayne's band of
horsemen to skirmish; they had repulsed the Bheingrave's
whole force, slain and taken near 400, with one ensign and
seven drums. Not more than twenty of their own were
killed and wounded ; none to his knowledge taken. Kemys
writes to Cecil with the same news. Captain Tremayne and
eight other captains and their bands engaged only lost 20
men, chiefly common soldiers. Encouraged by this brilliant
success, Tremayne and his band became too daring, and when
on the 26th the Sheingrave **came down the hUl to visit"
the English, having previously sent for reinforcements from
Harfleur, although the English had the best of the three
hours' fight, Tremayne was killed. The French lost, says
Warwick, two captains of reiters, one ensign - bearer, and
about 150 soldiers ; and we lost Captain Tremayne, who was
slain by a pistolet in the left side of his head by a "chain
shot, which the renters commonly use," and 20 men. Brome-
field wrote to Cecil on the same day corroborating, except
that he says Captain Tremayne was slain " it is thought by
the restiveness of his horse."

Warwick knew that Tremayne's death would be lamented
at Court In writing to the queen on June 6th, he recounts
a skirmish that had taken place on the previous day, by
which Tremayne's death is sufficiently revenged, for five
or six of the best French captains are slain. Fronde, who
calls Tremayne **a special favourite of Elizabeth's," as he
undoubtedly was, confuses him with his twin brother
Andrew, who had distinguished himself at Leith. He
also says of him, '*The most gallant of the splendid band
of youths who had been driven into exile in Mary's time,
and had roved the seas as privateers." If this was made
to include Andrew it would probably be true. Both brothers

^ Randolph to Cecil.
* Val. Browne to Cecil.

L 2

156 ANDREW AND NICHOLAS TRKMAYNE.

were handsome young men, who were or made themselves
very popular wherever they went.

But there is another comment on the death of Nicholas.
Warwick writing to Cecil, 9th June: "Whereas you write
that you are more sorry for the death of Treymain than
you would be glad of the death of a 100 AUmaynes I
assure you S' thei*e is never a man but is of the same
opinion, but nevertheless every man must content himself
with 6od*s appointment. And like as her Majesty cannot
be served without the loss of men, as well captains as
others, for that I think none is sent hither but for service.
I trust that neither her Majesty nor any of you of the
Council hath so small credit of me as to thinke that without
great occasion I would venture the simplest man's life in
this towne, yet occasion being offered from the highest to
the lowest there is none that doth account their lives too
dear to spend in the Queen's service. Peradventure it is
thought that upon every case I put out men. Indeed if I
should do so I would condemn myself and think that I
was not worthy to take any charge, yet upon occasion it
were better to venture a hundred than by giving the enemy
scope put a thousand in danger. I assure you Sir to be
plain with you it amost discourages me and the rest here
to see they are so unkindly dealt withal, as to have nothing
referred to their discretion, but stand upon such terms that
upon the loss of every Captain we shall stand in danger
of the Queen's displeasure and evil opinion of all you of the
Privy Council. Since men do come hither to venture their
lives for her Majesty and their country, I do think in reason
every man should stand to that which God hath appointed
either to live or die. Thus desiring you to beare with my
poor letter wherein I have so plainly uttered all my griefs
unto you, I end . . . R. Warwyck. From Newhaven 9th
of June 1563."

Tremayne's death was widely known, and the comments
on it attest his importance. The Bheingrave wrote to
Catherine de Medicis, Queen of France, boasting that he
was now even with Warwick for the skirmish of the 24th,
eight or ten English captains being slain, amongst them
Tremayne, &c. ; and Mary, Queen of Scots, told Sandolph
that she was sorry for the death of "gentle Tremayne,"
"no less lamented here" (he adds) '*by as many as knew
him than he is at home."

Bisdon and Prince, quoting Westcote, state that after the
death of one of the twins " the other stepped] instantly into

ANDREW AND NICHOLAS THEMAYN8. 15?

his place, where in the height of danger, no persuasion
being able to remove or hinder him, he was there also
slain."

It is a pity to spoil this pictare, but history intervenes
with hard, dry facts, which tell us that two months elapsed
between the two deaths, though both unquestionably
occurred at the same place, Newhaven or Havre. Andrew
was despatched from Berwick "with 300 of the best
soldiers of this garrison 210 being arquebusiers and the
rest armed with pikes all able to occupy the arquebuss.
Captains Carew and Comewall go with Captain Tremayne."
They were to have left Berwick on 1st June, but on
receiving Cecil's letter ordering the ships to be armed
against some French, they were stayed until the 3rd, when
two able ships from Newcastle accompanied them. On
the latter day Andrew, probably still in ignorance of his
brother's death, writes from Berwick to Cecil announcing
their departure.

Denys writes from Newhaven on July 18 th with a very
dismal account to CeciL The " Plague had appeared, pro-
visions for men and horses ran short The Water Bailiff is
slaine, and Tremayne also this day." (July 18th, 1563.)

A suit was brought in the Admiralty Court (August 25th,
1563), and two directions given for arresting the goods of
N. and A. Tremayne, at the suit of Wm. Wedington, painter,
of London, to remain in the custody of the Admiralty Court
till the trial In the following March (lltb), 1563-4,
administration of their estates was granted to their elder
brother Edmund.

The siege of Newhaven or Havre does not redound to
Elizabeth's credit; England gained no advantage from it,
and she lost many good and brave men, among the best, if
not the best of them, being the Tremaynes, who, had they
lived, would have done more than was possible in the short
space of their lives for their queen and country, and the
honour of their mother-county Devon.

RALEGHANA.
Part II.

BT T. N. BRUBHFIELD, If.D.

(Read at Honiton, Auguat, 1898.)

THE IMTRODUCTION OP THE POTATO AND OF TOBACCO INTO

ENGLAND AND IRELAND.

There are two articles in common domestic use throughout
the world, viz., the potato and tobacco, the introduction of
which into this kingdom has frequently, nay customarily,
been assigned to Sir Walter Ralegh;^ but although each
has formed the subject of many treatises, it is yet a moot
point as to what extent the credit of importing or in-
troducing them into this country, or of popularizing and
bringing them into general use, may be attributed to him ;
or whether it may not be assigned, wholly or in part, to
others.

The principal portion of this paper is devoted to a full
consideration of these two points; but while no claim is
made for any serious addition to the store of facts (real
or assumed), statements, and opinions already recorded by
recognized authorities, it will be found necessary to traverse
several of them, and to rectify some important errors before
any conclusions, definite or proximate, can be drawn from
them.

Advantage has been taken of the present paper to include

> Fide art. "Ralegh," in Diet, of Nat. Biog.

RALBGHAKA. 159

several matters of collateral interest associated with the
names of Balegh and other Devonians.^

I. THE POTATO.

It is a noteworthy circumstance that the merit of in-
troducing the potato into this country has been imputed
to each of three Devonshire worthies — Sir J. Hawkins,
Sir F. Drake, and Sir W. Balegh — as well as to two persons
employed by the latter, viz,, E. Lane, the Governor of
Virginia, and T. Hariot, who was sent out to report upon the
resources of that country.

One of the principal causes of error in assigning different
dates to its introduction into this country, and the occasion
of much controversy, is due to the fact that the term
'' potato " has been given to two dissimilar products, jdelded
by plants belonging to different families, and indigenous to
countries widely separated from each other. Apparently
misled by the popular term being applied to each, some
authors have fused their respective histories into one ; e.^.,
this has been done by H. R F. Bourne in his Romance
of Trade (1876), 25-6. Again, on a label attached to an
analysis of the potato in the Museum at Kew is recorded :
''Brought to Ireland by John Hawkins in 1565, and to
England by Sir Francis Drake in 1585," both kinds, as
will be pointed out presently, being included under one
term.*

A correspondent of Notes and Queries makes a curious
evolutionary suggestion "that if 'not the same root,* the
present potatoes are the descendants of that 'parent stock,'

' Bbibf Rbfbrsnob to Works Quoted.

G«rard - The Herhall, by John Gerard (1636).

Harland --Notes to the Shuttletoorth Accounts (Chetham Soc,

1856-8).
De Candolle -^ Origin of OuUivcUed Plants, by A. de Candolle (1884).

Hakloyt '^Voyages, <{«., of the English Nation, by R. Hakluyt

(1885-90).
Monardes "loyfull Newes ovi of (he New-found- World, by Dr.

Monardes, translated by J. Frampton (1596).
Dr. A. T. Thomson -In Mra Thomson's Life of Sir Walter Balegh (1830).
Fairholt '^Tobcuxo: its History and Associations, by F. W.

Fairholt (1876).
Oldys "Life of Sir WaUer Balegh in Works I., by W. Oldys,

(1829). (Ist ed., 1736.)
Aubrey ^ Letters and Lives of Eminent Men, by J. Aubrey

(1813).
Edwards -^Life of Sir Walter Balegh, by E. Edwards (1868).

(Other editions quoted I rum aie meutioued in the text)

' OU PsKSiBA's MaUria Medusa (1855), vl 584.

160 RAXEGHANA,

though undoabtedly changed in their qualities by cultivation
and 'too much forcing'; being consequently 'fax less hardy'
than the parent stock." ^

The following are short descriptions of the two kinds : —

I. Sweet Potato, — The fleshy root of the Batatas edulis
(Convolvulaceae).

From Gerard's description J. Harland formed the erroneous
opinion that it ''must have been either a yam or one of
the beets, and not a potatoa" (913.) Its habitat is thus
summarised by De Candolle: '*It is cultivated in all
countries within or near the tropics, and perhaps more in
the new than in the old world." (54.) AccorcUug to the
same writer, ''Oviedo, writing in 1526, had introduced it
himself at Avila" in Spain (55); and it was its intro-
duction into Europe from the Spanish possessions in the
New World that led to the sweet kind being commonly
known as " Spanish Potatoes " (Batata Hispanorum), and so
designated in the Nova Stirpium Adversaria of Lobelius,
published in 1576.

II. Ordinary Potato. — The subterranean branch of the
Solanum tuberosum (Solanacese). A native of more tem-
perate countries than the preceding kind. Indigenous to
the West Coast of South America, and found by Darwin
growing wild "in great abundance" on the islands of the
Ghonos Archipelago, adjacent to the coast of Ghili,^ but
unknown on the East Coast until a comparatively late
period; and on its introduction into Brazil it received the
name of " English Batata."

Based on '*the testimony of all the early travellers,"
De Candolle asserts, "it is proved beyond a doubt that
at the time of the discovery of America the cultivation
of the potato was practised, with every appearance of ancient
usage, in the temperate regions extending from Chili to New
Oranada, at altitudes varying with the latitude." (45-6.)
Bespecting North America, the same author adduces
testimony showing that the Solanum tuberosum was un-
known "in the United States before the arrival of the
Europeans " (47) ; and a later writer, the Rev. Dr. Tarbox,
of Newton, Massachusetts, affirms, "It is now very well
settled that the potato was not native to North America."^
This IB to some extent corroborated by the circumstance,

* 2nd Series, ui. 247-8.

* Voyage of the Beagle (1879), 286.

« Sir W. Balegh's Colony in America (Prince Soc., 1884), 212.

RALBGHANA. 161

that the accounts of the voyages of Verrazzano, Laudonniere,
and De Soto to Florida in the early part of the sixteenth
Qentnry, contain no reference to the potato. It is worth
noting that De Soto's narrative is entitled, *^ Virginia richly
valu^, by the description of the maine land of Florida, her
next neighbour." ^

From these remarks it is fairly evident that while the
former kind is mainly a tropical plant, the latter is a denizen
of more temperate regions ; we are therefore not surprised to
learn that the cultivation of each is much influenced by
climate; for example, according to Mr. Phillips, "our
common potatoes soon degenerate when planted in the
West India Islands " ; whereas the Batata edulis, " requiring
a warm climate, could never have been cultivated in this
country, except by the curioua"^ The latter statement is
thus corroborated by Gerard: "The potato's grow in India,
Barbaric, Spaine, and other hot regions ; of which I planted
diners roots (which I bought at the Exchange i^ London)
in my garden, where they flourished vntil winter, at which
time they perished and rotted." (926.)

Although not a native of any portion of North America,
but found growing wild in the temperate region of the East
Coast of South America, some authors declare it to belong to
the tropics. Thus Mrs. Thomson states: ''Potatoes came
originally from Mexico";^ again, J. Smith affirms it to
be "a native of Peru and Chili, and has also been found
wild in Mexico " ; ^ and W. Irving notes that '' at the island
of Cuba, Columbus, in his first voyage to America, met
with the potatoe, a humble root, little valued at the time." ^
The authors of the article "Potato," in the last edition of
the Ency. Brit,, cite several Spanish authorities to show
that the Spaniards found it being cultivated by the natives
in the neighbourhood of Quito; that it is mentioned in
several Spanish works about the year 1553; and that
"Hieronymus Cardan, a monk, is supposed to have been
the first to introduce it from Peru into Spain, from which
country it passed into Italy, and thence into Belgium."

There can be little doubt that the sweet potato is the kind
adverted to by most of these authors; on the other hand,
it is possible for some of those brought to Europe to have
been grown in the higher, and therefore temperate, altitudes

' Haklttyt, xiii. 637-616.

8 Hist, of CvMivated Vegetables (1822), ii. 78, 80.

» Life of Sir W, Ralegh (1830), 322.

» Did, of Plants (1882), 336.

3 Hfe of Columbue (1828), i. 284.

162 tlALfiOHANA.

of the tropical countries of South America. (These remarks
apply to the Solanum tuberosum only, there being other
varieties of the Solanum family that flourish in hot countries.)

Authorities generally are agreed that both kinds were
introduced into Europe by the Spaniards, but the sweet
potato was known and cultivated by them many years
prior to the ordinary one, having been brought from
America by Columbus, who presented some specimens to
Queen Isabella;^ and whereas their cultivation in Spain
dates from the commencement of the sixteenth century,
the Solanum tuberosum was not imported until late in
the same century; and De CandoUe is very emphatic in
affirming it took place ''between 1580 and 1585, first by
the Spaniards, and afterwards by the English." (53.)

We pass on to consider : —

I. From what land the potato was first imported into this
country.

II. To whom must be attributed the distinction of import-
ing and of introducing it.

III. To whom is the credit due of furthering its utilisa-
tion and propagation. All these points overlap each other
more or less.

Respecting its introduction, it appears at first sight very
probable it was brought from Spain, where it was known
some years earlier than in England; or it may have been
imported direct by Spanish merchants, who were the great
traders with the countries of the Western Hemisphere. The
following paragraph, taken from "The Epistle Dedicatorie"
of John Frampton, in his translation of the loyfull Newes,
&c., written by " Doctor Monardus, Phisition of Seuill," of
which the first edition was published in 1577 (followed
by others in 1580 and 1596, good evidence of its popularity),
seems to favour this view : —

"The aforesaide Medicines mentioned in the same work of
D. Monardus, are now by Marchats & others, brought out of the
West Indias into Spaine, and from Spaine hither into England, by
such as doe daily tntfficke thither."

(Under the term " Medicines," he includes all the articles
described in the work, e.g,, tobacco, ginger, the armadillo,
iron, &C.)

In the Course of Hannibal over the Alps (1794), J.
Whitaker asserts that it "was originally introduced to

' D£ Cakdolle, 55, quoted from Humboldt, Nouvelle Eqtange, ii.

llAL«GHANA. 163

our tables from Portugal, Spain, and the East Indies"
(L 246-7) ; but the context shows this to have been the
sweet potato, as pointed out by a correspondent in
Gentleman's Magazine (1802), 1019. These suggestions
require no further consideration, as there is no corroborative
evidence or even tradition to support them.

As far as investigations have yet been made, the Spanish
or sweet potato was the only kind imported into this country
up to the year 1586, and it is from this period that the
history of the ordinary potato in this land of ours may be
said to commence. On July 28th of that year Sir F. Drake
landed at Portsmouth, bringing with him from Virginia
Balph Lane (the Governor), Thomas Hariot, and nearly all
the colonists who had been sent out there by Sir W. Ralegh,
and " with them also, it is believed for the first time, tobacco
and potatoes."* Two years later (1588) Thomas Hariot, a
mathematician and highly scientific man, who had accom-
panied the second expedition to Virginia in 1585, under the
direction of Sir W. Ealegh, to survey and report upon
the resources of that country, published the results of his
researches in a thin 4to work of 24 leaves. A transcript
of the title is here given in full on account of its interest,
and especially as it differs in several important particulars
firom the subsequent reprints : —

**A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia :
of the commodities there found and to be raysed, as well mardiant-
able, as others for victuall, buildiog and other necessarie vses for
those that are and shalbe the planters there ; and of the nature and
manners of the naturall inhabitants : Discouered by the Euglish
Colony there seated, by Sir Bichard Qreinuile Knight in the yeere
1585 which remained vnder the gouemement of Eafe Laue
Esquier, during the space of twelue monethee at the speciall
charge and direction of the Honourable SIB WALTER RALEIGH
Knight, Lord Warden of the stanneries ; who therein hath beene
fauoured and authorised by her Maiestie and her letters patents :
Directed to the Adventurers, Fauourers, and Welwillers of the
action for the inhabiting and planting there : by Thomas Hariot ;
seruant to the abonenamed Sir Walter, a member of the Colony,
and there imployed in discoueriDg."

In his prefatory address he states he '' will set downe all
the comodities which wee know the countrey doeth yeld
of it selfe for victuall, and sustenance of mans life, such as is

* ProfeMor Lauohtonj iD Diet, of NaL Biog.y art "Sir Francis Drake,*'
XT. 486.

164 RALEGHANA.

vsually fed ypon by the inhabitants of the countrey, as also
by vs during the time we were there."

In the section " Of Bootes . . . founde growing naturally
or wLlde/' he enumerates six kinds, all bearing Indian names ;
of these the first on the list has been asserted by many to be
intended for the potato, and is thus described : —

"Openavk are a kind of roots of round forme, some of the
bignes of walnuts, some fax greater, which are found in moist and
marish grounds growing many together one by another in ropes, or
as thogh they were fastnened [aicj with a string. Being boUed or
sodden they are very good meate."

This is repeated in De Bry's reprint of 1590, and in all the
editions of Hakluyt's Voyages, Not in the first issue of the
latter (1589), but in the second and subsequent editions,
the following will be found added to, and in continuation of,
the above quotation : —

''Monardes calleth these roots, Beads or Pater nostri of
Santa Helena"; with this marginal reference, '^Monardes
parte 2, lib. I., cap. 4." To this the editor of the last edition
of Hakluy t's work has added in a footnote : —

"This is no doubt, that most useful vegetable, the potato."
(xiii. 340.)

As Uakluyt died in 1616, and the second issue of his
Voyages appeared in 1600, it is evident that the assertion
of the identity of the Openhauk and the Beads of St. Helen
must be attributed to him. This testimony is accepted by
a recent writer, H. H. Drake, in The Times of August 14th,
1882 : — " Thomas Heriot . . . wrote ... a description of the
Openhauk, meaning the potato, called also Paternoster beads."
Before, however, this identity can be admitted, it is necessary
to examine the account given by Dr. Monardes, from whose
work the following is transcribed : —

" 0/ the Bea/leSy whiche bee called of Sainct Elen,

" From the Florida they doe bring certain rounde Bootes whiche
are called the Beades of Sainct Elen. And they baue this name by
reason that they bee in a place of that Countrie that is so called,
they are greate large Bootes, deuided into seuerall peeces, and
cuttinges, euery peece by hymself e, they remaine rounde as Beades,
the whiche, beyng bored in the middest, they doe make of them
Beades for to praie upon, whiche the SoulcQers doe hang about
their neckes, for a thing of greate estimation. They drie them, and
they are as bardie as a bone, on the outwarde parte they are blacke,

RALEGHANA. 165

and within white, and the Binde is ioyned in such eorte, that the
Binds and the ha^ is made all one, the whiche are wrought after
they are drie, and this Boote heyng tasted it is a kinde of Spice, it
is like to Qalange, they are of tibe thickenesse of a mans Thumbe,
snmwbat lesse." ^

The accompanying illustration shows eight nearly equal-
sized round bodies. (An impression from the same block
serves to illustrate " the Bazaar stones of the Peru," in the
edition of 1596, but not in that of 1577.) There is no allusion
to any portion of the plant being employed for food, but many
diseases are named for which it was used as a remedy.
The description of Monardes is sufficient to demonstrate that
these "Beades" were not identical either with the Openhauk
or with the ordinary potato, as affirmed in the pages of
Hakluyt.

Excepting by a few botanists, during the last fifty years
writers generally, from Caspar Bauhin (1560-1624) down to
the authors of the article "Ealegh" in the Dictionary
of National Biography (1896), have assumed the Openhauk
to be the same as the Solanum tuberosum. In his description
of the '' Solanum tuberosum esculentum," Bauhin remarks,
'* Haec ex insula Vergine& pnmum in Angliam, inde in Gal-
liam, aliasque regiones delata est. Hujus radices in Virginea
Openanck [sic] dici."^ It was maintained by Sir J. Banks
in 1805,^ and favoured by Loudon in his Practice of Agri-
culture f art. "Potato." Again, De CandoUe, although ap-
parently unacquainted with Hariot's volume (his opinion
being based solely upon the statement of Sir J. Banks),
referred both to the same plant : —

" It IB said that Sir Walter Baleigh, or rather Thomas Herriott,
his companion in several voyages, brought back to Ireland, in 1585
or 1586, some tubers of the Virginian potato. Its name in its own
country was openawk. From Herriott's description of the plant
quoted by Sir Joseph Banks, there is no doubt that it was the
potato, and not the batata, which at that period was sometimes
confounded with it." (46.)

It is to be regretted that Hariot did not furnish fuller
particulars of the Openauk ; but even from his brief
description there is sufficient to feel convinced it could not
be the same as the ordinary potato ; e,g,, American and other
authors have pointed out that the latter was, in the sixteenth

» Ed. of 1577, fo. 69 do.

« Prod, Thmt, Botan, (ed. 1671), 90.

7 Trans, of Hort. Soc, London (1820), 8 et seq.

166 BALBGHANA.

century, unknown in North America. Nevertheless, he found
the Openauk growing wild in Vii^inia in the same century.
Again, he reports it as being " found in moist & maiish grounds "
— a situation in which the ordinary potato will not flourish.
It is noteworthy that the term ''Openauk" is unmentioned by
any other writer, except as a quotation from Hariot's work«

Although bearing a different name, the following description
of a plant found by Captain J. Smith in Virginia about the
year 1607, bears a close resemblance to the Openhauk
(probably the same plant), and is quoted here, as it has
apparently escaped the notice of writers on this subject
The section containing it is headed, " Of such things which
are naturall in Virginia, and how they vse them " : —

" The chiefs root they haue for food is called Tockawhoughe.
It groweth like a Flag in low muddy Freshes. In one day a
Sauage will gather sufficient for a weeke. These rootes are much
of the greatnesse and taste of Potatoes. They vse to couer a great
many of them with Oke Leaues and Feme, and then couer all with
earth in the manner of a Cole-pit; ouer it, on each side, they
continue a great fire twentie foure houres before they dare eat
it. Raw it is no better then poisin, and being roasted, except
it be tender and the heat abated, or sliced and dried in the Sunne,
mixed with Sorrell and Meale, or such like, it will prickle and
torment the throat extreamely, and yet in Summer they vse this
ordinarily for bread." *

The attention of botanists has been exercised in recent
years in endeavouring to identify the Openauk with any
existing plant, as well as to ascertain the botanical family to
which it belonged. Asa Gray and J. Trumbull believed
it to be the same as the Apios tuberosa, a native of North
America, where its tubers were known to be eaten by the
Indians.® This Apios is known as the American Ground*
nut, Mic-Mac Potato, Tuberous-rooted Wistaria, "Wild Bean"
of North America, and is figured in the Journal of the
Horticultural Society, London, iL (1847), 146. The woodcut
was reprinted in the Oard^ntri Chronide (1849), 165, to
illustrate an article on that plant by A. Eichard (quoted from
the Comptes Bendus), containing the following paragraph : —

''The roots . . . grow laiger, become filled with starch, and
form true tubera The swelHngs are sometimes close together,
so as to form a sort of cbaplet . . . when cooked they taste very
like artichokes."

" Purchas his Pilgrimage, pt 4 (1625), 1695. On the preyioiis page
' ' the Riaer of Tockwhogh '* is mentioned.
' Amer, J<ywm, of SciMux, art. xiii., May, 1877.

RALBGHANA. 167

A claim on behalf of another plant has been thus referred
to in the last-named journal, of April ITth, 1886 : " It has
been suggested it. was the Jerusalem Artichoke/' but the
Helianthus family, like that of the ordinary potato, do not
flourish in " moist & marish grounds/'

Before proceeding further, it is necessary to draw attention
to some particulars in Gerard's volume. In separate chapters
he describes the two kinds.

L (Sweet) " Of Potatoes. Sisarum Peruvianum sive Batata
Hispanorum. Potatus or Potatoes."

II. (Ordinary) " Of Potatoes of Virginia. Battata Virgin-
iana sive Virginianorum & Pappus. Potatoes of Virginia." ^

It is remarkable that although Glusius terms the sweet
variety ''Hispani Batatas," he applies the name "Papas
Peruanorum " to the ordinary kind.^ In " The Introduction
of the Potato into England," » W. S. Mitchell states that the
ordinary potato, ''under the name Papa hispanorum, was
grown in a garden at Breslau" in 1587.* Gerard in his
Herhcd (as pointed out by Mitchell) **uses the word potato
alone for the Batatas edulis";*^ in his Catalogus (1599),
"Bastard Potatoes" is the term applied to the ordinary
kind.

A large number of the illustrations (including one of the
sweet potato) contained in Gerard's, work were printed from
blocks prepared for and used in the great volume of Taber-
naemontanus (1590), a singular exception being that of the
Solanum tuberosum, of which the earliest known representa-
tion appeared in the original edition of the former published
in 1597 ; but a different block was employed in the subse-
quent issues. How highly Gerard thought of the plant is
evidenced by his engraved portrait in the frontispiece of his
work, representing him as holding in his left hand a stem
of the plant bearing the flower, fruit, and leaves. As De
CandoUe was well acquainted with this Herhcd^ it is a curious

^ Ed. 1597, chap. 334-5 ; the names remain unchanged in the snbseqaent
iasnes.

« Bar, Plant, Hist. (1601), Ixxviii.

» ArUiqxiary, xiii (1886), 148.

^ Antiquary^ xiii. (1886), 148, but no reference given.

^ So does J. Hart, in 1633, in the following extract from his Diet of the
Diseased:—

*'That out-landish root brought unto us from the West Indies, called com-
monly Potato, and by some Batato, is of the same nature and property, or at
least goeth a little beyond it [* the Skirret root'] ; but that this pre-eminence
it hath, that it is, according to the oommon proverb, * Faire fetcht and deare
bought, and therefore good for Ladies.'" (B^ I., oh. xiii., p. 45.)

168 RALEGHANA.

error of his in attribating the earliest illustration of the
Solanum tuberosum to the volume published by Clusius in
1601, four years later than that of Gerard. To the woodcut
of the ordinary potato in the huge folio of the latter W, S.
Mitchell has devoted much attention, and has pointed out
that it in all probability was engraved expressly for the
work, and from a specimen raised in Gerard's own garden.
(148.) He then goes on to assert it to be *' solely on the
evidence of this cut [italics in the original] that the state-
ment has ever been made that the Solanum tuberosum is, or
at least once was, a native of Virginia." (149.) Gerard's
statement as to the country from whence his plants were
supplied is too striking to be passed over : —

'^ It groweth naturally in America, where it was first discovered,
as reporteth Clusius, since which time I haue receiued roots hereof
from Virginia, otherwise called Norembega, which grow & prosper
in my garden as in their owne natiue country." And further be
terms them " Potatoes of America or Virginia."

Although the Work of Clusius {Bar. Plant. Hist) has been
examined without finding the paragraph alluded to, the
testimony of Gerard as to the locality from which he
obtained his first specimens is of great importance, especially
as his work containing the above passage was printed eleven
years only after the return of Drake's fleet from that country
in 1586, and within then recent memory.

Passing on to consider to whom the credit should be
assigned for being the original importer and introducer
(not necessarily the same person) of the ordinary potato
into these isles, it will be convenient to investigate the
claims of all those to whom the honour is ascribed by
various authorities, in the order of their names as given at
the commencement of this paper.

Sir, J, Hawkins, — "Potatoes were originally brought to
England from Santa F^, in America, by Sir John Hawkins
in 1563," so states Mr. Harland (912), and this is repeated
in Ghamhers* Cyclopcedia (1891, viii. 354), excepting that
** Virginia " is substituted for " Santa F^." This relates to
Hawkins' first voyage in 1562-3, in the account of which
there is no allusion to the subject. Most probably an un-
intentional error has been made, and the second voyage
(1564-5) was the one intended, in which is recorded that at
"Sancta Fee • . . certaine Indians . . . brought downe to
vs . . . Hennes, Potatoes and pines. These potatoes be the

RALEGHANA. 169

most delicate rootes that may be eaten.'' ^ According to
A. Brown, Hawkins "brought to England/' from Florida,
"samples of tobacco, potatoes, and other products";^ but
in J. Sparke's description of the voyage there is no allusion
to the potato in the list of the products of Florida.

The potatoes alluded to must have been of the sweet or
Spanish kind, and are not mentioned by Sparke as anything
novel, as they had been known in Europe many years prior
to 1564 On the other hand the ordinary potato was un-
known to Hawkins, and was not grown in the tropical
countries visited by him.

Sir F, Drake, — In his great voyage of circumnavigation,
commenced in 1577 and ended in 1580, when off the '' Island
called la Mocha," south of Concepcion, on the coast of Chili,
on November 29th, 1578, he relates, "The people came downe
to vs . . . bringing to vs potatoes, rootes," &c.® This is
probably the basis of the assertion made by a correspondent
of Notes and Queries (2nd S. iii. 247) that Drake brought
some ordinary potatoes to England in 1580, and that to him
belongs the honour of first introducing them. Against this
it may be affirmed that these potatoes were not the ordinary,
but the sweet kind, an opinion held by Sir J. Banks. It
must be borne in mind that La Mocha is upwards of 450
miles north of the place where Darwin found the Solanum
tuberosum growing wild.

During his next voyage, commenced on September 12th,
1585, he captured the city of St Jago, on one of the Cape
de Verd Isles, and in a valley adjacent he found growing,
amongst other things, " potato rootes " (Batata edulis). He
then crossed the Atlantic to the West India Islands, arrived
at the coast of Florida in May, and reached Virginia on
June 9th, 1586. He left there for England on the 18th of
the same month, taking with him B. Lane, T. Hariot, the
majority of the colonists, and ** specimens of the productions
of the country," one being " the root known as the potato,"®
and landed at Portsmouth on July 28th.

The claim made on behalf of Drake to be regarded as the
introducer of the potato, is founded on the generally-accepted
belief of his ship having brought from Virginia the first
parcel of potatoes that were received in England. Whether
the repute of such introduction should rest with him, or with

• The Hawkins* Voyages, Hakluyt Soc (1878), 27.
' Genesis of the United States (1890), i. 5.

" Hakluyt, xy. (1890), 418.

• Justin Winbok, America^ iii. 113,

VOL. XXX. M

170 RALEGHANA.

any of those who came from Virginia, appears to be at first
sight an open question.

There is a general consensus of opinion that potato tubers
were brought to England in his ship in 1586, but it is quite
possible he was unaware of any being on board. Prior to
his visit to Virginia we have no record of his touching at
any port where such could be obtained ; but there is a remote
possibility of some being acquired in the pillage of a Spanish
vessel.^

Impressed with the belief of Dmke beiug the first importer
of our ordinary potato into Europe, an enthusiastic German
sculptor executed a statue of him, and gave it to the
town of Ofifenburg, where it was erected in 1854. The
following description of it is taken from the Gentleman's
Magazine, March, 1854 (282-3) :—

"A statue of Sir Francis Drake has been presented to the town
of Offenbuig by Herr Andreas Friedericby a sculptor living in
Strasburg. It is executed in fine-grained red sandstone, fourteen
feet high, in one of the best situations in the town. Sir Francis
Drake is represented standing on his ship at Deptford, on the 4th
of April, 1587, having just been made a knight by the Queen.
The sculptor, having no idea of the plain knighthood by the sword,
still retained in England, and in England only, has placed some
imaginary insignia of knighthood, with a portrait of the Queen,
suspended by a massive chain from his neck. He holds in his
right hand a map of America, and in his left a bundle of potato-
stalks, with the roots, leaves, flowers, and berries attached. His
arm leans on an anchor, over which a mantle falls in ample folds.
On each side of the pedestal are inscriptions, the first being, ' Sir
Francis Drake, the introducer of potatoes into Europe in the year
of our Lord 1586'; the second, 'The thanks of the town of
Ofifenburg to Andreas Friedericb, of Strasburg, the executor and
founder of the statue ' ; the third, ' The blessings of millions of
men who cultivate the globe of the earth is thy most imperishable
glory ' ; and the fourth, ' The precious gift of God, as the help of
the poor against need, prevents bitter want.' The citizens of
Oflenburg have presented the artist with a silver goblet, on the
lid of wMch stands a model, in the same metal, of the statue of
Drake." 2

Sir W. Ralegh, — It was for a long period the popular
opinion (and scarcely yet extinct) that Balegh had personally
visited Virginia. There is no allusion to such a visit in the
earliest memoir (that of Winstanley) issued in 1660; but

1 De CandoUe suggests that Ralegh may hare acquired some in this
manner. (47.) - ' Cf. West, Antiq., ii. 76.

RALEGH ANA, 171

in that by John Shirley, his next biographer, we find this
paragraph : —

"The Qaeen . . . sent him on a Voyage to sea ... at his
Retnm be broiigbt news of a new Country, discover'd by him in
the Year 1584, called in honour of the Qaeen Virginia." (24.)

This statement was repeated by Theobald in 1719 ;* and in
1680 Aubrey wrote, "Thomas Hariot went with Sir Walter
Ealeigh to Virginia." (367.)

Coming down to a late period we find Harland remarking,
" Sir Walter Ealeigh, after returning from America in 1586 "
(912); and in 1851, "One of the subjects proposed for the
decorations of the new Houses of Parliament" was "Sir
Walter Ealeigh landing in Virginia." In the earlier edition
of his Literature of Europe Hallam alluded to Hariot as
" the companion of Sir Walter Ealeigh in Virginia," but this
is omitted from the last issue. The visit is implied rather
than asserted by Isaac D' Israeli in the following paragraph : —

"To Sir Walter Ealeigh we have . . . been indebted solely
... for that infinitely useful root which forms a part of our
daily meal, and often the entire meal of the poor man — the
potato, which deserved to have been called a Rawletgh"^

"Was Ealeigh in Virginia?" has formed the subject of
several articles in Notes and Queries, and been answered in
the negative. Mr. D. M. Stevens made the ingenious sugges-
tion that the popular error may have been founded on the
following paragraph in Hariot's work: — "The actions of such
that haue bene by Sir Water [sic] Ealeigh there in and there
imployed" (ed. 1590, 32), having been erroneously translated
by De Bry, " Qui generosum D. Walterum Ealeigh in eam
regionem corriitati sunt"^

Although Ealegh did not visit that country, it was certainly
through his instrumentality the potato was brought into this
kingdom, and, as we shall presently point out, he had a great
deal to do with promoting and encouraging its cultivation.

Sir B. Lane. — ^Very little can be said in favour of Lane
having taken any active or decided part in promoting or
bringing into notice the introduction of the potato as an
important article of food. "It is not improbable that
potatoes and tobacco were first brought into England at this
time (1586) by Lane and his companions; but there is no

* Memoirs of Sir Walter Ralegh^ 6.

* Curios, of Literature {\S59)f ii. 156,

* N, andQ,,ZTdS, i. 148.

M 2

172 RALSGHANA.

direct evidence of it," so states Professor Laughton.® Steb-
bing associates him with Hariot in having ** first discovered
them in North Carolina."^ We know of nothing to entitle
him to be considered as one of the discoverers ; and his own
letter dated September 3rd, 1583, respecting productions of
that country,® is silent on the subject. The little know-
ledge we possess of him leads to the belief he was not one
to hide his light under a bushel.

Thomas Hariot. — The Times of August 14th, 1882, contains
a letter signed " Henry H. Drake," from which this extract
is taken : —

"Thomas Heriot, one of the Virginian settlers, a servant of
Ealeigb, wrote, with the approbation of • • . Kalph Lane, a
description of the Openhauk, meaning the potato."

That Hariot wrote his work with the "approbation" of
£. Lane is exceedingly doubtful. He had been sent out
by, and at the charge of. Sir W. Balegh, to survey and
report to him the resources of Virginia, and, excepting for
purely civil purposes, was independent of the Governor,
being responsible to Sir Walter alone, whose "seruant he
declared himself to be."

H. B. F. Bourne remarks, ''Hariot, or some of his comrades,
brought over a few plants, which were cultivated as rarities" ;•
and M. A. S. Hume affirms of Hariot, *" The food value of the
potato . . . appealed strongly to his practical wisdom, and
he urged the experiment of its cultivation in England."^

In his report on Virginia, Hariot seems to have confined
his remarks to the native productions of the country, and
hence the ordinary potato is unmentioned by him ; but as the
object of his mission was eminently a practical on6, he would
be the first to recognize the worth of any article of diet he
might meet with in the course of his enquiries other than
those indigenous to the place, and to carry with him back to
England samples of them. Such is the view entertained by
the authors of the article "Balegh" in the Diet, of Nat.
Biog,, when in alluding to the importation of the potato they
remark, " Harriott's specimens were doubtless the earliest to
be planted in this kingdom."

The majority of authors favour the opinion that the potato

• Dkt. of Nat, Biog., art. ''Sir R. Lane," xxxii. 77.

7 Li/6 of Sir Walter Balegh (1891), 49.

8 Hakluyt, xiii 301.

• Romance of Trade (1876), 26.

1 Life of Sir Walter Balegh (1897), 79.

RALEGHANA. 173

was first planted, and its cultivation encouraged, in Ireland,
some years prior to its culture in England. Some go so far
as to declare that they were first landed in the former
country. Thus De Candolle notes, " It is said that Sir Walter
Baleigh, or rather Thomas Herriott, his companion in several
voyages, brought back to Ireland, in 1585 or 1586, some
tubers of the Virginian potato." (46.) Again, A. Cayley
remarks, ''An opinion prevails that we are indebted to Sir
Walter . . • for the useful potatoe, his ships having touched
at Ireland on their return from Virginia, and left some roots
in that kingdom, whence it found its way hither." To this
he adds, '* By the best accounts, however, it was introduced
into Ireland in 1565, when the knight was only thirteen
years of age."^ There are two points in this statement to be
traversed: (1) Of the five Ealegh expeditions only one is
recorded to have called at any port in Ireland on its home-
virard journey, viz., the fourth, that left Portsmouth on May
8th, 1587. On their return the ships, owing to stormy
weather, were driven so far out of their course that they
** expected nothing but famine." They reached Smerwick, on
the west coast of Ireland, on October 16th, where they
obtained "fresh water, wine and other fresh meate."* It is
not probable that a starving crew would have had any
potatoes withheld from them had there been any on board.
(2) It has been already pointed out^that the only potatoes
known in England and Ireland prior to 1586, were of the
sweet or Spanish kind.

With respect to the alleged introduction in 1585 or 1586,
it is tolerably certain that Ireland was not visited by Drake's
ships on their return voyage from Virginia, and the fact of the
comparatively short time it occupied — June 9th to July 28th
— shows they could, not have gone so far out of their course.

According to J. Campbell, " it appears they (potatoes) were
brought into Ireland about the year 1610 ;^ and to this
McCulloch adds, " When a small quantity was sent by Sir
Walter Baleigh, to be planted in a garden on his estate in the
vicinity of Youghal."^ It is sufficient to disprove this asser-
tion by stating that Balegh was a prisoner in the tower in 1610,
and had sold bis Irish estates eight years prior to that date.^

* Life of Sir Walter RaUgh (1806), i. 82. ' Hakluyt, xiii. 858-^71.

* Political Survey of Great BrUain (1784), 88, 95.
» Diet, of Commerce (1859). 1048.

* It is said in Haydn's Diet, of Dales that some ascribe the goDeral intro-
duction of the potato to the year 1592, but why that year is fixed upon is
difficult to guess. Dr. Doran notes : ** We hear of its arrival in Vienna (in
1598), and thence spreading over Europe." {Table Traits, 1869, 185.)

174 RALEGHANA.

Balegh was in England attending the Court at the time of
Drake landing at Portsmouth on July 28th, 1586, so that he
must have had ample opportunities of learning from Hariot
as to the results of his visit to Virginia, and of examining
the articles he had brought from that country, among which
were in all probability some potato tubers.

The Irish estates were conferred on Ealegh by the Queen
in the same year of Drake's return ; and " particulars of grant
of 3 seigniories and a half in Cork & Watecford to Sir
W. Ralegh dated Oct 16, 1586," will be found in the
Eistori/ of Cork, by C. Smith (1750), i. 62-3. The date of his
first visit to his newly-acquired Irish property is unknown, but
it is believed to have taken place in the following spring;
and this tallies with the period when the potato is thought
to have been first taken to Ireland by Ralegh himself, and
planted by him at Youghal. At that place, records Sir J. P.
Hennessy, "where the town wall of the thirteenth century
bounds the garden of the Warden's house (Ralegh's house)i
is the famous spot where the first Irish potato was planted
by him," and this seems to be corroborated by the circum-
stance of specimens of other plants from abroad having been
placed by him in the same locality. " The richly-perfumed
yellow wallflowers that he brought to Ireland from the
Azores, and the Aflane cherry, are still found where he first
planted them by the Black water." ^ And C. Smith states
that Ralegh " brought the celebrated Affane cherry . . . from
the Canary Islands." (i. 128.) In Hall's Ireland the spot
where the first potato was planted is assigned to ''a plot of
land adjoining a tower, still existing, standing near the
entrance to the harbour," at the mouth of the Blackwaten
(i. 80.)

The active part taken by Ralegh in promoting its general
cultivation is to a certain extent corroborated by the follow-
ing entries in the Journal Book of the Royal Society, copies
having been courteously supplied by Mr. T. E. James : —

"Dec. 6, 1693. Dr. Sloan related that the Irish Potatoes were
first brought from Virginia, and that they are the chief subeistence
of the Spanish Slaves in the mines in Peru and elsewhere.

"Dec. 13, 1693. The President (Lord Southwell) related that
his grandfather brought Potatoes into Ireland, who had them from
Sir Walter Rauleigh after his return from Virginia."

Respecting the second entry. Sir J. P. Hennessy remarks :
** In that garden " of the Warden's house Ralegh " gave the

' Sir Walter Ralegh in Ireland (1886), 117-8.

BALEGHANA. 175

tnbers to the ancestor of the present Lord Southwell, by
whom they were spread throughout the province of Munster."
(118.)

It is remarkable that in his Life of Ralegh Edwards omits
all reference to the potato excepting in this paragraph :

^'The possessions which . . . passed from Kalegh to Boyle
included the land on which he bad planted the first potatoes
ever set in Ireland/' (i. 106.)

It is singular we know so little of the history of its
cultivation in England, and thus far we possess no tradition
and but slender information concerning it It was not until
late in the eighteenth century that potato planting became
general, and the tubers began to form a part of the daily
food of the community. Thus a writer in 1788 remarks,
*'They are now grown, though but lately (the cultivation
being progressive from the West import), in every part of the
kingdom." 8

The following is taken from the same article : —

"The utility of this plant being soon known, rendered the
cultivation of it pretty universal through Ireland, and in due time
found its way to this kingdom by accident, where it was first
planted upon the Western coast, owing, as it is reported, to a
vessel being shipwrecked which contained some potatoes, at a
village near Formby, in Lancashire, a place still famed for this
excellent vegetable. ''®

In 1802 the Eev. R Warner noticed, while travelling along
the road between Garstang and Preston, "the potatoe . . .
introduced from Ireland by the immortal Raleigh."^

Judging from this notice, the potato was unknown in
Scotland until a comparatively late period: —

"Death. 1788. Jan. 25. In the Abbey at Edinburgh, aged
85, Mr. Harry Prentice, who first introduced the culture of potatoes
into Scotland." 2

Before making some concluding remarks, there are several
points of interest to mention relating to this subject.

At many of the dwellings inhabited, or reputed to have
been so, by Kalegh, local traditions affirm he planted potatoes
in the gardens attached to them. For example, it continues

• Qaoted in Oeni'n Mag, (1789), i. 437, from Holt's Characters of the
Kings and Queens of England, iii., published in 1788.

» Cf. Ta:bU Traits, by Dr. Doran, 185.

^ Tour through the JSorthem Counties of England^ qaoted in Oent/s Mag.
(1804), ii. 1130.

« Gent:s Mag, (1788), i. 179.

176 RALEGHANA.

to be SO asserted at his birthplace at Hayes Barton, in this
county, and is so recorded in Chambers* Cyclopcedia (1891),
viii 354 A similar belief exists in the adjoining parish of
Colaton Baleigh, where he is thought to have occupied a
house, still standing, called " Place " (for " Palace " ?), that
formerly belonged to the abbots of Dunkeswell, and "that
he first planted them in that garden, along the north side of
the house, when he lived there."^

" On Fox Grove Farm (Beckenham, Kent) ... or very near it
• . • three centuries since, potatoes were first cultivated by Sir
Walter Raleigh, whose reaidence was close by where Fox Grove
Farmhouse is."

This appeared in the Builder of September 17th, 1864, and
is a fair specimen of the loose assertions that appear occa-
sionally in periodical literature. A correspondent of Notes
and Queries (4th S. iii. 480) declares " no such tradition exists
at Beckenham." Moreover, Balegh never lived in that
locality, and it is very doubtful whether any of his family
ever did. It is not often that a so-called tradition, which
unless contradicted at an early stage might soon be accepted
as a fact, is so easily demolished.

There is a well-known story of a great mistake having
been committed at first as to the proper edible portion of
the plant, of which the earliest version that has fallen under
the notice of the writer is given in C. Smith's History of
Cork^ published in 1750 : — " In Youghal . . . the person
who planted them, imagining that the apple which grows
on the stalk was the part to be used, gathered them ; but,
not liking their taste, neglected the roots till the ground,
being dug afterwards to sow some other grain, the potatoes
were discovered therein, and to the great surprise of the
planter vastly increased, and from those few this country
was furnished with seed." (i. 128.)

Pursuing the customary rule that the repetition of a story
is invariably varied by the transmitter, we find the next
example to be no exception to it: —

" A total ignorance which part of the plant was the proper food
had nearly ruined any farther attention towards its cultivation;
for, perceiving green apples appear upon the stems, these were
imagined to be the fruit; but, upon being boiled, and finding
them unpalatable, or rather nauseous, Kaleigh was disgusted with
his acquisition, nor thought any more of cultivating potatoes.
Accident, however, discovered the real fruit, owing to the ground

• P. 0. HuTOHiNSON, in N, and Q., 4th S. iv. 668.

RALEGHANA. 177

belDg tunied over through necessity that yeiy season, and to
his sQiprise a plentiful crop was found underground, which, upon
being boiled, were found nourishing to the stomach and grateful to
the taste.'' ^

A somewhat similar account is given in the German Notes
Ulvstrative of Irvin^s Columbus : — " It is known that Drake
first sent to England the potato as food ; but by a misunder-
standing the fruit (potato-apple) was first used, which, alone,
has a very bad taste, but after the fall of the fruit recourse
was had to the root."*

Another version is narrated by Mr. Harland, in which the
gardener "in an ill-humour . . . carried the potatoe-apple
to his master, and asked, * Is this the fine fruit from America
you prized so highly ? ' Sir Walter told the gardener . . .
to dig up the root and throw the weed away. The gardener
Boon returned with a good parcel of potatoes." (912.)

A review of the foregoing details will enable us to form
some proximate conclusions respecting the introduction of
the Solanum tuberosum into this country. Much confusion
has arisen owing to the name ''Potato" being assigned to
two entirely different plants, with the result of the history
being fused into that of the other; one a native of the
tropics, the other of temperate districts. The former — the
sweet or Spanish potato — was unknown in Europe until the
beginning of the sixteenth century ; the latter — our ordinary
potato — until towards its close. Its advent in England is
customarily assigned to the year 1586, when Drake's fleet
returned to this country, with the Virginian colonists on
board, and, in the opinion of those who have given most
attention to the subject, with the first potato tubers imported
here.

We possess no direct proof that they were brought from
Virginia: but when we consider the almost unanimous
opinion of authorities in its favour; the emphatic assertion
of Gerard of having received his specimens from that country,
and their being named by him " Potatoes of Virginia " ; the
circumstance of the potato being unknown here until after
the arrival of Drake's fleet in 1586 (the turning-point in
its English history), and the action of Kalegh in cultivating
it soon after that date, we may fairly come to the conclu«
sion that Virginia was the country from whence it was
brought to England. It may be justly said that this is
based on probability and tradition, and not on positive

* Gent.'s Magazine, 1789, I 437. » H, and Q., 4th S. iv. 569.

178 RALEGUANA.

evidence; but even "tradition is not to be entirely ignoi^,
as it is often based upon a great deal of truth."

That the Openauk, described by Hariot, was not identical
with the Beads of St. Helen, and neither with the Solanum
tuberosum, has been suiSiciently proved.

Of the suggested introducers we may commence with Sir
J. Hawkins, of whom may be said that if he brought any
to England they must have been of the tropical or sweet
kind. Of R Lane there is no reason to believe he had
any active share in the matter. It is very doubtful if
Drake can be credited with their introduction beyond the
perfunctory one of having conveyed them from Virginia.

Of T. Hariot we have to remember he was specially
commissioned by Ralegh to examine and report to him
upon the resources, &c., of that country. It is true his
printed work omits all notice of the ordinary potato, but
we have to bear in mind it was confined to a description
of the native products alone. That he was the first to
recognize its " food value," and to convey specimens to his
employer. Sir W. Ralegh, appears now to be the general
opinion. That Ralegh was the direct cause of the potato
being brought to this land of ours can now scarcely be
gainsaid; and to hini must certainly be attributed the
honour of promoting its cultivation in Ireland, from whence
it was subsequently transmitted to England.

That the merit of importing the potato into this country
belongs to Hariot, who shares with Ralegh in that of its
introduction, while to the latter alone is due the honour of
promoting its cultivation and of adding to the standard articles
of food in this country, seems to be the proper corollary of
these remarks.

II. TOBACCO.

In considering the question as to the proximate date of
the original introduction of tobacco into this country, it
must not be accepted as a fact that smoking was then
practised for the first time; on the contrary, "herbs and
leaves, of one kind or other, were smoked medicinally long
before the period at which tobacco is generally believed to
have been first brought to England . . . pipes were in use
before * the weed ' was known in our country, and took the
place of other plants, but did not give rise to the custom
of smoking."® And Dr. A. T. Thomson remarked that
"smoking herbs with a pipe is a very ancient custom." ^ (471.)

• Ll. Jewitt, in the lUliquary, iii. (1862-3), 74-6. ' Of. Fairholt, 43.

BALEGHANA. 179

Its smoke was inhaled for various purposes in the
countries of the Western, long prior to its being known in
those of the Eastern, Hemisphere. The earliest notice of
Europeans having witnessed the practice of tobacco-smoking
took place in 1492, during the first expedition of Columbus
to America. Oviedo, a Spaniard, was apparently the author
of the earliest published work giving particulars of its
employment in the Spanish possessions of South America.^
There is, however, no indication of its being known in
Europe until after the middle of the sixteenth century.
About the year 1560 it was first taken to Spain from
Mexico by a physician. About the same date "Master
lohn Nicot, one of the kings counsaile, being ambassadour
for his Maiestie in the realme of Portingall, in the yeeres
of our Lord God, 1559. 60. and 61," in the first year of his
office sent some seeds to France, and on his return to his
office in 1561 some of the plants also. While in Spain it
was termed Tabaco, in France it was known as Nicotiana.

The Spanish physician, Dr. Monardes, published at Seville
in 1569 the first part of a work, Los Libros . . . Indias
OcdderUales, with his portrait on the title-page; and in
1571 the second part, containing an illustration of the
tobacco plant; both were "Englished by John Frampton
Marchant,'' and published in 1577 (already noticed in the
article on the Potato) in one volume. At the close of
his article Dr. Monardes thus acknowledges the assistance
he received from Nicot : —

''Loe, here you haue the true Historie of Nicotiane, of the
which the eayde Lord Nicot, one of the Kinges Counsellers first
founder out of this hearbe, hath made mee priuie aswel by woorde
as by writing, to make thee (friendly Header) partaker thereof, to
whome I require thee to yeeld as harty thanks as I acknowledge
my self bound vnto him for this benefits receiued.'' (45.)

The interest of the latter is twofold : (I.) in having a
section headed, " Of the Tabaco, and of his great vertues " ;
(II.) for containing a good illustration of the plant
(3 in. X 4^ in.), probably the earliest one in an English
volume, and apparently executed for this work, being
wholly different from that in the Spanish one. In Maison
Hustique, or The Covntrie Farme, translated from the French
(of Estienne and Liebault) by R Svrflet, and published in

" Fairholt, 14, quotes from his Historias General cU las Indias, 1526
and 1535. The first meDtioned by W. Braoge in his Bibl Nicotiana (1880J
is OviBDo's Coronica de las Indian, 1547, in which there is a separate chapter
on Tobacco.

180 BALEGHANA.

1600, there is a woodcut of the plant, an evident facsimile
of the one in Frampton's work. (The earliest French work
on Tobacco is dated 1572, vide Bragge, Bibl. NicoL)

It is uncertain when tobacco was first imported into
England. In Tfie Oenesis of the United States^ by A. Brown,
we read: *' Hawkins and his men gave a lively. description
of Florida, its products, soil, climate, &a They brought
to England samples of tobacco, potatoes, and other products ;
this was after the first voyage in 1565." (1890, i. 5.) Then
in Stow's Chronicle is this entry : " Tobacco was first brought
& made known in England by Sir lohn Hawkins about
the yeere 1565." (Edition of 1631, 1038.) Unfortunately
we cannot altogether place much reliance on this paragraph,
as it appeared in this edition alone, being absent from all
the previous ones (Stow died in 1606) ; moreover, the
following will be found on the same page : " Apricocks . . .
and Tobacco came into England about the 20 year of Queen
Elizabeth." This would be in 1577-8, a difference of twelve
years. But the former quotation from Stow is declared
by a correspondent of Notes and Qxuries (2nd S. iii. 311)
to be confirmed by Taylor, the Water-Poet, in a " Postcript "
to his metrical account of Old Parr ; as, however, this was
not published till 1635, and the notice is taken from the
edition of Stow of 1631, it need scarcely be said that his
testimony is of no value whatever. Of more importance
is the circumstance of the editor of The Hawkins* Voyages ®
accepting the statements of Stow and Taylor, and referring
them to the third voyage of J. Hawkins (1567-8) instead
of to the second (1564-5). (Introd. vii.)

There is only one reference to tobacco by Hawkins in
the description of his voyages, but this is of importance
for being the basis of the assertion that he was the first
who imported it into this country. It occurs in the account
of the second voyage (1564-5), and is here transcribed : —

'' The Florid ians when they trauel haue a kinde of herbe dryed,
which with a cane, and an earthen cup in the end, with fire, and
the dried herbs put together do sucke thoro the cane the smoke
thereof, which smoke satisfieth their hunger, and therewith they
liue foure or five days without meat or drmke." ^

This is confirmed by two authors. Thus Dr. Monardes
records, " The inhabitants of Florida doe nourish themselues
certaine times, with the smoke of this Hearbe, which they
receiue at the mouth through certayne coffins, such as the

» Hakl. Soc (1878). » Ihid., 67.

BALEGHANA. 181

Grocers doe vse to put in their spices." (Ed. 1596, fo. 44 A
coffin is a cone of paper used for holding various articles
sold by grocers, &c.) And Svrflet describes how the
inhabitants of that country inhale the smoke '*by the
meanes of certaine small homes." (289.)

In 1576 "Lobelius, in bis Novum Stirpium Adversaria
(Antwerp, 1576), declares that * within these few years*
the West Indian tobacco had become *an inmate of
England.' " (Quoted by Fairholt, 51.) The English translation
of the work of Dr. Monardes was published in 1577 ; and
as other editions followed in 1580 and 1596, it may be
taken for granted it was well known in England ; also that
the long account of the virtues of tobacco described in it
must have been greatly appreciated, especially by physicians.
That the plant was well known in England in 1582 is shown
in the following extract from a set of instructions given by
Hakluyt to a Turkey trader in that year: "The seed of
Tobacco hath bene brought hither out of the West Indies,
it groweth heere, and with the herbe many haue bene eased
of the reumes, &c." *

Four years later (1586) Drake's ships returned to England,
when, it is customarily asserted, tobacco was imported here
for the first time.' During his voyage he called at the
Isle of Dominica, where he obtained a supply of fresh water,
the inhabitants '* fetching from their houses great store of
Tabacco."* From the West Indies he sailed to Virginia,
where, after taking on board Kalegh's colonists, and at the
same time specimens of tobacco, he got back to his native
land on July 28tb, 1586, this tobacco being, in the opinion of
many writers, e.g.y Camden, the first that had been brought
to England. While one author asserts " Captain Bichard

^ T. 301. The editor adds in a footnote: **Ab these instmctions were
written in 1582, how can Tobacco have been introduced by Raleigh in 1586,
as generally asserted'/ It is [sic for Ms it'] not more probable that it
dates from Sir John Hawkins' voyage in 1565?" The chapter is headed,
** Remembrances for master S. to giue him the better occasion to informs
himselfe of some things in Ilngland, and after of some other things in Turkic,
to the greate profile of the Common weale of this Ck>untrey. Written by
the foresayd master Richard Hakluyt, for a principaU English Factor at
Constantinople 1582." This article has not been found in earlier editions
of Hakluyt's work.

» M. A. S. Hume, Sir W. Ralegh (1897), 82.

* Hakluyt, xv. (1890), 218-9. In The World Encompassed by Sir F.
Drake (1628) there are three references, in the account of his voyage in
1579, and whUe off the coast of California, to several presents he received
from the Indians of *' an herbe which they called Tabdh." (68, 71, 78.) It
is doubtful whether this was the same as tobacco, although Fairholt believes
it was. In error he dates the voyage 1572-3.

182 RALEGHANA.

Grenfield and Sir Francis Drake were the first planters of it
here/'^ others affirm it was imported by Lane and Drake
jointly.® According to Fairholt, ''it seems to have been
introduced by Mr. Ralph Lane, who was sent out by Salegh
as Governor of Virginia;^ and this is adopted by Tytler,
who adds, ''There can be little doubt that Lane had been
directed to import it by his master, who must have seen
it used in France during his residence there."®

It is very remarkable how nearly all writers on this
subject have passed over the name of T. Hariot, although
he was sent out by Balegh for the specific purpose of in-
vestigating and reporting upon the natural productions of
the new colony. Fairholt, it is true, terms him "the
historian of the voyage," but this does not convey a proper
idea of his position. A more correct one is thus related by
Oldys: — "He was the first author among us, who wrote
thereof out of his own experience, immediately upon his
return with the colony * . . from Virginia, where he had been
employed by Balegh to survey the country and describe
its products." (77.) In his Report (already noticed svb
" Potato ") he thus describes the tobacco plant : —

" There is an herbe whiche is sowed a part by itselfe & is called
by the inhabitants Yppdwoc : In the West Indies it hath diuers
names, according to the seuerall places & countries where it
groweth and is vsed : The Spaniardes generally call it Tobacco.
The leaues thereof being dried and brought into powder : they vse
to take the fume or smoke thereof by sucking- it through pipes
made of claie into their stomacke and heade : from whence it
pui^eth superfluous fleame & other grosse humors, openeth all the
pores <& passages of the body : by which meanes the vse thereof,
not only preserueth the body from obstnictids : but if also any be,
so that they haue not beene of too long continuance, in short time
breaketh them : wherby their bodies are notably preserued in
health, & know not many greeuous diseases wherewithal! wee in
England are oftentimes afflicted." (Ed. De £ry (1590), 16.)

The earliest account of it in English is that contained in the
translation of the Spanish work of Dr. Monardes, published
in 1577, to which attention has been already directed.

According to Dr. A. T. Thomson, " It was not introduced
into Virginia until 1616, when its growth there was com-

. • Quoted by Fairholt, 61, and in Brand's PoptUar Antiquities, ii. (1864),
862, from the remarks of the translator of Everards' Panaceaf or the
Universal Medicine (1669).

• Ency, Brit,, last edition, article "Tobacco."

' 60. Cf. SoHOMBUROK, edition of Ralegh's Ouiana^ xxxiv.

• Life of Sir JFaUer Ralegh (1833), 64.

RALEGHANA. 183

menced under the government of Sir Thomas Dale." (462.)
And John Rolfe, well known as the husband of Pocahontas,
is noted as "the first cultivator of tobacco in Virginia."®
If this be correct, it must have taken place in the last year
of Dale's governorship, as he left for England in that year
(1616). Most probably he improved the cultivation of the
plant, and this is borne out by the remark of Purchas,
" Tobacco — which with a little better experience in the curing,
would be as good as any in America." ^

A curious episode in the history of Virginia and its
tobacco-raising deserves a passing mention: — "Under the
governorship of George Hardby (ctVc. 1625) the culture of
tobacco was encouraged & a council and general assembly
were instituted, in imitation of the English form of govern-
ment. About the same period 160 single young women
were brought from England as wives for the batchelors, and
the price of each was about 120 pounds of tobacco."*

Eeverting to the Report of T. Hariot, he adds to the
foregoing extract his personal experience in smoking : —

"We ourselues during the time we were there vsed to suck it
after their maner, as also since our returne, & haue found mains
[sic] rare and wonderful experiments of the vertues thereof: of
which the relation woulde require a volume by it selfe : the vse of
it by so manie of late, men & women of great calling as else, and
some learned Physitions also, is sufficient witnes." (16.)

As in the instance of the potato, can we doubt that Hariot
not only gave specimens of the plant to Balegh as one of the
results of his journey, but also demonstrated to him how
"to suck it" after the manner he had been taught and
practised? We know it was soon after this that Balegh
was known to be an ardent smoker, and continued so to the
last day of his life. Fairholt declares, " Mr. Thomas Harriot
and the learned Camden, who both lived at the period, un-
hesitatingly affirm that Lane has the honour of being the
original English smoker " (50),^ but in neither of the works
of these two authors can any confirmation of this statement
be found. And Dr. A. T. Thomson writes, " It is asserted,
that Sir Walter Balegh was the pupil of Captain Lane, one

> Brtakt and Mat's Hist, of the United States (1876), i. 803.

* E%8 PilgHmage (1620), 886.

* A Statistical . . . AccoutU of the United States . . . by D. B. Wardbn
(1819), ii. 190.

* This is also asserted in the Eneydop, Brit.^ art "Tobacco," in which
cnriously enough the name of T. Hariot is not mentioned.

184 RALEGHANA.

of Drake's officers, in tbe acquirement of this elegant ac-
complishment." (471, but no reference given.) Surely this
must be Governor Lane under a new title.

How or by whom tobacco was first brought to England,
all authorities agree with the remark of Oldys, that " the
introduction among us of that commodity is generally
ascribed to Ralegh."* Aubrey, for example, wrote in 1680,
"He (Ralegh) was the first that brought tobacco into these
ieles." (512.) We even find Bishop Creighton tripping when
he states, "Tobacco . . . was first brought to England by
Sir Walter Raleigh in 1586."'

Though not the importer, there can be no hesitation in
affirming that Ralegh not only introduced it into general use
in this country, but, as Aubrey notes, was the first that
brought it "into fashion." (512.) We can therefore well
understand how James I. had Ralegh in bis mind's eye when
be penned this paragraph in his GovjUer-Blaste to Tobacco
in 1604 :—

" It is not BO long since the first entry of this abuse amongst as
here, as this present age cannot yet very well remember, both tbe
first Author, and the forme of the first introduction of it among
va It was neither brought in by King, great Conqueroui, not
learned Doctor of Fhisicke."^

Dr. A. T. Thomson goes a step further than Aubrey, not

only in observing that Ralegh " soon set the fashion " in

smoking, but also that he, " in communicating the art to bis

friends, gave smoking parties at his house, where hia guests

were treated with nothing but a pipe, a mug of ale, and a

nutmeg." (471-2; unfortunately he gives no reference.)

Again, we have the testimony recorded in Stow's Chronicle

(ed. 1631), where, in claiming Sir J. Hawkins as the original

■oduoer in 1565, there is added, " But not vaed by Englisb-

1 in many yeeres after," and, as it were in corroboration

this last paragraph, the following marginal note appears

the same page : — " Sir Walter Raleigh was the first that

ught tobacco in vse, when all men wodred what it meanL"

38.)

ilany haphazard guesses have been made as to the place
;re Ralegh smoked his first pipe.

73. Cr. Dr. Obosabt'b Notu to Lumon Faptrs, lit S. t. 278.

j4ge of Elisabdh (1888), 198.

Ed. E. GoLDGHiD (1884), 13. In & footnote the editor m>kM the

qIm eugaestion that ths king nFerred to Bdeeh, "whoae hetd t

CDt off, pwtlv influenced, do doabt, by hi

ID ;«>ra aRer tLe publication of the work I

influenced, do doabt, by his aetottatioQ of tobacc«,"

BALE6HANA« 185

It was at Penzanoe, relates Mrs. Whitcombe, " so runs the
story, that Sir Walter Ealeigh smoked his first pipe of
tobacco in England after his return from America." ^ Miss
M. A. Courtney alludes to this as *' a curious myth," adding,
^ Several western ports, both in Devon and Cornwall, make
the same boast." ® There is, however, no evidence, or even
probability of his ships having caUed at that port on the
return voyage. Although the fact that he n^ver visited
Virginia is now well established, some authors still cling to
the m]rth, as shown in the next quotation : — " * Sir Walter's
Study,' in what was once the Gerddine's College at Toughal,
is the same room in which Haleigh studied Yerazzano's
charts before sailing to Virginia, and in which he first
smoked tobacco after coming back." ^ That he smoked there
at a later period is probable enough, but the Irish estates
were not conferred on him until three months after Drake's
return. Sir J. P. Hennessy's account reads more like the
correct one : — ** The four venerable yew-trees ... are pointed
out as having sheltered Ealegh when he first smoked tobacco
in his Youghal garden. In that garden he also planted
tobacco." ^

In Haydn's Dictionary of Bates is noted, " The *Pied Bull*
at Islington, is said to have been the first house in England
where tobacco was smoked." This was one of the reputed
residences of Balegh, and to a comparatively late date con-
tained several coats of arms in the windows, one of the
shields bearing as its crest, "a tobacco plant, between two sea-
horses," so described in Gentleman's Magazine (1791, L 17),
but with doubtful correctness, judging from a representation
of it in Nelson's History of Islington (1829, pi. ii. fig. 9),
where it is designated "a bunch of green leaves." (118.)
The latter volume contains a description of the " Old Queen's
Head Inn," in the same locality : this also " has been coupled
with the name of . . . Ealeigh, who has been said, if not to
have built, at least to have patronized this house, and to have
made it one of his smoking taverns, where

" * At his hours of leisure,
He'd puflf his pipe, and take his plea8Ui:e.*" (352.)*

' Bygone Days in Dewm and Cornwall (1874), 231.

8 Folk-lore Journal, v. (1887), 109.

» Antiquary, viii. (1883), 82.

» Sir WalUr Ralegh in Ireland (1883), 117.

^ Pago illustrations of these old inns will be found in OentJs Mag, (1791),
i. 17; (1794) L 513; and in Nelson's volume, 117, 349. An admirable
engraying of ''The Queen's Head" is given in Britton's ArchiUct, Aniiq,,
ii. 92.

VOL. XXX. N

186 RALEGH AN A.

At all, or nearly all, of his real or reputed residences a
similar story is told; for example, in Comhill Magazine
(ix. 746) there is a notice of fialegh's birthplace, Hayes
Barton, from which the following is extracted: — "The first
pipe smoked in England may have been puffed on the mossy
bank where you sit" But his parents had quitted there
some years before, and it is doubtful if he ever visited the
house again.

"There is a doubtful old legend," writes W. Thornbury,
"about Baleigh's first pipe, the scene of which may be not
unfairly laid at Durham House, where Baleigh lived." • His
residence there "covered nearly the whole site of Adelphi
Terrace, and the streets between this and the Strand." ^ It is
not a little remarkable that it has not been suggested by any
other writer, especially as it was occupied by li^egh ; and it
is reasonable to believe he received Hariot there immediately
after his return from Virginia in 1586, and then and there
learnt from him the art and mystery of smoking. W. Hep-
worth Dixon has drawn an imaginary and yet probable
picture of him and his companions at a window of this very
house, overlooking the " silent highway " : —

'* It requires no effort of the fancy to picture these three men
[Shakespeare, Bacon, and Ealegh] as lounging in a window of
Durham house, puffing the new Indian weed from silver bowls,
discussing the highest themes in poetry and science, while gazing
on the flower-beds and the river, the darting barges of dame and
cavalier, and the distant pavilions of Paris Garden and the
Globe." *

We should scarcely have expected the historian, J. A.
Froude, to notice one of these legends as a veritable piece
of history, as shown in this relation : —

" On the river Dart» and ' at the head of one of its most beauti-
ful reaches, there has stood for some centuries the Manor House of
Greenaway,' the home of the first husband of Katharine Champer-
nowne, literwards the wife of Walter RalegL Here young
Walter with his half-brothers, the Gilberts, 'when little boys,
played at sailors in the reaches of Long Stream. . . . And here in
later life, matured men, . . . they used again to meet in the
intervals of quiet, and the rock is shown underneath the house
where Raleigh smoked the first tobacco. ' " ^

Authors of guide-books and others have accepted this
story in a modified form; e.g., one relates that "on the

» Haunted London (1866), 101. * Stebbino, 104.

» Her Majesty's Tower (1869), i 337. • Short Studies (1868), L 818.

BALE6HAKA. 187

Anchor Stone ... Sir Walter Raleigh, presumably at low
water, enjoyed his pipe," ^ while J. ll W. Page notes, " The
Anchor Stone, frequented, so tradition goes, by Sir Walter
Haleigh when he wished for a quiet pipe." ^

Grotesque tales concerning Balegh and tobacco-smoking
are not uncommon; perhaps the following is the most
absurd one that has found its way into any printed work : —

''A bitter feud existed between Sir Roger Walingham of
Withycombe or Widecombe, and Sir Hugh de Creveldt, of
Sitteham." On the death of the latter Sir Roger was haunted
by his spirit day and night, and ** was at last reduced to a pitiable
state of misery. He lay on his death-bed, when a Spanish
captain who had sailed in Indian seas arrived to see him, and
presented the sufferer with a spell powerful enough to defy spirits,
blue, black, and grey — a pipe of tobacco. From this moment the
gradual recovery of Sir Hugh commenced. He smoked for many
a month, and taught his neighbour, young Raleigh, to smoke ako ;
from Raleigh the pipe descended to the great Sir Walter, who, as
ibis legend runs, planned his expedition to Virginia on purpose to
fill it."»

There are several interesting reminiscences of Ralegh's
smoking habits that deserve to be recorded here. In a letter
from Sir John Stanhope to Sir G. Carew, dated January
26th, 1601, is this paragraph : —

''I send you now no Tabacca, because Mr. Secretary, Sir
Walter, and your other friends, as they say, have stored you
of late ; neither have I any proportion of it (that) b good, but
only am rich in Aldermans Watses promises of plenty, wherewith
you shall be acquainted, God willing.'' ^

The next may be assigned to the same period : —

"Richard Middleton, governor of Denbigh Castle, temp.
Elizabeth, bad nine sons, the celebrated Sir Hugh being the sixth.
The third, William, was a sea captain, and an eminent poet. . . .
It is sayed, that he, with captain Thomas Price, of Plasyellin, and
one captain Koet^ were the first who smoked . . . tobacco
publickly in London; and that the Londoners flocked from all
parts to see them."^

' Guide to South Devon (1884), 61. » Jiivers of Devon (1893), 99.

' Mrs. Whitcombe, 52-3. No reference is given. It is very questionable
whether such a story, for it can hardly be called a legend, should have found
its way into the excellent work from which it is now extracted ; this wiU be the
more apparent when it is known to contain a great anachronism in assigning
tobacco-smoking in England many years prior to its being known in Europe.
The names mentioned are unknown in Devonshire history.

* Col. Carew MSS,

^ Quoted from Sebright MSS,, in Pennant's Tour in WaU» (1783), ii. 28.

N 2

188 RALEGHANA.

We have no means of ascertaining how far- this is correct,
but it bears a close resetnblance to another account thus
related by J. P. Malcolm : —

'' Some person of research has noted in the vestry-book that Sir
Hugh (Middleton) served the office of Churchwarden of St.
Matthew's (Friday Street) in 1598, 1599, and 1600, to which
tradition adds, that Sir Walter Ealeigh and he often smoaked
tobacco together at the door of the latter/' ^

And the same author, in another work, thus completes his
narration : —

''The custom was, probably, promoted through the public
manner in which it was exhibited, and the aromatic flavour in-
haled by the passengers, exclusive of the singularity of the
circumstance, and the eminence of the parties." *

The following entries taken from Mr. B. N. Worth's
valuable Plynumth Municipal Records show the hearty re-
ception given to Halegh and his companions by the official
authorities of that town, on the occasion of their visit,
immediately prior to the last disastrous voyage to Guiana.
The complete date is not stated, but a letter by him from
that town to M. de Bisseaux is dated May 14th, 1616.^

"161 6-7. Allowed Mr. Robert Trelawny e beinge
Mayor for entertayninge Sr. Walter
Bawley and his followers at his house
wch was done by a grail consente . ix^ "

Sir John Duckhame, Chancellor of the Duchy, entertained,
his followers being lodged in Mr. Johnson's house : —

" It allowed for a pownde of Tobacco wch was

geven to Sr. John Duckhame . viij*

''It paid the drumer for calling Sr. Walter

Eauleighs company abord . xij^"(150)

Ealegh's first testamentary note — made shortly before his
execution on October 29th, 1618 — contains not only his last,
but, as far as is yet known, his sole mention of tobacco (none
has been discovered in any of his printed works), and re-
lated to that which remained on his ship after his ill-fated
voyage. Here is the paragraph : —

" Sir Lewis Stukeley sold all the tobacco at Plimouth of which,
for the most part of it, I gave him a fift part of it, as also
a role for my Lord Admirall and a role for himself. . . I desire
that hee may give his accotmt for the tobacco.'' ^

' Anecdotes of Lomdofn (1811), i 217. ^ Londinium Bedivivwm,f iv. 490.
' Edwabds, ii. 847. * Edwards, ii. 494.

RALE6HANA. 189

Perhaps the most interesting statement made by any one
person on this subject is that related by Aubrey in these
words. After alluding to Balegh as its importer and pro-
moter, he goes on to say : —

'*In one part of North Wilts, e.g.^ Malmesbory hundred, it
came first into fashion by Sr. Walter Long, They had first silver
pipes. The ordinary sort made use of a walnut-shell and a strawe.
I have heard my gr. father Lyte say, that one pipe was handed
from man to man round the table. Sr. W. B. standing in a stand
at Sr. Eo. Poyntz parke, at Acton, tooke a pipe of tobacco, wch
made the ladies quitt it till he had donne. Within these 35
years 't was scandalous for a divine to take tobacco. It was sold
then for ita wayte in silver, I have heard some of our old yeomen
neighbours say, that when they went to Malmesbury or Chippen-
ham Market, they culled out their biggest shillings to lay in the
scales against the tobacco; now, the customes of it are the
greatest his majtie hath. ... He tooke a pipe of tobacco a little
before he went to the scaffold, wch some formall persons were
scandalized at, but I thinke it was well, and properly donne to
settle his spirits." (II. 512, 519-20.)

We have the testimony of the Dean of Westminster, who

attended Kalegh on the morning of his execution, that " he

. . . eate his breakfast hertily and tooke Tobacco." ^ Win-

stanley mentions a " report, that when he went to his Trial,

he took three Pipes in the Coach." ®

How closely Ralegh's name continued to be associated
with it for some years after his execution is shown by this
entry in the diary of the great Earl of Cork : —

"Sept. 1, 1641. Sent by Travers to my infirme cozen Eoger
Yaghan, a pott of Sir waiter Baleighes tobackoe." ®

The history of the use of tobacco in Europe prior to 1586
points out its employment to have been almost entirely
confined to medical purposes. " It was," writes Fairholt, "to
the supposed sanitary effects of tobacco that its honourable
introduction to Europe was due." (46.) Its remedial em-
ployment was first described by Dr. Monardes in his work
published in Spanish in 1571, and was repeated in the
various editions of the English translation, no less than
twelve folios (33-45) being devoted to it in that of 1596;
"which Hearbe hath done greate Cures in the Kealme of

7 Printed for the first time in Gtttgh's Collectanea Curiosa (1781), ii. 423.

• England's Worthies (1660), 259.

• Lismore Papers, Ut S. y. (1886), 188.

190 BALEGHANA.

Fraance and PortingalL" The only reference to its applica-
tion to any other use is the following : —

''The Indians for their pastime, do take the smoke of the
Tabaco, to make themselaes drunke withall, and to see the visions,
and things that represent vnto them, that wherein they do
delight." 1

(The English translation of the Maison Rtistique, published
in 1600, includes a long Ust of diseases benefited by the use
of this plant; and also describes its employment by the
Indians, as noted by Monardes).

It was not, however, until after Drake had landed in
England in 1586 that we have any reason to think the habit
of tobacco-smoking as a pleasurable exercise commenced in
this country. No work of this period alludes to it, except
for purely medical purposes alone. It may have been prac-
tised by some of the colonists who were returning home in
that year ; but however this may be, we cannot doubt from
the statement already quoted from the Beport of Hariot
of his being a smoker, and that he soon had an apt pupil
in Balegh, who found it a solace, a luxury, and a necessity.
'* Certainely from that time, it began to be in great request,
and to be sold at an high rate . . . insomuch as Tobacco
shops are kept in Townes every where, no lesse than tap-
houses and tavemes/'^ How rapidly the habit increased
and became general led to Fairholt's assertion, "The com-
mencement of the seventeenth century was the golden age
of tobacco." (63.)

The habit of indulging in the "Indian smoke," as it
was termed by a former minister at Exeter^ as a daily
pleasure was attended with its serious diminution as a purely
medical remedy. Gerard details many of its uses in disease
(all copied from Monardes' work), and remarks, " Some vse
to drink it (as it is termed) for wantonnesse, or rather
custome, and cannot forbeare it, no not in the midst of
their dinner." (259.) In 1660 Winstanley declared, "Tobacco
it self is by few taken now as medicinal, it is grown a
good-fellow, and fallen from a Physician to a Complement.
. . . ' He *s no good-fellow that 's without . . . burnt Pipes,
Tobacco, and his Tinder Box.' " * This is not intended for
praise, as he terms it "this Heathenish Weed," and as

1 Ed. 1596, 89.

^ Camden, Annates (1635), 286.

• L. Stucley in Th4; Gospel Glass, 1670.

* " Life of Sir F. Drake, '^ in England's Worthies, 211.

BALEGHANA. 191

" a f oUy which certainly had never spread so far," if some
stringent " means of prevention " had been exercised.^

Although a few pamphlets were published in its favour,
authors generally opposed the increasing habit of smoking,
and in bitter and coarse language. Amongst the latter
works condemning its use may be enumerated those of
Camden, Stow, Bishop Hall, J. Swan (in Speculum Mundi),
J. Sylvester (in translation of the Works of Da Bartas),
Barton {Anatomy of Melancholy), &c. ; but the principal
diatribe against it was undoubtedly the Counter-Blaste^ of
James I., in which he took incredible pains to vituperate
the "filthie noueltie" of smoking, whether for pleasure or
as a remedy, and made a vigorous attack on Halegh as
its supposed introducer.

James carried out his animosity in a very practical
manner, first by raising the excise duty from two pence
per pound to six shillings and eightpence, and subsequently
by forbidding it to be cultivated both in England and
Ireland.

One of the most striking attempts to hinder the practice
in a private family is contained in a will, dated October
20th, 1616, wherein P. Campbell leaves to his son all his
household goods, "on this condition, that yf at any time
hereafter, any of his brothers or sisters shall fynd him
takeing of tobacco, that then he or she so fynding him,
shall have the said goods." ^

So far as England is concerned, one of the leading in-
centives to the increase of the habit was the prevailing
idea of its efficacy as a prophylactic against the plague;
and during the great outbreak of 1665 Pepys records he
" was forced to buy some roll tobacco to smell and to chaw,
which took away the apprehension." ®

' Judging from the followiDg item in the Household Book of Risley Hall,
Derbyshire, it was employed for veterinary purposes at an early date:
** 1681. Nov. 23. paid to Willm Cowley for tar and Tobacco Stalkes to dresse
the Sheepe with ... 00 . 00 . 04." {Reliquary, iiL 166.)

' ** A gentleman called King James,

In quilted doublet and great trunk breeches,
Who held in abhorrence Tobacco and Witches."

Ingoldshy Legends,

An anti-tobacco work by J. Deacon, entitled Tdbcuxo tortured in the
fiWiy Fumes of Tohaeoo refined, published in 1616, is the subject of a singular
suggestion by a correspondent of Notes and Queries, 2nd S. iii. 863, "that
the CounUrblaste was made up at the instigation " of this book of Deacon's,
"and composed from its materials." But the work of James was issued to
the public in 1604, twelve years earlier.

' OerU:sMag, (1769), 181.

■ Diary, June 7, 1665.

192 RALEGH ANA.

And T. Heame, under date January 21st, 1720-21,
states: —

" I have been told tbat in the last great plague at London none
that kept tobaconist's shops had the plague. It is certain, that
smoaking it was looked upon as a most excellent preservative,
In so much, that even cluldren were obliged to smoak. And
I remember, that I heard formerly Tom Xtogerf, who was yeoman
beadle, say, that when he was that year, when the plague raged,
a schoolboy at Eaton, all the boys at that school were obliged
to smoak in the school every morning, and that he was never
whipped so much in his life as he was one morning for not
smof^ing."^

This is further corroborated by the remarks of H. Syer
Cuming, that "from the vast quantity of pipes met with
in London which are known to belong to the time of this
awful visitation, it would appear that almost every person
who ventured from home invoked the protection of tobacco."^

Derby was visited by the plague in the same year, and
at the " Headless-cross . . . the market-people^ having their
mouths primed with tobacco as a preservative, brought their
provisions . . It was observed, that this cruel afHiction never
attempted the premises of a tobacconist, a tanner, or a shoe-
maker." ^ We cannot doubt that many persons who first
practised smoking as a precaution against the epidemic
continued it afterwards as a daily habit, and that this held
good all over England.

Several traditionary anecdotes relating to the early use
of tobacco in this country are too interesting to be left
unnoticed, especially as Sir W. Ealegh is the principal
personage in some of them.

I. Tobacco '* was brought into England by Sir Francis Drake-s
Seamen, but first into Repute by Sir W. Bawleigh. By the
Caution he took in smoaking it privately, he did not intend
it should be copied. But sitting one Day in a deep Meditation
with a Pipe in his Mouth, inadvertently call'd to his Man to
bring him a Tankard of small Ale; the Fellow coming into the
Boom, threw all the Liqaor in his Master's Face, and running
down Stairs, bawl'd out Fire! Help! Sir Walter has studied
till his Head's on Fire, and the Smoak bursts out of his Mouth
and Nose. After this Sir Walter made it no Secret, and took two
Pipes just before he went to be beheaded." ^

• Reliq. ffeam, (1869), 117-120.
^ Jounu Brit. Arckaeol. Assoc., xi. 15-16.
« W. HUTTON, Hist, of Derby (1817), 194-196.
» Gent/s Mag. (1731), 882-383.

BALE6HANA. 193

A version similar in substance, but varied in the telling,
is related by Oldys.*

An engraving (by Shelton) of the occurrence forms the
frontispiece to the Social Pipe, published in 1826; and
J. Nelson states that "Mr. Bonghey, a tobacconist (who
lies buried in Islington Churchyard), kept for many years
in his window, in Bishopsgate Street, the painted sign of
'Sir Walter Raleigh and his man,' taken from the story"
just narrated.^

Two other versions of this anecdote — ^Dick Tarlton, the
jester, being the chief actor in one, and a ** Welshman " in
the other — serve to show it to have been well known in the
early part of the seventeenth century, the former being told
in his Jests (1588), and the latter by Rich in his Irish HuhbuA
(1619).«

II. The following is taken from J. Howell's Familiar
Letters (1673), 404. and is dated January 1st, 1646 :—

*' The smoak of it (tobacco) is one of the wholesomest sents that
is against all oontagious aira, for it oremasters all other smells, as
King James they say found true, when being once a htmting, a
showr of rain drove him into a Pigsty for shelter, wher he caos'd
a pipe full to Be taken of purpose."

This was in all probability written expressly for publication
" to relieve his necessities while he was in the Fleef ^

With this may be mentioned that a few years ago a large
woodcut, entitled ''Our James's First Pipe," showing he did
not enjoy it, appeared in one of the standard weekly
periodicals

The well-known hatred of the king for tobacco is suflScient
to believe in the apocryphal character of these pictorial and
literary records.

III. A curious tradition is related in Campbell's Rist, of
Virginia, that Ralegh

'' Having offered Queen Elizabeth some tobacco to smoke, after
two or three whifiis she was seized with a nausea, upon observing
which some of the Earl of Leicester's faction whispered that Sir
Walter had certainly poisoned her. But her majesty in a short
while recovering made the Countess of Nottingham and all her
maids smoke a whole pipe out among them.'^^

* 73, qooted from The BrUish Apollo, Srd Edition (1726), ii. 876.
» Hisi, of Islington, 121.

* Qooted by Fairholt, 52-3.

' S. Lee, art. •* HoweU," in Did. of Nat. Biog., xxTiii. 118.

* Quoted in Sir fV, Ralegh*$ Colony in America, 210.

194 RALBGHANA.

That women smoked in the seventeenth century is testified
to in Stow's work (1631), 1038 ; and Oldys asserts :—

" It soon became of such vogue in queen Elizabeth's court, that
some of the great ladies, as well as noblemen therein, would not
scruple to take a pipe sometimes very sociably." (75.)^

lY. The legend as to the weight of tobacco smoke is first
alluded to in its English dress in Howell's Familiar Letters^
404:—

'' If one would try a pretty conclusion how much smoak tber is
in a pound of Tobacco, the ashes will tell him ; for let a pound be
exactly weighed, and the ashes kept charily & weighed after-
wards, what wants of a pound weight in the ashes cannot be
denied to have bin smoak, which evaporated into air ; I have bin
told that Sir Walter Bawleigh won a wager of Queen Elizabeth
upon thb nicity.''

The following more extended version is narrated by Oldys
in 1736 :—

Ralegh "assured her majesty he had so well experienced the
nature of it (tobacco), that he could tell her of what weight
even the smoke would be in any quantity proposed to be con-
sumed. Her majesty fixing ber thoughts upon the most im-
practicable part of the experiment, that of bounding the smoke in
a balance, suspected that he put the traveller upon her, and would
needs lay him a wager he could not solve the doubt ; so he pro-
cured a quantity agreed upon to be thoroughly smoked, then went
to weighing, but it was of the ashes ; and in the conclusion, what
was wanting in the prime weight of the tobacco, her majesty did
not deny to have been evaporated in smoke ; and further said, that
* many labourers in the fire she had heard of who turned their gold
into smoke, but Ealegh was the first who had turned smoke into
gold.*" (75-6.)

This is the one usually cited by biographers. A very
perverted version is printed in Salads Journal of October 1st,
1896.

What was the real origin of this anecdote ? The reply is
by no means a remote one. In 1781 Dr. T. Francklin pub-
lished a translation of the Works of Lucian, and in it is this
short story : —

" Somebody asked him one day, in a scoffing manner, this ques-
tion, 'Pray, Demonax, if you bum a thousand pounds of wood,
how many pounds will there be of smoke ' 1 ' Weigh the ashes,'
says he, * and all the rest will be smoke.' " (iii. 88.)

• Cf. Fairholt, 67-9.

RALEGHANA. 195

W. A. Clouston remarked, that '* Baleigh may have imitated
the philosopher in Lucian's story/' ^ but the true solution is
most probably that advanced by the editor of Willi8*8 Current
Notes, of 1855, as follows : —

*^ Lncian's Dialogoee were translated by Hickes, and printed at
Oxford in 1634, where possibly Howell met with the jocosery, or,
as he was quite capable, he read it in one of the Latin versions,
and, adopting the tradition of Raleigh's being the introducer of
tobacco from Virginia, made it an illustration of his intimacy with her
Majesty, in compliment to whom that country was so named.'' (4.)

A few words are necessary respecting some of the smoker's
impedimenta that belonged, or are said to have belonged, to
Ealegh.

I. Tobacco Pipe, — The only specimen yet found recorded
as "Sir Walter Baleigh's Tobacco pipe" forms one of the
items in "A Catalogue of the Rarities to be seen at Adams's,
at the Royal Swan, in Kingsland-road, leading from Shore-
ditch Church, 1756." This was a rival exhibition to that at
Don Saltero's Coffee-house at Chelsea; but as among the
exhibits are enumerated "Wat Tyler's spurs," "Vicar of
Bray's clogs," and other burlesque absurdities, it will show
the Ralegh relic to have been one of them.^

II. Tobacco-box. — (1) Oldys records : —

'* Being at Leeds, in Yorkshire, soon after Mr. Ralph Thoresby,
the antiquary, died, anno 1725, I saw his museum; and in it,
among his other rarities, what himself has pablicly called ... sir
Walter Ralegh's tobacco-box. From the best of my memory, I
can resemble its outward appearance to nothing more nearly than
one of our modem mufif-cases ; about the same height and width,
covered with red leather, and opened at top (but with a hinge, I
think) like one of those. In the inside there was a cavity for a
receiver of glass or metal, which might hold half a pound or a
pound of tobacco ; and from the edge of the receiver at top, to the
edge of the box, a circular stay or collar, with holes in it, to plant
the tobacco about, with six or eight pipes to smoke it in." (73.)

In the Diukitus Leodiensis (1715), by R Thoresby, the
description is slightly different: —

** Sir Walter Ralegh's tobacco-box, as it is called, but is rather
the case for the glass wherein it was preserved, which was sur-
rounded with small wax candles of various colours. This is of
gilded leather, like a muff-case, about half a foot broad and thirteen
inches high, and hath cases for sixteen pipes within it" (485.)

^ Popular Tales and Fictions : their Migrations and Transformations {ISS7),
h 69. « J. Times, Clubs and Club Life (1872), 808.

196 RALEGHANA.

(2) Another is thus described by Fairholt : —

" I am indebted to J. Y. Akermao, Esq., Secietarj of the Society
of Antiquaries of London [died in 1873], lor permission to engrave
an old wooden carved tobacco box, also traditionally said to have
belonged to Ealeigb, and which has the initials ' W. R. ' conjoined
within the lid. If not Ealeigh's box, it is of his period, and is
decorated with figures on one side of the costume of the end of
the sixteenth, or beginning of the seventeenth century. On the
opposite side is a hunting scene. The lid slides out ; the head of
the figure who supports the anchor forming a convenient projection
to aid its course. The English rose is below ; and at the bottom
of the box a mariner's compass is engraved.'' (226.)

The tenor of the foregoing remarks may be thus briefly
summarised : —

Tobacco was first imported into Europe about the year
1560, but not into England until a few years later. The
first Englishman to notice it was Sir J. Hawkins in 1565 ;
whether, however, he brought any to this country is un-
known, most probably he did, the other alternative being
its importation from Spain. It was certainly known in
1577, when the translation of Dr. Monardes* work was
issued ; and well known in 1582, as pointed out by Hakluyt.
Drake became acquainted with it in his voyage of 1585-6,
prior to his touching at Virginia and bringing away Ralegh's
colonists, among whom was T. Hariot, who saw tobacco
growing wild in that country, and was the first Englishman
to describe it two years afterwards. We may rest assured
he carried home with him specimens of it, which he presented
to Ralegh, and gave a full account of it, as one of the results
of his visit, and for which be had been sent out by him.
We are aware by his own statement that he practised
smoking while in the colony. That he imparted the habit to
Ralegh, demonstrating to him how the Indians did "take
the fume or smoke thereof by sucking it through pipes made
of claie," is equally certain ; actual proof we do not possess,
but it is implied in the circumstance of Ralegh being known
soon afterwards as an ardent smoker. Up to his time tobacco
was employed throughout Europe solely as a remedy for
many diseases, but it was not until after Hariot had enjoyed
his pipe as a luxury in Virginia, and had reported and taught
it to Ralegh on his return, that the habit was commenced in
England, and soon became common throughout the land.
What is true of England and of Europe generally is, that
despite the efforts of royal proclamations, ecclesiastical cen-

RALEGHANA. 197

sures, and the earnest endeavours of university authorities,
poets, pamphleteers, and others to arrest the practice, its
use as a luxury, and as a daily necessity, has gone on
increasing to the present time ; whereas, on the contrary, its
employment as a medical agent has steadily diminished.

Whatever merit may be attached to its introduction into
this country, we may, for similar reasons already adduced
in the case of the potato, omit the names of Sir F. Drake
and of Lane. Although it was known in England to a
limited extent before 1586, its practical importation, in-
troduction to Balegh, and subsequent description must be
ascribed to Hariot, especially bearing in mind the statement
in his report: "We our selues during the time we were
there vsed to suck it after their maner, as also since our
retuma" The part played by Balegh has been acknow-
ledged by writers generally to have been the first to bring it
into general use. On this Oldys remarked: ''Baleigh was
the first who brought this herb in request among us, and laid
the foundation for that great traffick therewith, which has
been of such considerable benefit to his country." (74)

We may conclude this paper by quoting the following
lines of a well-known writer (Dean Hole) : —

" Before the wine of suDny Rhine, or even Madame Clicquot's,
Let aU men praise, with loud hurras, this panacea of Nicof s.
The debt confess, though none the less they love the grape and barley.
Which Frenchmen owe to good Nicot, and Englishmen to Raleigh."^

* Nice and her Neighbours (1881), 30.

BOTANICAL NOTES.

BT HBLIN BAUNDBBS.
(ReAd at Honiton, August, 1808.)

Since my paper on plants growing wild in the neighbourhood
of South Molton was read in 1894, 1 have had tiie satisfac-
tion of discovering twenty-eight other species, increasing the
number to 563.

I take this opportunity of recording other plants which I
have observed growing at the several places visited by the
Association each succeeding year. I do not consider it
necessary to repeat the names of plants that are common in
nearly every parish in Devonshire, therefore I mention only
those which I have not previously recorded in my South
Molton list

I bad visited Okehampton before the meeting was held
there in 1895, tlius I was well acquainted with the localities
where wild flowers abound.

At Ashburton I observed only two plants which I had
not recorded, but from a list of ferns kindly sent to me by
Mr. P. F. S. Amery I extract those named under Ashburton.

In the vicinity of Kingsbridge I was fortunate in discover-
ing several rare specimens, which I have not met with in
North Devon; but nearly all have been found there by
others.

SOUTH MOLTON.
Since 1894.

Lepidium latifolium . 1897 . Broad-leaved pepper-wort

Viola lactea {^M.) . 1897 . Smith's dog violet

Spergtdaria rubra . 1897 . Field sandwort spurrey.

Hypericum dubium . 1894 . Imperforate St. John's-wort

Trifolium JUiforme . 1898 . Slender or least yellow clover.
Chrysosplenium attemi-

folium . . . 1895 . Alternate-leaved golden saxifrage.

BOTANICAL NOTES.

199

Angelica sylvestria
TorUis nodosa .
Sambucm Ebtdua
Ch(Brophyllum aylvestre
Cichorium Intyhua
Mentha viridia .
Lysimachia vulgaris .
Veronica Baxbaumii ,
Polygonum lapathi-

folium .
Salix fragilis
Juncus tenuis
Scirpus ccBspitosus (per

Mr. Hiern)
Carex paniculata
Lycopodium Selago
Equisetum limosum
Equisetum palustre
Chara fragUis ,

1896 . WUd angelica.

1894 . Knotted hedge parsley.
1898 . Dane-wort

1897 . Wild beaked parsley.
1894 . Wild chicory, or succory.
1894 . Spear-mint.

1894 . Great yellow loosestrife.

1898 . Buxbaum's speedwell.

1895 . Pale-flowered persicaria.

1896 . Crack willow.
1895 . Slender rash.

. Scaly-stemmed club-rush.

1895 . Great panicled sedge.

1896 . Fir club-moss.

1897 . Smooth or water horsetail.

1898 . Marsh horsetail.
1895 . Fragile chara.

CASUALS, OR WAIFS.

Ambrosia artemisiifolia, by a roadside, 1897.

(Enoihera biennis^ 1898.

Coronillo varia, on waste ground, 1894.

Saponaria Vaccaria, on waste ground, 1894.

Reseda crispaia Ten^ B. Lutaola L., var. Cfussonii, 1898.

Juncus tenuis deserves particular notice. It was discovered
in Herefordshire in the year 1884, and was reported from Corn-
wall in 1894. It was found in the parish of South Molton
on August 24th, 1895. I think it has not been reported from
any other station in England, but it has been found in
Scotland, Ireland, and Wales. The geographical distribution
is extensive ; it is reported from several countries in Europe,
from North and South America, New Zealand, Australia,
and other places. Three varieties have been named.

There is another rare plant growing in a wild state about
seven miles from South Molton, Cajpax plenus, Queen Anne's
Daffodil, the single form of which is uncertain. I mtule
enquiries respecting it some time ago of Messrs. Barr and
Sons, from whom I received the following quaint reply :
"It exercised the mind of Parkinson nearly three hundred
years past, and it has exercised the minds of all writers
on daffodils since that time, and is at this time exercising
the minds of the present generation.'' In Mrs. Soudon's
Encyclopcedia of Flanks she says, " It is a very obscure
plant, of which no description is anywhere given." It bad

200

BOTANICAL NOTES.

been noticed by Sobel, a Flemish botanist, in 1576, under the
name of Narcisms luteus mvltiplidjlore; he stated that it was
first found in a poor person's garden at Toumai in Belgium.

In 1613 it was also mentioned and figured by Besler {Hort.
JSst/iett,, ord. 3, p. 3, n. 2), who named the plant Narcissus
sylvestris stellcUvs. Parkinson also gave an account of it
(Paradis^ p. 105), and a figure on p. 107, n. 4.

It is now considered to be a full -flowered form of the
common Narcissus Psevdo-nardssus. The change is curious,
as in the single form the corona is in the shape of a cup,
but in this it is not produced at all ; the segments or petals
lie one over the other in regular order, formiog a beautiful
flower. It has been known by several other names — Bobin's
daffodil, Narcissus Capax^ Queltia Capax, Assaracus Capax,
and now Narcissus Eystetiensis,

With regard to Viola lactea, I had great difficulty in
determining the speciea Mr. Hiem (to whom I am indebted
for other information) has kindly given me his opinion and
that of Mr. W. H. Beebee, who considers the plant may
be Var intermedia^ Watson.

OKEHAMPTON.

1895.

TeesdcUia nudicatdis (Belstone)
Lepidium campestre .
Drosera intermedia .
Sderanthue annutts .
Radida lincMes
Ulex Oallii
Sanguisorbia qffidnalis
Pyrus communis
Sedum anglicum
Valeriandla olitoria .
Onaphalium sylvaticum
Leontodon hispidns .
Antirrhinum orontium
Thymus serpyUum
Ballota nigra .
Rhynchospora alba .
Scirpus setaceus (Dartmoor)
Scirpus fluitans (Spreyton)
Agrostis setaeea (Dartmoor)
Poa compressa ....
Olyceria rigida (Meldon) .
Bromus giganteus
Polypodium Phegopteris (Sourton)

Naked-stalked Teesdalia.

Field pepper-wort

I^esser long-leaved sundew.

Annual knawel.

Thyme-leaved flaxseed; allseed.

Planchon's furze.

Great bumet

Wild pear.

English stonecrop

Com salad ; lamb's lettuce.

Highland cud-weed.

Common hawkbit

Lesser snapdragon.

Wild thyme.

Black horehotmd.

White beak-sedge.

Bristle club-rush.

Floating club-rush.

Bristle bent-grass.

Flattened meadow-grass.

Hard meadow-grass.

Tall brome.

Beech fern.

BOTANICAL NOTES.

201

Comtia sanguinea
Verbena officinalis
Polypodium semUacerum
P. phegopteris ,
P, Dryopteris .
Alloaorus crispus
Asplenium lanceolatum

Hymenophyllum Tunbridgense
H, WiUoni
Botrychium Lunaria .

ASHBURTON.

1896.

Dog-wood.
Common TervaiD*
Irish polybodj.
Beech fern.

Oak fern (Wistman's Wood).
Parsley fern (Chagford).
Lanceolate spleenwort (New
Bridge).

Filmy ferns.

Moonwort (near Two Bridges).

}

On ascending the steep moorland near Grimspound I
came across a beautiful specimen of Athyrium FUix fcemina
trifidum, which since removal has retained its form, pro-
ducing an abundance of spores, and increasing from the
root

KINGSBRIDGE.

1897.
Clematis Vitalba
Glaucium flavum (Slapton Sands)
Papaver Mhceas .
Malva rotundifolia .
Oeranium sanguineum
Geranium rotundifolium
Oeranium striatum .
Rosa spinosissima
Eryngium maritimum
Crithmum maritimum
Eubia peregrina
Galium verum .
Galium Crudata
Carduus tenuiflorus .
Samolus Valerandi ,
Convolvidus arvensis .
Sihthorpia europcea (Gara Bridge)
Bartsia viscosa .
Scrophtdaria Scorodonia
Origanum vulgare
Thymus serpyllum
Salvia Verbenaca
Ballota nigra .

Plantago maritima (Splat Cove)
Polygonum amphibium (Slapton

Sands)

VOL. XXX. 0

Traveller's joy.
Homed poppy.
Common red poppy.
Dwarf mallow.
Bloody crane's-bill.
Eoond-leaved crane's-bilL
Fluted geranium.
Burnet rose.
Sea holly.
Samphire.
Wild madder.
Ladies' bedstraw.
Crosswort or maywort.
Slender thistle.
Brookweed.
Lesser bindweed.
Cornish money-wort.
Yellow viscid bartsia.
Balm-leaved figwort
Common marjoram.
Wild thyme.
Clary or wild sage.
Black horehound
Sea-side plantain.

Amphibious persicaria.

202

BOTANICAL NOTES.

Euphorbia ParcUias .
Euphorbia Portlandica
ScUla autumnalis
ScirpuB Taberncemontani
Scirpus muUicaulis .
Asplenium marinum .

Sea spurge.
Portland sparge
Autumnal squilL
Glaucous bull-rush.
Many-stalked rush.
Sea spleenwori

Two of these are very rare plants, viz., Sibthorpia europcea
and Scrophularia Scorodonia. The former, a beautiful little
creeping plant, with minute pinkish flowers and delicate
green leaves, grows near springs and wells in Cornwall,
Kerry, and Jersey ; the latter is also found in Cornwall and
Ireland, and is plentiful in Guernsey; it is known by its
wrinkled leaves and hairy stems.

Several other rather uncommon plants have been reported
from the neighbourhood of Kingsbridge, but I had not the
pleasure of discovering them.

** Viola hiria
Saxifraga tridactylites
Ouscuta Epithymum
Iris foBtidimma
Neottia Spiralis
Lithospermum officinale
Ruscus aculeatus
Asplenium lanceolatum"^

Hairy violei

Eue-leaved saxifrage.

Lesser dodder.

Fetid iris.

Lady's tresses.

Blue gromwell, or grey millet.

Butcher's broom.

Lanceolate spleenwort

I hope to be able to continue collecting specimens at other
places to be visited by the Association. I shall feel ex-
ceedingly obliged to anyone who will kindly send me
specimens which I may not find myself.

^ Myrtles cmd Aloes, by Mrs. Lusoombb.

THE TAX ROLL OF "TESTA DE NEVILL."

BT REV. T. W. WHALB, M.A.
(Bead at Honiton, Augnat, 1898.)

Testa de Nevill is a carefully-bound document, in excellent
condition, beautifully written on parchment, after the style
of the Ikcon. Domesday, It was compiled about the end of
the reign of Edward I. as a book of reference for Exchequer
purposes. The following lists form that part of it which was
put together from the Hundred Rolls of 19-27 Henry III.,
just on the plan of the £ax)n. Domesday^ but with greater
care and exactness. Those Hundred Rolls that are bound up
with it serve to show how this was dona Unfortunately a
portion of the Rolls is omitted in these lists, viz., the list of
soccages and grants in alms at the end of each, which were
not required for tax purposes.

We learn from difTerent counties how the Inquisitions
were to be made: thus (printed copy, p. 282) the Com-
missioners for Norfolk were to inquire — how many fees:
there were, old and new, and who pays them to us. Of
whom, and in what counties, and how many fees each baron
held. In what villas the fees are. That we may know
whether the whole auxilium is paid to us. Also how many
there are in your county who hold single fees of us in
Chief, and the names of all those who hold of us by
serjeanty or soccage.

The greater Barons who held the King's brief appear to
have compounded for their Honours by a fixed amount In
their case the King's Bailiffs were not allowed to distrain,
but the Steward paid directly to the Sheriff. See pp. 247,
251, 260, 280, 304, 333: "isti subscripti tenent breve
Domini Regis de scutagio suo habendo."

I have written throughout the T,N. part u instead of v,
because v was not written of old, and because there is great

o 2

204 THE TAX BOLL OF "TESTA DB NEVILL."

difficulty in distinguishing between u and n, and v is often
misleading.

There is another Tax Boll in the Becord Office verj helpful
in many ways for explaining Testa de NevUl. Its official
reference is ^ Exchequer of Beceipt — Miscellaneous Books —
Vol. 72." It is a Book of Knights* Fees, entitled •* Feoda in
Capite," compiled by the Master of the Court of Wards and
Liveries, 34 Henry VIII., containing only the counties of
Devon, Lincoln, Cumberland, Kent, and Bucks. In the notes
to this paper it will be quoted as " F.," and it throws a good
deal of light on sales and purchases for the Honours of
Okehampton and Plympton, in these Honours closely follow-
ing 1 Bichard II., p. 2. I am sorry to add that careful
investigation has led me to doubt the accuracy of this Boll
or Book in allocating some entries to their Hundreds;
possibly the Hundreds themselves may have altered.

I have long doubted whether BurtorCs List, quoted by Mr.
Beichel in his Hundred of Listone, was altogether trust-
worthy, and I have now found the Boll of which it professes
to be a copy. Its official title in the Becord Office is — " Lay
Subsidies Aid, V, ^^ Edward I.'' Examinatio feodorum
Devonie facta per Gilbertum de Knouill in presencia Thome
de Balegh vice comitis Devonie et Nicholai de Kyrcham
coUectorum XL solidorum domino Begi de singulis feodis ad
filiam suam primogenitam maritandam concessorum, anno
regni regis Edwardi filii regis Henrici, tricesimo primo, tam
per inquisiciones per predictos Thomam et Nicholaum captas,
quam per Botulos de Scaccario domini Begis dicto Gilberto
ad hoc missos. Burton and his copyists have made sad
mistakes, omissions, and additions, which greatly impair its
value. In itself, as being the only early original Boll of the
Hundreds, it is of priceless worth. The oft-repeated ex-
pression in it, " per Botulos de Scaccario,'' shows that after
the Inquisitions had been taken an examination by way of
comparison was held of the Bolls from the Exchequer which
were copied about this time into the Testa de NevHl, It is
often referred to in the following entries and notes, and is
quoted as (B) .

THE TAX ROLL OF "TKSTA DB NKVILL."

205

EXPLANATIONS AND ABBREVIATIONS.

Column 1.
2.

3.
4.
5.

iDdez number.
Testa de Nevill, name.
ff ff holder.

If i> '®®'

Reference to Domesday Analysis^ 1896.
Modem name.
7. Geld List Hundred.
B. Burton's List.
D. Domesday Analysis.
F. Feoda in Caplte.
K. Kirkby's Quest
N.V. Nomina VDlarum.
P. Sir William Pole.
R. Risdon.
T.N. Testa de NevUl.

Such entries as 1 Richard II., p. 2, are extracts from the Calendars of
Inquisitiones post mortem " of the date referred to, and of the page in the
Calendar. Column 5 will serve to correct mistakes in the Domesday
Analysis. In column 4, M. means ** de feodis de Moretoine '* ; each of these
was f of an ordinary fee. In such entries as } fee, f fee, the MS. has
8 partes, 4 partes, &c. p m. in column 4 is for ''per medium," and p. p.m.
for " per plures medios.

Sucn entries as 16 [Scireuella] show that the fee was paid tcith other fua qf
tJi€ same holder in another Hundred.

THB TAX HOU OF "TESTA DK NKVILU

is M

£ !3

liial -=11

sit I li^

! a & <i

45 1'l

I fill

B 3 5 S S £ a

fa";*!

Ts 3 s «i -e i-

I?!

ESS I

si's •a

Hi !

. a ,

13 a <OH* 5 KiSioil
Tl ri «i t-' CO O) d ^' oi ei -T

THE TAX ROLL OF "TESTA DI NEVILL." 207

si -.: 4 ...................... ^S ,: ^ .... i ■' "J

si. s s S ^ -ii

a si

•••I „ V4

1.1 <!«S -Sol -S^ S. • |o Is

•='11 l>l-5W» l|5 I I 'S s-S

■531 ?i5S=ss »|i si SI Jg

S83S gSSBKSSSSS SSSS8S SS S Si -|

■ • ■ 'E 'ESaMedl J? I"

■ ■ , -I ja

.6 § ►■a

I _ ll «s

. ^ . ? -■- i «i

|l||l1ls^li|l rfllipl II

■g „ ^ ts e-Si

•ol •>; -ejs ■ ■ ■'= '-Sri J ■ >; ' ^ ■ s 'i ■ ■ ■ »| -sJI

•all il|iejls?-ss^§1llllSs- • ls.3i?--

|j|-S:?li?||Sv-S-?ls|-55illlM *"'^-s°4-i

Tax TAX HOLL 07 "TISTA Dl SKVWL."

■-»/ • - - ■

■Si i-i

E I*
III

ill!

■ -El

I g|tl1ll 1 |-s i

|l ^.Ig

««

IlllllliillllliiliililllSi.

THE TAX ROLL OF "TESTA DE NKVILL." 209

M if

S3 ii.

4 'c-SS

■•IIS

"is

II II Iff |l!lil|

§3 re a SS3 "-S-^

. £ ... .1 . .

111 «

■ .s ■ ■ a "B ■ '

. ..i.fi

lllii 1!.^ !-

■^i^i

111 .?•? •i?1tj_1ii| 5 lis ^1=

PI Up il=l1l.iliii|iis=ii1

210

THE TAX ROLL OF " TKSTA DE NEVILL."

I 1

Ilia M

,3 a w pao w ^ w

1 ■"- $'2^J 3

2 . I-S

I ^ ^ ? 11

M ■« -S '^ « »:
- ■E •= I ■^1

IJ^'

■SJ y

s §

-§e

CO » S « A A gS a M

THE TAX BOLL OF

"TESTA DE

NEVILL,"

tJ _ . . -S

i 1

WOT

£
S
i

*11

•n 3

■sSI

I is

1^ JSa s.

IB liSsJ
■el S'sS-s

K"ill|l|-i

-^ -H § -> -
(a « E^ K ^ fc. a.

212

THB TAX ROLL OF

'TKSTA DB

NKVILL"

ai.1

■II;

1
1

'r^ '■

i 1

-s i
oo »

:; !>■'■§■

1
si

a
1

■||-
flil

■s-5|sa •

I ^c-s-gSI

Ulljil 1 i|l

lililiiil

1^1 Tl';

ill til ill!!

5 6»» a Bil3 Baa?"

1 gg 5 SSSS s'Iss

III

i4it-iJ|"-8a
filCiril

THE TAX KOLL OF "TESTA DS NKVILL."

li
S3

I II

*=•; 3 :; -c •«

III

si i

■S SB'S

if"

•s J

^ i- ^sSiji?**??, !% !i;r ^?C«Se

214 THE TAX BOLL OF 'i^A Dl NKTtLL."

l"l = = = = " = = -l = 1"' = -*ll SI

I ,.^ i;

I i-^M il

'Si'" - ^N ill

. It rill i.i ii| i;

1 S 1 illl 3ll__ jli il-|

1^ sigilliSii_s__3i i liS §i§ ^ti fJ^B

^ ■ • • -M- i • ■ -M ■ ■•■itii ii|

^ — ^ ='--- — ?li III
1 _ ^"""1

^i ::::':: I si ::::'■ ^

o"! ^ mlt ^ ^^It^l I IS
^ ffl :^ « ^(S« ^ ^|f2«^ I « ^^

s ^ ^ a ■= *-a § -M-S^ S J .2 T P i

S ^ ^ 3 s«fr is ^KBfeSW ^ i£<l

' ' ' ' a " ' ' '■§ I

li,lll.|,fl|iu--=!jl.s||t|i|s
i|lilfl,fllii3l lillllll -":-j5^^ll

S S-s^SS ^ g

K(C'i^tioojQp-'we5-*ii;!Dr-[D oi o.-'Oin-tiotD i-*-'5o"—o)B.
« in la is (6 (o « si c6 (D !o lo (6 to r- r- i- i- [- i- i- o5J aC

THE TAX ROLL OF " TK8TA DK NEVILL.

1^1

= 1

1
f

^ "5.

= I

215

115
111
III

i s

" r

i«"i'

1*1 ill a liinj 'si- If?

li aJliti

11155 3 S Wil^l i-s

1 Slj".K

5.5-3

I ii|ll|i-I.IHIIi|lirJ|i| li^fl

THE TAX BOLL OF " TESTA DK NKVILL.

s ".i I

2 i

' 1

sis i

Sill

KSP5

■gj-i

■i i I

- -a
I

■I j. ■' ■

t>S, SS^ak^'^

HI lilt/

*-^ et

■32
.S3

^|-a

Isl

nun

THE TAX BOLL OF "TE8TA DB NBVni.

1 1 c

OKOO

L s

isi

K E IS.1

i |a ■ a • d d ■

:.^:

Ilgllj s iJll^iMsislgli Is?

-r— r S., . jj

■sS-.

J a «'l*

I |l|lf:ll»l||l|||lirJ|llii:

ll'a"

THE TAX BOLL OF " TKSTA DE NKVILL."

a a'

|SSS3

2=1 I s
ill 1 1

I It

si
?3

- p

Q .3

1 1

i 1

ill

^ w a J o-

5 a = -i

i a ^-1 &

ix|-|i£|JjilIi1||

||||j|3S-||l3J.S-t,||

i -3

S -3

e fe

THE TAX BOLL OF "TESTA DK NKVILL."

■•till' llil

' 5- if ^i^ii-srf

III

jj^«.^ -| ijiim

■352s - -

ll^

II I

•2^ S-d S.§ ?E 5-0 H = -B.£

|2.|a'

"ill

1^1

220 THE TAX ROLL OF "TESTA Dl h'EVILL."

i HI

•- £% t
§>,-= =

I "-s " '-a
I * 1

h -s ■ ■ i ■
"s Ijiip

1^ llgJUIlll

11=1

.a-- 3

a0i J

•s ail = ^ ^

s ?ii a III

i^l.

S Hi ii pi 3 I. =51

Plil f^

y^; 31

sts-i a:

^ .a *•«

f^5S^

. |4o|

3SES|

"iS^ljS

sIS'St.ss

a 3S 3

THE TAX ROLL OF "TBSTA DB NEVILL.

221

«^ fl ^ eu*^

•» QJ
TJ

^ ^ CO

Oi CO eo ^
<}< <M o o
00 GO 00 i-i

BBBBB

Aid.

.... . c . d . . .

d v S) d

»:! 31-2 1 Ji ir>^

^ s s^-S a s § s a-^

s ^ ^ J2 Sm ^ o J5 S d

f-* ©I « "^ »o ^

t^ Op C5 Q •-< '>!

rt ^s w

o o

Jz;tf^WS{*^

CO -^ »o

" o o

CO CO

llp^g^o /a-2

S-gH &CQ^ I^ShJ
^9 'C 1

C^ ^ « S -"J* C -if QO Oi
© ^ © «&

THE TAX HOLL OF

'TE3TA DE NKVILL."

' ' a 'il ' ' '

■l ■

3SS

III*

tts-.-sgi

ilsii I I 1*1 1 i I

isMi'kUeiUsi sit

THE TAX EOLL OF "TK8TA DB NKVILL.

a I

a ^t4
„ 52

-1"
II

THE TAX ROLL OF " TISTA Dl KBVILL"

-J "1 1 1 - - - Ij I J

1 ^-

a s»

S iSSSS

5Si1-?1 =1

■'I li

•si^J i lis <

' ' ' -5 ' ' ' '? ' ' |1

I iJjl |l|li|i|s|l II

n«

THE TAX ROLL OF " TESTA DK NEVILL."

I I

■5 . - £. a" (g "a 5 S

.1' S- 2-1 ^ Z

1 I I ' I

pI§cHJ-31^I 3i;S||€|2|-s|

E W-30 o-S-2.1'^"' , "'SBS^iSBS^

2 •s?-s°s-s2 .J-' •«■- .•s**!?"-"^ ^-.ig .^-
3 it|I|ii|1| ,i|?i-!3|-:i-;g Shin

I ml I I i I I I III

<l O fe^ O 3

THE TAX KOLL OF "TESTA DB NEVILL

li I 'i'^iij •s|i-'J-|

W3 ffl ■Itj'H^Ss 1^3»S-«

= " E

E -3

THK TAX ROLL OP "TESTA DE NEVILL."

I"- If

Si it

V ill

3 ms: (Soat2^aBis.5zB

lirilllHljlllllllll II

THE TAX HOLL OF "TESTA DK NEVILL

i
= -

S. .
I §

"Eg

^1
I'll

1 = 4

^ . — IIjj- ■»
■51" •S'ia-ss. ^

fllil

SJ-S 3 =£■ S,

fiw^Kdz s:

giS &

|2*l

O.J5SS
KS||

l-:t!-3

■Sill

THE TAX ROLL OP "TBBTA DE NKVILL."

5-E

1-3

3|
i 1

o^^?*^ 3 a^ S t? « "-3 ? n a

33g5335gg:3?55? 3 3 3

THE TAX ROLL OF " TKSTA DB NETILL.

I, -I
■s| -I

f-i

i o t)«^sa

.5^21=

.^^^ Ipl

i:.l|l

i'Z s.-^g

i I = 2 !"£■§>

. . .3 . . . .E .5 g . . . t-oS'-c?

. .SCO . . .,-fl .-B . . .' T .— '— .-o . -^ tce-gi

liiiHil^i.ll^Wiii ^^11

I l~.-r.".^... ^ I

iiiijtiiiiiiiiiiiiiii I I

Poa JcL.ttl!i,j?Mi>-Hoa)HJ CO o tJ meaoaea _ _^

THB TAX BOLL OF "TESTA DK NEVILL.

'Ill ■ ■

151 .•=

St- « SI"

5|.||^ll|.3 5- ! I

s i^iii

8 ■!

. . . . B . . . . I

•5 •? J

■ ■ ■ ^^ ■ ■ ■ ■ • ■ E^ -I .

sp i -SI V, 1.5 i 2 I I

_4! S y E-i ■ • t l-E S 1 -3 =

Jig

232 THB TAX HOLL OF "TB8TA DE HETILL."

I I = = = t t = = ; = = = = ,^JS , = , = = ; i-,Me%

' li? I IP'^J

..|e| l|.J., t giilif

iMfi iJlf I! unit!

So CO lO o S in S 3 S 3 to S to w — J5 in o S T -T 5 2S°''^a -
mm mnnmriAnnnmi^»4'<o-a<4T'4''q<'q< -a .32 c^" >-■

~~^ "'"" .^"'~'!i^ I !-^l|l^

. -g ■lla.s't'l

,^.,^ I 1^"-^"'!:

ill ■« _ ■ ■ ll = ll^l-t'

!s-s'!"|='*|'^S I ^ 1 1 i5 "^ - Jf»"»s

„,„!=«--

iss ISiiiiiissiKS i SsiS "^"llil"!

THE TAX ROLL OF "TESTA DB NBTILL."

t •>

1 12

B 53

I I 3|

». . I I*

II I IJ

.9 °&

!l|

^0)30 tf JJ3' £_-P

III' ll ll 1 i It

Boo ^s! S^ B a |.5

■*«SiOiO'* T T tji -w ■* yi .-I « liSiO oSioSm ^ ng

a jy

^.« ._™„„, _^^ — ,„ i is

-Z 5 .2 o

; S -fr^

1 g "Sif

?■ ■ ■ '-S ■ J °^ |«-i

•_■ •■■■=• • = -}^- -l-ll I'^ll

•1 sJs|ll illil ■ II ill lljl

* ■ '-^ "a ■ -S I

ylii:iii-iiii!Mii s

■ainK:iiO'a inia'aia>0>o>aui>0ia>— oia lOiainS <

TOL. XXX. . ; « ,

TBK TAX ROLL OF "TESTA DE NEVILL"

(3 QSM^we

U B 3 1

■h ■

III

l|l| ■^■^

OS OSWOS KKP O&fSS^ K ^ a

11-

■SI J

S,M

^3^ SsS^ 2 £ a

* et „s mJ* Iss^etg-Ji £2 M

SS «

ssss

THR TAX ROLL OF "TB8TA DK NEVILL."

imHinii Mill

■3 £-^S

4 SBo

THE TAX ROLL OF "TB3TA DK NKVILL.

lis I

1 I

sa-Q

§3

t I

i i
i ~

SS 3

&a3

1^1 ■! ^ I

3S 5 c

asse

'2 . g . I -E

li.Hi } II » I!

2 "B S
E » ■=

1sj« 1

s -a- •E
111- 1

= 583 -^

"111'= i

Sills

Tag TAX KOLL OF "TK8TA DK HKVILL."

a
i I

-ill III 1 311

iHiiifi

gal

ll I ■ '«
!i i 'tis

■EKWI"

Ms I

3- l'-^--sS-a? ° -E-S^isS
3a 4^a£SS££o s aSS^S-S

THK TAX ROLL OF "TKSTA DK HKTILI,-

i4i

S S-3

I ^Jil. •i.-i lull -i S

liiBliit. iHllltii

THB TAX EOLL OF "TESTA DE NEVILL."

■5|i

■l-|e-3-; M--g- ii»

I .^ -1^^ -I- ^11

#l|llrl| I1 1«

l||||1|gi|||l8 |S|| ||J

.... . g. ...-^ I

. A-s e-E ■E 3. a=5

iJ'-^'--" -.5 J.

1133

<d r^ S oj g — cri tj 3 iri (g i^ cd as d — <« ri ^ jg tg r^ aj SSj'a'

240 THK TAX ROLL OF "TESTA DK KKVILL."

gfr^ a

kF.

Il^s

1^* . .

Itllj Si

llfllHi 11^

l!i

II in

THE TAX ROLL OF "TKSTA DK NKVILL

tth. 6

-I 1^

is -a 5^ S

III

o1 . .1-5= °-i 3

li?1'P= 13 iS

■2- :

^13

dSoS

2S (J-a-=q5o 6 -S ja-S^SSS

2 e^j». , l-S •

9 9 ^"3 as S a S

242

3 I

THE TAX ROLL OP " TKSTA DK NKVILL.

I ^

8. -Si

I =•!

£"0 S J= c

S I

111

■"I'SS.

J.3!i

I ■?!

1 If i l~i'2'2| ■s--.5i|

|ii|J.S|f -c ._ „_^_.5:=„„„ ^,

. " ■ Hill m

1 1 ■ • ■ if =1 vil

illll fl!

S8 S op S o

THE TAX ROLL OF "TK8TA DE NEVILL"

5 = P. 2 -S

<! !» O M CO -S

. J1

THB TAX ROLL OF " TKSTA DE NBVILL."

i ■ *

<D S 3 S 3 -• S S3 3 S 3 3 o S 3 3 S sS o § SSs iai

i I'

Sl|«l|s,silg>-s-«|pl 111
SaaS<S<im^n-3£OMc2a:«(SoM &aa

THB TAX ROLL OF "TK6TA DB NEVILL." 24E

1 ■*

246 THE TAX BOLL OF " TISTA DB SITILL."

- - - 2 i i\

3 i i i^

s ■ ■ ■

s l*_.

2 S
J O

I "

. Iff '4

i *l- IS
S J|

isftl= I =--2 8 ."la

■= E - S ^ -2 5 5 t; D;2 ■.- 5

K.S = £ ^ =^ ^i g;= c 8)

I'-alS-l^^ 9- Jig ^1s

ji Ki"

..:-s;-

Nil 5?«

J="i

ll."

THB TAX ROLL

js s^ ■ K -^ S ■ * E a c 5 -p S S Bib

oS 3cSSoo« «^ S ^S

3, I

THE TAX ROLL OF " TK8TA DK NKVILL.

'§

'A -s

IItI'I

<5 1^

SJS

l!2S| i II

= II,:.

; i3l

THK TAX ROLL OF "TK8TA DK NKVILL."

I s li

s ss<

SSSS8 ^

ljl.lg.

ft O S. £

»: fit S

a 2 8^

S J§l

^J|sS-=-i-5=

VOL XXX.

a KfiataaJ

I I

J -a"

IS.

5 3'i .-a

111 J"

S2J

a I a

St-.

250

THK TAX EOLL OF "TESTA DE NEVILL.

f»

I i

I .

awp

•s •

> IP *3 _M Tj

C3
O

P
B

^ HM©^ i-H

fc^l

j§^

CQ CO

00 00

• -.a

a ^ ^

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THE DEVONSHIRE "DOMESDAY."

IV.
THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON.

BT THE REV. OSWALD J. REICHBL, B.G.U A M.A, F.&A
(Raad at Honitou, Aogoat, 1896.)

Of all the interesting questions to which the study of
Domesday gives rise, not the least interesting is that which
concerns the churches of Devon. The subject is not an
easy one, because Domesday says so little about the
churches, and information has to be obtained from other
sources and by inference. It is further complicated by the
circumstance that much which has been written respecting
the churches of this country in early times has been
coloured either by the feudal conceptions of the 13th
century, or by the narrow parochial ideas of the 15th,
and facts have been distorted to serve controversial pur-
poses. Bearing in mind the dictum of P^re Lagrange that
" The day of a priori introductions is over," the writer has
endeavoured to confine himself strictly to data which can
be proved, or to necessary inferences from such data; and
has waited for two years before venturing to oflTer this con-
tribution to the Association, during which time many
points which at first seemed obscure have been cleared up.
He now offers it as a skeleton sketch, the details of which
want filling up by those possessing local knowledge By
way of clearing the ground and preventing popular ideas
from obscuring historical truth, he asks leave to place in
the forefront of the enquiry —

I. A Brief Sketch of the Church in Devon before the tims

of **Dom£sday**

1. Haddan and Bishop Stubbs, in the first volume of their
Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents, have collected the

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 259

scanty notices upon which the extraordinary fiction of a
British Church existing in apostolic times has been built up.
In calling it a fiction, it is not intended to assert that there
may not have been individual Christians in Britain in
apostolic times^ among the soldiers and officers of the
Eoman legions there stationed, or among the natives of the
country who were brought into contact with them ; but only
that such cases must have been few and far between.^ So

^ Haddan and Stubbs, i. 23, remark on the oft-quoted words of St. Clement
of Rome, who speaks of St. Paul as having come to the extremity of the West
{irl t6 ripfUL Trjt dOactin), that to a Roman Marseilles or Gibraltar was the
extremity of the West Gildas, a.d. 540, c. 6, says that " these islands, stiff
with cold and frost, received the beams of li^ht, i.e, the holy precepts of
Christ, at the latter part of the reign of Tibenas Caesar (Tiberii Caesaris) " ;
but this reading, according to Bishop Brownlow, is a mistake for Li. Veri
Caesaris — Marcus Aurelios and Lucius Yerus began their joint rei^ in 161 —
and refers to the story of King Lucius, who, according to Bede i., in
this reign made application to Pope Eleutherius. Haddan and Stubbs
declare this story uuhistorical. The earliest writer who relates it is Baeda,
circa 730 A.D., and he undoubtedly took it from the Liber Pontificalis,
of which there are two revisions. No notice of it existed in the older
revision, which is generally accepted as having been written about 530 a.d. ;
but it appears in the earliest MS. of the later revision, a.d. 685. Haddan
and Stubbs consider that the interpolation dates from the time of Prosper of
Aquitaine ; but the Rev. Hugh Williams, of Bala Theological College, m his
Christian Church in IVales^ p. 9, considers that it must be later than either
Augustine or Theodore, becau.se otherwise it would have been quoted by these
archbishops in their controversies with the British Christians. TeriulUan
adv, JucUxas, c. 7, A.D. 210 (quoted in Trans, xxiii 53), says that *'the
haunts of the Britons, inaccessible to the Romans, had been subjugated
to Christ"; but Tertullian, living in North Africa, can hardly have any
accurate information respecting Gaul and Britain. Moreover, a passage in
Origen, a.d. 220, Hom. xxviii., in Matt, xxiv., seems to contradict
Tertullian : '* It is not on record that the Gospel was preached among all the
Ethiopians .... But what shall we say of the Britons or Germans who live
around the ocean ? . . . . nor among the barbarians of Dacia, Sarmatia, and
Scvthia, the most of whom have not yet heard the word of the Gospel, but
will hear it in the consummation of the age." It is quite possible tnat the
story of Lucius may be true as an instance of individual conversion (see The
Tablet, September 18tb, 1897, p. 471), whilst the regular establishment of a
Church in Britain did not date till a century later. Even then Mr. Hueh
Williams' conclusion, p. 3, seems unassailable: '* There was no reafly
British Church, i,e, a Church of the native Celtic inhabitants, before
the 5th century. The Church, three of whose bishops attended the Council
of Aries, was the Church of the resident Roman population, not of the
people of Britain."

' Among possible instances Haddan and Stubbs, i. 22, name (1) Claudia,
mentioned with Pndeos, 2 Tim. iv. 21 (a.d. 68), who is supposed to be the
same as the Claudia peregrina ei edita BrUannis^ the newly-married wife
of Pudens mentioned by Martial, iv. 13, xi. 53 (a.d. 90-100) ; and it is
suggested that Martial may have written, though not published, his work as
eany as a.d. 68. (2) Pomponia Graecina, accused and acquitted a.d. 57
before her husband, Aulus rlautius, qui ovans se de Britanniis rdulU of
an externa superstitio, (Tacitus, AnnaL xiii. 32.) The names of others :
St. Peter, St. Simon Zelotes, St. Philip the Apostle, St James the Great,
St John, Aristobulus or Artwystle, and St. Joseph of Arimathaea, a disciple

260 THE DEVONSHIRE "DOMESDAY."

soon as Christians in Britain had become sufficiently
numerous to constitute a Church — but this cannot have been
before the 3rd century* — the Church in Britain is found
following the course of that of Gaul, of which, according
to the best authorities, it was an offshoot.^

The Abb^ Duchesne in a recently published volume {Fastes
EpiscopatLX de Vancienne Garde, Paris, 1894) has shown by a
critical analysis of the existing lists of bishops, p. 32, (1) that
the episcopal organization is iirst met with on this side the
Alps in a few of the most important centres on the Medi-
terranean; (2) that with the single exception of Lyons
(p. 56) there is no trace of it further inland in Gaul before
the middle of the 3rd century; and (3) that even after
Christianity had spread inland the majority of cities had not
a sufficient body of Christians to have a bishop of their own
until well into the 4th century. From these facts he has
arrived at the further conclusion, with which Haddan and
Stubbs (p. 25) agree, that the Christianizing of Gaul as a
whole begins from the Decian persecution in 251 A.D., and
the dispersion which it led to. This conclusion seems also
to be confirmed by the story told by Gregory of Tours
(Duchesne, p. 47), that in the time of the Emperor Decius
Pope Xystus II. sent forth seven bishops from Rome to Gaul,
who founded the seven churches of Tours, Aries, Narbonne,
Toulouse, Paris, Clermont, and Limoges. Probably the ex-
tension of the Christian Church into this country is due to
the same event and happened at the same time, from Lyons

of St Philip, are only mentioned to prove that they can have had no
connection with Britain. (See Kbmbls's Saxons in Englcmdt ii. 855.)

> Jrenaeus adv, ffaer, i 5., A.D. 177, enumerating all Churches, and those
in the West one by one, knows of none in Britain. Jcta Satumini {ap.
Ruinart)f quoted by Gregory of Tours, Hi8t, i. 28 : Only here and there
did Churches exist among the cities of Gaul before the consulship of Decius
and Gratus. Sulpicius Severus, Chron, ii. 82, says that the Christian
faith was introduced across [i.e., on our side] the Alps at a much later
date than in Italy {serius trans Alpes Dei religione suscepta). The seven
bishops of Gaul who sat in the 2nd Council of Tours, a.d. 567, in writiuK to
St Kadegonda, state that Christianity had been introduced into the West
only shortly before the time of St Martin of Tours [a.d. 870-897]. {ffist.
Fr, ix. 89.)

* Haddan and Stdbbs, xix. ; Duoh^nx. Eemblb, Saxons in England,
ii. 855: "The Church of the Celtic aborigines reverenced with affectionate
zeal the memory of the missionaries whom it was the boast of Rome to
have sent forth for her instmction or confirmation in the faith. Not to
speak of Ninian, Palladius, and Patricius, we may refer to Germanus of
Auxerre, who is stated to have been sent as papal vicar to England to
arrest the progress of Pelagtanism at the beginning of the 5th century."
Lord Halifax observes : '* The ancient British Church, like that of Gaul and
Spain, has nothing to prove ; on the contrary, the evidence all goes the
other way — that it was not itself the daughter of Rome.'*

THB "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 261

as the startiDg-point (H. and S. xix.) This probability is
enhanced by the legend which makes Mello from Britain
Bishop of the Church of Souen from 256 to 314 A.D. (Haddan
and Stubbs, i. 4 and 35.) It is certain that Britain furnished
martyrs in the Diocletian persecution, but to judge by names
these were in all probability of Eoman extraction.^ Similarly
the three bishops, Eborius, Sestitutus, and AdelBus, who took
part in the Council of Aries in 314 a.d. &om Britain,® appear,
like those to whom they ministered, to have been Bomans
living in this island. At any rate, there is no gainsaying the
fact that they and the other bishops of Gaul who took part in
that council looked up to the Eoman bishop as their leader
in spirituals.^

' Albao, Aaron, and Jnlins. (H. and S. i. 5, Gildas {8.) H. and S. i. 87, men-
tion the following bnildines recorded to have existed in British times : (1) at
Canterbury St. Martin's Cnarch, prope ipsam civitatem ad orientem (Baeda,
i. 26) anno 597 ; (2) at Canterbury St. Saviour's on the site of the cathedral,
recuperavit (Aueustinus) ecclesiam quam antique Romanorum fidelinm opere
factam fuisse didicerat, et eam in nomine Sancti Salvatoris . . . sacravit
(Baeda, L 83) ; (8) at Verulam over St. Alban's grave destroyed before Baeda's
time (i. 7) ; (4) at Caerleon 8, the existence of which is most Questionable ;
(5) at Bangor Y»coed near Chester (Leland, v. 82) ; (6) at Qlastonbury a
▼etnsta ecclesia supplanted by the major ecdesia of King Ina (Will. Malm.,
Antiq, Olaston,); (7) at Whitherne, otherwise Candida Casa in Galloway
(H. and S. i 14) ; (8) near Evesham. Besides which traces still exist (9) of
a church in the castle of Dover of 4th or 5th century (Pucklk's Church of
Dover, 1864) ; (10) of one at Richborough, Kent (Boaoh Smith, Ant. of
Jiichbarough) ; (11) an old chapel of Roman bricks at Reculver (Id. ibid,
p. 199) ; (12) at Lyminge, in Kent (Jsnkins' Hist, of Church of Lyminge) ;
(18) at Brixworth, in Northampton, a Roman basilica of 4th or 5th century
(Rickman's Architect, in Bnglandf p. 74). All these appear to be churches
in Roman towns. Mone of them are in the West Church Quar, Review ^
October, 1897, p. 138 : '* We believe that the idea of a Welsh church was in
the earliest dajs unknown. There were indeed individual churches consist-
ing of the particular local bodies of Christians with their bishop or bishops
and clergy. . . . But the evidence would seem clearly to point to the con-
clusion uiat there was no such organization of these individual bodies and no
such mutual relations between them as would justify us in speaking of them
as a church."

< The Acts end with the words (Labb£, i.'1480 ; Mansi, il 466): <*The names
of the bishops with their clergy, who and from what provinces they came to
the synod of Aries." Towards the latter part of the signatures, and included
among those of the bishops of Gaul, are —

Eborius episcopus de civitate Eboracensi provincia Britannia (York).

Restitutusepisoopusde civitate Londinensi provincia 8uprascripta( London).

Adelfius episcopus de civitate Colonia Londinensium: (Bp. Brownlow suggests
Lindinensium, i.e, Lincoln ; Colchester is less likely. Caerleon is out of the
question).

^ In Labbaei et Cosarti Concilia^ i. 1430, the Council signified to Svlvester
its decrees, *' that they might be observed by all," and in Canon L decreed :
**That Easter be kept by us all throughout the world at the same season and on
the same day, and do you according to custom send out letters to announce
it to aU (et juxta consuetudinem literas ad omnes tu dirigas)." Hugh
Williams, p. 4 : ''When Hilary of Poitiers, A.D. 858, writes from exile to

262 THE DEVONSHIRE "DOMESDAY."

2. After the retirement of the Bomans at the beginniog of
the 6th century, Christianity appears to have first obtained
a foothold, among the native races, and that thanks to the
stern, severe, unworldly earnestness of monasticisra, which
having been lately introduced from Egypt to Marseilles and
L^rins by John Cassian and Honoratus, from those centres
spread into Britain and northwards as far as lona. Professor
Hugh Williams, in Some Aspects of the Christian Church in
Wales, distinguishes four stages in the progress of monastic
Christianity in Britain.^ The first stage was a life of retire-
ment for self-discipline by the aid of a common life. A
village of wooden huts or of cells dug out of the soft rock,
the whole enclosed within a ditch and palisade — such was
the monastery. All rose at cock-crowing, and prayed till it
was time to begin to work; then clad in skins they went forth
into the fields, where they spent the day. When evening
came a frugal meal was partaken of. Three hours' prayer
brought the day to a close. They lived by their labour, and
kept unbroken silence.

With Utud, about 500 A.D., another order begins. The
monastery becomes a School, the training of which is in-
tended for youths of tender age. The third stage of British
monasticism is that of the recluses or hermits, when individual
monks, " with the fervour peculiar to them," sought " desert
places in the wilderness through a new zeal for a stricter life."
These begin to be numerous between 550 and 595 a.d., and to
them is probably due the establishment of rural churches.
For instance, Tewkesbury Abbey was founded in 717 A.D., on
the site of the hermitage of Theocus. The fourth stage
opens with a new conception of the monk's calling. He is
an active missionary, whose business it is to evangelize others.
For this, however, we have to wait till the 7th century.
Meantime a terrible catastrophe had burst over the country
through the Saxon invasion.

* the Bishops of the provinces of Britain ' he was writing to Roman hrethren.
The British hishops mentioned by Athanasins as adherents of the faith of
Nicaea ; the three bishops too poor to travel at their own expense to the Council
of Ariminum in 350 ; tne Christians in Britain referred to by Chrysostom ;
the pilgrims to Jerusalem from this island, mentioned by Jerome [Haddan
and Stubbfi, i. 4-10], were Romans in language and culture, probably also in
race." (See also Windle's Life in Early Britain, pp. 168, 172.)

" pp. 15, 58, 37. Mr. F. Haverfeld in the English HiHoruxU Review for
July, 1896, vol. xi. p. 427, combats Mr. Williams' views, but, as it seems to
the writer, ineffectually. It appears from Sulpicius Severus, DiaX. i. 26, that
in Oaul not only the cultured or Romanized laity, but also the bishops and
clerey were at first hostile to monasticism. It appealed, however, effectually
to the native population and won in time.

THE "DOMESDAY'* CHURCHES OF DEVON. 263

Before glancing at the story of this invasion it may be well
to draw. attention to certain distinctive features of the Celtic
Church : (1) Bishops seem to have been confined to monas*
teries. . They were not bishops of nations or tribes as among
the Saxons, nor of geographical districts or dioceses as in
Norman times,^ but they belonged to monasteries as bishops
of the family, and in them they held a position under the
abbot. They were also very numerous. Wherever a mon-
astery was, there was also a bishop, more often several.
(2) Wherever churches, or as it would be more correct to
call them, prayer- stations, existed, they usually bore the
name of, or as it was expressed in after-times were dedicated
to, their founders, such founders being nearly always recluses
or hermits. This was the custom in Wales up to the year
717. (H. and S., i. 203.) After that date they were usually
dedicated to St Michael, and after the year 1166 to the Blessed
Virgin. An oratory surviving from British times may there-
fore be expected either to be called after some local and
perhaps otherwise unknown saint — the buried churches of
St Perran-in-Zabulo and St. Gwithian are cases in point —
or else after St Michael. Cornwall, as Prebendary Hingeston-
Kandolph reminds me, aboupds in such instances. (3)
Although a Christian Church existed among the natives
of Britain before the Saxon invasion, it seems very doubtful
if it extended far beyond the confines of the monasteries
except in Cornwall. "If a large Christian population had
continued to dwell in Britain, we should surely have had

* Hatch, Orowih of Christian InslUuiionSf pp. 15, 89. Faostus, »
Briton by birth, bom circa 410, became abbot of L^rins in 438 and bishop
of Riez (Reji) in 462. Sidonios ApoUinaria, who died 487 (Mon. Oerm, Bist.,
▼iii. 157), names Riocatus, a Briion who was bishop and monk {antiates ei
monachu8)y and in that capacity made two visits to Gaol circa 450. Babda,
ill. c 4 : ** lona has for its ruler an abbot who is a priest, under whom stands
all the district and even the bishops." Church Quarterly Review^ Oct., 1897,
p. 146 : '* To speak or to think of a Welsh province, or dioceses, or parishes,
or of anything like an organized hierarchy during the first 2^ centuries is an
anachronism. They had nothing of the kind. ... On the analog of the
lay tribe, there was gradually banded together a religious society [round the
first missionary teacher] which was known as the tribe of the Saint.** See
J. W. Willis Bund'b The Celtic Church in Walea, London, 1897. Wasser-
schleben. Die Iritchc Kanonenaammlungy zzzvi., comments on the almost
complete absence of any mention of dioceses, provinces, archbishops in the
Irish Canons of the 7th century. Hugh Williams, p. 40 : ''When we read the
lives of Welshmen who crossed to Armories in the 6th century, we are struck
at finding so many of them to have been bishops . . . Most of them found
monasteries where they exercise episcopal functions. These monasteries in
time beoime centres of regular ecclesiastical life." Id, p. 45. ** The absence
of any Welsh equivalents for terms so common in Latin uparochia, diocetis^
la significant as to the form of church life."

264 THE DEVONSHIKE "DOMESDAY."

some reference to these native Christians in the accounts we
subsequently obtain of the conversion of the £nglish." ^^ As
it is we hear little about British Christians and nothing that
is good,^ but plenty about British monks and hermits.

3. The Jutes, Angles, and Saxons when they first settled
in these islands were, as is well known, confirmed heathens.
The two Jutish settlements in Kent (a.d. 449 to 823) and
the Isle of Wight (a.d. 530 to 686); the three Anglian
kingdoms of East Anglia (a.d. 571 to 870), Northumberland
(A.D. 547 to 876), and Mercia (a.d. 584 to 877) ; and the
three Saxon kingdoms of Sussex (a.d. 477 to 823), Essex
(a.d. 526 to 823), and Wessex (a.d. 519 to the present day)
were all founded by the Conquest of the Britons, This is
how Gildas (cc. 24, 25) describes that Conquest :

"Towns crushed into ruins beneath the battering lam; their
inhabitants — bishops, clergy, and people — lying dead on the
ground whilst swords are gleaming and flames crackling. Oh
the horror of that sight! In the public squares gates lying
wrenched from their hinges, stones torn from the city walls,
consecrated altars thrown down, mangled corpses weltering in red
pools of clotted gore, a miscellaneous mass of confusion as though
wrecked by an infernal machine. For the slain no other burial-
places save the ruins of Louses or the bellies of wild beasts and
birds of prey; unless for the souls of the righteous, if per-
chance any such were found in those dread times whom the
angels might bear aloft to heaven. How many poor wretches were
pursued to the mountains and there massacred in troops! How
many others dying of starvation delivered themselves up to a life-
long slavery, if they might not perish on the spot, the boon they
craved the most ! "

A. For 150 years, from the first appearance of Hengist and
Horsa in Kent in 449 a.d. until the coming of Augustine in
597 A.D., the English Conquest was the Conquest of paganism,

'• AsHLXT, W. J., Preface to Fustel db Ooulanoes' T?ie Origin of
Properly in Land: ** We know very little of British Ghriatianity. It might
have been strong in the cities and even among the gentry in the conntrj
without having any real hold upon the rural population."

^^ Gildas, c. 65, Haddan ana Stubbs, i. 74, a.d. 540: " Britain has priests,
but they are unwise ; she has deacons in plenty, but they are cunning thieves ;
she has bishops, but they are more like wolves ready to slay the sheep, heed-
less of {their people's good, only concerned with filling their own bellies.
They have church houses, but they only hold them to win a base pay. They
instruct the people, but otfer examples of depravity. Tbey seldom approach
the altar, and never with a clean heart. They never chide the people for their
sins, for they commit as many themselves. They look down upon the good
who are poor as vermin, but wealthy scoundrels they honour like angels."

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 265

and the English wars were wars of extenninatioD.^ A con-
tinuous emigration to the coasts of Armorica and even to
Spain in consequence went on from 387 to 600 a.d.,^* re-
sulting, as is well known, in Armorica being called Brittany
and in a British Church being kept up there, for some time
distinct from that of adjacent parts. What wonder that
throughout the Eastern and Central parts of our island,
wherever the heathen Saxons settled all traces of Celtic
Christianity absolutely disappeared, so much so that the
extent to which the Britons had become Christians is a
matter of guesswork. In the words of Mr. Green {Making
of England, I 163-5):

''In the conquered part of Britam Christianity wholly dis-
appeared, the Church and the whole organization of the Chmrch
▼amshed. . . . When Borne long afterwards sought to renew its
contact with it, it was as with a heathen country ; and it was in
the same way as a heathen country that it was regarded by the
Christians of Ireland and by the Christians of Wales. When
misaioDaries at last made their way into its bounds, there is no
record of their having found a single Christian in the whole
country. What they found was a purely heathen land — a land
where homestead and boundary and the very days of the week
bore the names of new gods who had displaced Christ, and where
the inhabitants were so strange to the faith they brought that they
looked on its worship as magic."

When at length the Saxons did embrace Christianity it
was not due to the efforts and teaching of the conquered
Britons, but to missionary efforts emanating from Eome and
the labours of Augustine,^* Birinus,^^ and Felix.^® In the

^' Frekman's Nomum Conquest, i. 23, 83.

^ Haddak and Stubbs, ii. 71, mention (1) a settlement in 387 A.D. in
Armorica of a colony of Maximos' soldiers from Britain, and the establishment
of an independent Armorican state a.d. 409-502 under a '* King of the
Britons," Ibid, 72 ; (2) an immigration of Christian Britons in 450 fleeing
from Saxon invasion, who in 461 A.D. had a bishop of their own ; (3) a
further immigration of Britons in 512 a.d. under Einff Howel (Riwallas),
and the establishment of the sees of St. Paul de L^n ana St Samson de Dol ;
(4) a further immigration of Britons in connection with St Maclou A.D. 566
{Ibid,, p. 76). The 2nd Council of Tours, in 567, Can. 9, placed the British
bishops in Armorica under the jurisdiction of the metropolitan of Tours.
After that time the Armoricans were gradually absorbed in the Kingdom of
the Franks.

*^ Baeda, i. 23 : "About 150 years after the coming of the English into
Britain, Gregory, promoted to the apostolical see of I^me [590-604], being
moved by divine inspiration, sent the servant of God, Augustine, and with
him several other monks to preach the word of God to the English nation."
Id,, c 2^1 '* The same venerable Pope also sent a letter to Aetherius, Bishop
of Aries, exhorting him to give a favourable entertainment to Augustine on
lua way to Britain." Id,, c. 25, then relates how Augustine and his com-

VOL. XXX. S

266 THE DEVONSHIRE "DOMESDAY."

words of Dr. Bright, ** the Boman planted, the Scot watered,
but the Briton did nothing " towards the conversion of the
conquerors, and even refused to treat them as Christians
when converted.'^

B. The Saxons, had, however, embraced Christianity
before their conquests reached the West of England, and this
change affected the whole character of their settlement in
the Western Counties.^® As Professor Freeman has observed
about these later conquests (Norman Conquest, L 34) :

panions, some forty men in number, landed in the Isle of Tbanet, and thence
sent "a message to Kinc Ethelbert signifying that they were come from
Rome, and brought with them glad tidings/' eta, how Ethelbert to preyent
their getting the better of him by magical arts received them in the open air.
** Bat they came furnished with divine not with magic yirtue, bearing a silver
cross for their banner and the image of our Lord and Saviour painted on »
board ; and singing a litany they offered up their prayers to the Lord for the
eternal salvation both of themselves and those to whom they were come."
As the result Ethelbert embraced Christianity. Still the success of the
mission seems to have been confined to the Jutes of Kent. After Ethel bert's
death it very nearly collapsed altogether (Baeda, ii. 6), and it never reached
the West Saxons. Duchesne, £glise8 s^par^^ p. 5, observes: '*The English
Church was a daughter of the great Roman Church, a daughter bom out of
due time, better loved and more closely cherished beneath her mother's wing
than were her elder sisters."

^ Baeda, iii. 7 : ** The West Saxons, formerly called Gewissse in the reign
of Cynegils (a.d. 611-643), embraced the faith of Christ through the preach-
ing of Bishop Birinus, who came into Britain by advice of Pope Honorius
[625-640 A.D.], having promised in his presence that he would sow the seed
of the holy faith in the inner parts beyond the dominions of the English
[t.«!., the Jutes], where no other teacher had been before. Thereupon he
received episcopal consecration from Asterius, Bishop of Genoa ; but on his
arrival in Britain he first entered the nation of the Gewissae, and finding all
these most confirmed pagans he thought it better to preach the word of God
there than to proceed further to seek for others to preach to." Bede then
relates how the King of the West Saxons became a catechumen, and was
baptized ; and gave to Birinus the city of Dorcic, now called Dorchester, 8}
miles south of Oxford, to settle his episcopal see there. Agilbert, a Frank,
succeeded Birinus, but the King, getting tired of one who could not speak
Saxon, appointed Bishop Wini to be his bishop at Winchester; whereupon
Agilbert, offended at this being done without his advice, withdrew to and
died at Paris.''

" Baeda, ii. 16: "Bishop Felix coming to Honorius, the archbishop [a.d.
627], from Burgundy, and having told him what he desired, the archbishop
sent him to preach the word of life to the nation of the Angles. Nor were
his good wisnes in vain ; for the pious husbandman reaped therein a large
harvest of the faithful, and delivered all that province from long iniquity.
He had the seat of his pastoral charge appointed him in the city of Duromoc
[afterwards Dunwich, now overwhelmed by the sea on the coast of Suffolk]."

^' Davidson, in Trans, ix. 202, quotes Abbot Aldhelm's remarks on this
point A.D. 705. See Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 268, and Kemble'b Saxons,
u. 859-371. The latter writes : [Facts] indisputably prove that the example,
adyice, and authority of the See of Rome were very highly regarded among
our forefathers. There is not the slightest doubt that— despite the Celtic
clergy — the Anglo-Saxon Church looked with affection and respect to Rome as
the source of its own being.

^ For the effect of this change on the village system see Trans, xxvii. 196.

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 267

'^ There was no doubt conqaeet and indeed fearful and desolating
conquest^ bat it was no longer conquest which offered the dreadfid
alternatives of death or banishment. The Christian Welsh could
now sit down as subjects of the Christian Saxon. The Welshman
was acknowledged as a man and [in a certain sense] a citizen.
He was put under the protection of the law ; he could hold
landed property [as a villager but not as a thane] ; his blood had
its price and his oath had its ascertained value. ... He was not
yet looked on as the equal of the conquering race; but the
Welshman within the West Saxon border was no longer a wild
beast and an enemy, but a fellow-Christian living under the King's
peace. . . . The great peninsula stretching from the Axe to
the Land's End was and still is largely inhabited by men who are
only naturalized Englishmen, descendants of the Welsh inhabitants
who gradually lost their distinctive language and became merged
in the general mass of the conquerors."

We should therefore expect to find traces of British
Christianity in this county, if the Britons of Devon were
Christians, for here the Saxons settled after they had already
become a Christian people. Such traces are found in
Cornwall, which seems to have been more closely connected
with Ireland, but if we except the six inscribed tombstones
found at Tavistock,^^ Buckland Monachorum, Yealmton,
Stowford, Fardel in Cornwood,^ and Lustleigh,^^ there
appear to be no traces of Celtic Christianity in Devon. The
crosses existing at Coplestone,^ East Worlington, and many
other places in the county, certainly date from Saxon times.^
Does it not seem probable in face of these facts that the hold
which Christianity had upon the Celts of Devon and Corn-
wall before the coming of the Irish saints was of the slightest,
and that although the activity of these saints was great in
Cornwall there are very few traces of it in Devon ?**

C. It is stated by Walpurga, abbess of Hildesheim, one of
the three children of Winna, the sister of St. Boniface and
St. Willibald,^ in the treatise which she wrote about a.d. 750,

" Described by Rev. D. P. Alford in Trans, xxii 229 ; now in the
Yicarflge garden at Tavistock.

*^ Now in the British Museum.

^ Haddan and Stubbs, i. 162 ; Trans, xxi. 135 ; Worth's Hist, of
Devon, 179.

« Trans, viii. 366.

" Okmerod in Trans, vi 387.

^ Perhaps the possf ssion of Hollacombe and Newton St. Petrock in Black-
torington Hundred by the priests of Bodmin is witness of missionary
activity from Cornwall.

^ See Bishop Brownlow's monograph on St. Willibald in Trans, xxii
212. Willibala and Winibald were toe two other children.

s 2

268 THE DEVONSHIRl "DOMESDAY."

entitled "St Willibald's Wayfaring (Hodoeporicon) "•• —
and WalpuTga must have been well acquainted with Devon,
since her mother Winna was bom there and her grandfather
was a Saxon settled at Kirton — ^that

"It ifl the custom of the Saxon race that on many of the
estates of nobles and of good men they are wont to have not
a church bat the standard of the holy cross dedicated to our Lord
and reverenced with great honour, lifted up on high so as to be
convenient for the frequency of daily prayer.''

This practice of the Saxons, which it has been suggested
arose from their fear of being bewitched by evil spirits in an
enclosed place,^ but is in harmony with their well-known
habit of holding other meetings in the open,^ is illustrated
by the language of Bede (iii. 26), written some twenty years
earlier, which at least shows that single presbyters holding
glebe houses in the country were then unknown.^

"The religious habit at that time was in great veneration, so
that wheresoever any clergyman or monk happened to come,
he was joyfully received by all persons as God's servant. And if
they chanced to meet him upon the way, they ran to him, and
bowing were glad to be signed with his hand or blessed with
his mouth. Great attention was also paid to their exhortations ;
and on Sundays they flocked eagerly to the [bishop's] church or
the monasteries not to feed their bodies but to hear the word
of God. And if any presbyter chanced to come into a village, the
inhabitants flocked together to hear from him the word of life;
for the presbyters and clergy went into the villages on no other
account than to preach, baptize, visit the sick, and in short to
take care of souls. And they were so free from worldly avarice
that none of them received lands and possessions for building
monasteries [i.e., glebe-houses for single presbyters] unless they

^ Hodoeporicon of St. JFillibaldf published by Palestine Pilgrim's Text
Society, c. 3. ^ See note 14.

^ ViN0ORAD0FF*8 VUlenoge, p. 367: **It is certain that the ancient

femots were held in the opeo air. The Danes called them ** things.** The
ustings or honse-meeting, the halimot of the Saxons, belongs to a later age.
^ For the origin and examples of this use of the word monasterium
see Keichbl's Complete Manual of Canon Law^ vol. ii. p. 85, note 32. The
History of the Monastery of Abingdon, ii. 27, relates that a certain presbyter,
Alfwi by name, about the year 1088 held the church of Sutton in Berkshire,
the King having guaranteed that "as long as he lived he should hold it of the
abbot and brethren of Abingdon as he had previously held it of himself.*' . . .
" When the Kine had given this order tne said presbyter appeared before
abbot Rainald and demanded of him and the brethren of the same place his
fflebe-house {montuterium suum) that in pursuance of the Kinf^'s order
he might hold his glebe-house {Tnonasterium) of them." Kemblb, Saxons in
England, ii. 448, "Not every church which our historians call monasterium
was a monastic foundation."

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 269

were compelled to do so by tBe temporal authorities, which custom
was for long after observed in all the churches of the North-
umbrians."^

Mr. King in his remarks on the Coplestone Cross
(Trans, viii. 356) has already drawn attention to the same
peculiarity.^^ Thus it cornea to pass that the solemn en-
franchisement of slaves is recorded as having taken place,
not in a church, but " at the four ways," because there stood
the cross where the people were in the habit of assembling
for worship.^* In fact, the erecting of a cross seems to have
been regarded as a kind of legal consecration of the spot
in Norman times. For in the year 1285 the Statute 13
Edward L, c. 33 (Stephens' JSccl. Stat., p. 22) enacted:

"Forasmuch as many tenants set up crosses or cause to be
set up on their lands on prejudice of their lords, that tenants
should defend themselves against the chief lords of the fee by the
priyeleges of Templars and Hospitallers, it is ordained that such
lands shall be forfeited to the chief lord or to the King in the
same manner as is provided for lands aliened in mortmain."

D. Two centuries after Bede's time we have evidence that
the Saxons were in the habit of meeting for worship at places
other than the great collegiate churches at centres served by
regular mass-priests, though it does not follow that as yet
buildings were erected at them, and they were simply called
prayer-places {oratorio)?^ In King Edgar's Ecclesiastical

^ Under the RomaDS the church was a town institntion. The bishop's
parochia was the eivitaa. Where cities were nnmeroos so were bishops.
Where, as in Britain, cities were few and far between, so likewise bishops
in Roman times. Rajisay, Ilie Church in the Roman Empire, p. 57.

^ This practice is no doubt the true explanation of the crosses round
Plymton to which Mr. Worth drew attention in Trans, xix. 871, and of the
Christenmael at Littleham referred to by Mr. Davidson in Trans, xv. 156.

^ The enfranchisements of serfs recorded in Leofric's Missal, p. 6 (in
Trans, viii. 417), include an enfranchisement at the four cross roads of
Bowsleigh in Bratton Clovelly of Oynsie from Lew Trenchard, Godchild
from Lamerton, Leofric from Sourton, Eadsig from Churchford (possibly
Stowford), Aelfgyth from Buckland [Monachorum], Small from Okhamton,
Wifman from Bradstone, Byrbflaed from Trematon, and Aelflaed from Stoke
Clirosland witnessed by Wynstan the mass-priest, and Wnlfsie [mass-priest]
at Lamerton and by all the minster- priests, and Aelfgyth [mass-priest]
of Sourton, and attested by Cynise presbyter, Goda presbyter, and Aelfrie
presbyter who wrote it; another enfranchisement also at Bowsleigh cross
roads of Aelgyth witnessed by Wynstan the mass-priest, Goda the presbyter;
another at Coryton of Aeffan witnessed by Brun the mass-priest and
Wvnstan the priest and all the minster-priests. Apparently Brun was mass-
pnest of Coryton, Wynstan of Bowsleigh.

*■ Egbert's Esxerption 24, circa 990 a.d. (only the first 20 are Egbert's) :
That churches founded of old be not deprived of their tithes or any other
possessions in order to give them to new prayer-places.

270 THE DEVONSHIRE "DOMESDAY."

Laws of the year 958 (Thorpe, i 262) the following laws
occur :

" 1. This is the principal point, that God's churches [not village
prayer-places] have their right, and that every one pay his tithe to
the ancient minster to which the district belongs ; and let it be
paid both from a thane's inland and from the villagers' land
(geneat land), wherever the plough goes.

** 2. If there be any thane who hath on land, which he holds as
bocland a church with a burying-place belonging to it, let him pay
the third part of his tithes into his own church. If he hath a
church with no burying-place belonging to it, let him give his
priest what he will out of the nine parts, but let every church-shot
go to the ancient minster from all the ground of the freemen."

In these laws, it will be seen, a distinction is drawn between
(1) ancient minsters and (2) oratories on private estates, such
as we now call parochial churches and chapels. Ancient
minsters were entitled to tithes ; private oratories were not.
Still a private oratory which had a burying-place attached to
it was by this enactment allowed so far to rank as a church
that a third of the tithes of its district might be paid to its
mass-priest If it had no burial-place, the founder or patron
had to provide for the priest's maintenance without trenching
on the tithes. In King £thelred's Ecclesiastical Laws in
1014 A.D. (Thorpe, i. 338), when parochial oratories began to
be called churches, the ancient minsters are called mother-
churches.**

The same distinction between ancient minsters — otherwise
mother-churches — on the one hand, and parochial oratories
and chapels on the other, appears in one of Cnut's Laws
(L 3) of the year 1017 :

" All churches are not of equal dignity in respect to the world,
though they are equally hallowed. The breach of protection in
[1] a head-church is in the case of satisfaction equal to the breach
of royal protection, that is 5 pounds [weight = 60 ounces of sUver]
accordiDg to the law of the English ; and [2] in a middling-church
120 shillingp, which is the same with the mulct to the King; and
[3] in a lesser-church that hath a burying-place but where little
service is done 60 shillings ; and [4] in a country place where there
is no burying-place 30 shillings."

^ Law 4 : *< We charge That every man for the love of God and His saints
pay the church-shot and his lawful tithe as he did in the days of our ancestors
when he did it best ; i.e.^ the tenth acre wherever the plough goes. And let
every custom be paid for the love of God to the mother-church to which it
belongs.'' In Gaul parishes appear to have an earlier date. See Kembls's
Saxons, ii. 419.

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OP DEVON. 271

After the Conquest, however, in Henry I/s time — for the
so-called laws of Edward the Confessor are generally supposed
to date from his reign — we find a lesser or parochial church
with a burying-place called a parochial mother-church, whilst
ancient minsters or mother-churches of the two higher kinds
are mentioned distinct from a parochial mother-church in the
same law (1, a.d. 1065, in Johnson, Thorpe, i 520).

** If any man lay hands on him who goes to [1] a mother-cburcb,
whether it belong [a] to a bishop or [b] abbot or [c] be a church
of religion [secular priory] let him restore what he hath taken
away and 100 shillings as a forfeiture ; and [if on one who goes]
[2] to the mother-church of the parish,^ 20 snillings ; and [if] to a
chapel 10 shillings.''

In another of the same laws (law 9, A.D. 1064) it is stated
that the income from tithes of the ancient minsters — i.e., of
bishops' administrative-charges (parochiae), and abbots' and
priests' administrative-charges (dioeceses) — had greatly de-
creased owing to the recent increase in other churches, " for
there are now 3 or 4 churches where then there was but
one " ; in other words, because tithes had been diverted from
them. However this may be as regards other counties — and
indeed had there been no diversion of tithes to laymen,^
there would have been no tithes available wherewith patrons
could have endowed rectories — in this county large estates
appear to have held the place of tithes. Although Ethelwulf s
supposed grant of tithes, as will be presently seen, refers to
something quite different, yet the duty of paying tithes seems
recognized in the treaty of peace between Edward the elder
and Guthrum.^ The earliest law enjoining their payment is
that of King iEthelstan in 925 a.d.,^ followed by one of

^ Lord Selborae, in Ancient Facts and Ficiums, has pointed ont that
the earliest instance of parochia being used in the modern sense of a parish
occurs in a letter written by Cnut from Rome in 1031 to the English people.
(See Trans, viii. 812.) Previously it usually meant the extent otthe bishop's
cure of souls. (See Trans, xxvi, 134.)

'^ Gregory VIl. complains of this in the 5th Roman Synod, A.D. 1078,
Can. 1 and 6, apud Gratian, Causa i., Quaestio iiL, caput 18.

^ In Johnson called Alfred and Guthrum's Laws, A.D. 878, 1. 6 : If one
withhold his tithes, or his Rome-fee, or his light-shot, or his plough-alms, or
deny any ecclesiastical right, let him pay a mulct among the English.
Kbmble, Saxons f ii. 477.

^ iEthelstan, 1, in Thorpe, i. 195 : "I ^thelstan the King with the counsel
of Wulfbelm archbishop and of my other bishops, give notice to the reeves of
each town and beseech you in God's name and by all His saints that ye first
of my own goods render the tithe both of live stock and of the year's increase
. . and let the bishops do the like from their own property and my ealdormen
and reeves the same."

272 THl DETOXSHIBS "DOMISDAY."

Eadmnnd the elder in 940 A.IX,* and the eailiest law allowing
the application' of one-third of them to the endowment of
parochial oratories is that of King Eadgar in 958 A.D.

The conclusions which the antlmrities already cited
seem to lead to are these : that in the early period of Saxon
Christianity there existed only two kinds of chnrches, viz^
collegiate or prebendal churches, under the bishop {parocAiae),
and coUegiate or monastic charges under an abbot {dioeaMs),
These are what the Statute 2 fiichard XL St iL c. 2, aj>. 1389,
terms berufices eUdivt, The obligaticm of paying tithes was
not fulfilled by paying them to a single presbyter at dis-
cretion,^ and very few buildings for worship existed*
Village crosses were, however, erected in yarious places at
which the people were in the habit of assembling for prayer
and instruction, such instruction being usually given by
itinerant clergy sent out from the bishop or some monastic
church.^ On great festivals the people were in the habit
of repairing to the collegiate or monastic churches,^ just as
they still do in some parts of Austria and the TyroL About
a century, however, before the Conquest some of the greater
lords had become alive to the inconveniences of this system,

* The Uw of Eadnimd, A.B. 940, in Thorpk, L 244. and Kemblx, iL 646,
goes farther : " Tithe we eBJoin to every ChiistiAB maa on hia christeBdom
aod chnreh-shot, end Rome-fee and fJoogh-alma* And if any one will not
do it, he be excommonicate.'*

* Tkeodori FoenUentiaU II. iL 8, A.B. 673, in Haddah k Stubbs, iii 191 :
No one is compelled (oogitor) to pay tithes to a prasbytar.

^ Baedtu Vita Cvihberti, L 29 : *' The bishop on a certain day going round
his parish imparted the precepts of salvation to rural districts, to solitary
homesteads and wicks." M ifui. ArZo., iiL 17 : ''Bishop Aidan was at the
King's ooontiy seat when death aeparated him from the body. For haTing
a charch and a chamber there, he was often wont to go and stay there, and
thence to make exenrsions to preach in the coontry ronnd aboat, which he
likewise did at other of the King's coontry seata^** IhicL iii. 28 : "Chad being
consecrated began immediately to devote himself to ecclesiastical truth and
to chastity . . . travelliog about not on horseback, but after the manner of the
apostles on foot, preachiog the Gospel in towns, the open conntrv, eottagea,
villa^ea, castles." Ihid. iv. 27 : '* It waa then the costom of the English
people that when a clerk or presbyter came into a village, all assemblra at
his bidding to hear the word.** Life of Boniface, Pkrtx, iL 334 : •* But when,
as is the custom of that country, any presbyters or clergy came among the
people and lavfolk for the sake of preaching, and had reached the village
and homestead of the aforeaaid householder.** The Council of Clovesho, A.i>.
747, Can. 14, enjoins : *'That all abbots and preabyters on the most sacied
day of Sunday remain in their monasteries and churches and say solemn

« Capitulum 24 of Theodulf Bbhop of Orleans, A.D. 831, authorized by
Archbishop Aelfric, A.I). 994 : '* It behoves every Christian that can do it to
eome to church [».«., the bishop's or a monsstic church] on Saturday, and
bring a light with bim, and there hear evensong and noctums in their
proper hour, and come in the morning with an offering to high mass.*

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURODES OF DEVON. 273

and ignoring the Saxon love for open-air meetings, had in
some few places erected oratories, but more frequently had
provided themselves with mass-priests to minister to them-
selves and their dependants, to whose maintenance they
claimed to devote a portion of their tithes. This they were
allowed to do, if the oratory which the mass-priest served
had a burying-place allotted to it. The bishop's church and
the monastic church, at both of which there was a staff of
clergy, continued still to be the only parochial churches and
centres of administration where Church discipline could be
enforced through proper officials, all private oratories or, as
a later age called them, benefices donative being what we
should now call chapels of ease. The elevation of chapels
of ease into cures of souls, and the investing them as such
with parochial rights, was a change commenced in Norman
times and not completed before the 13th century,^ but it
did not exist at the time of Domesday.

4. One other point it is desirable to draw attention to in
order to explain the state of things which meets us in
Domesday. The bishops of the Celtic Church in this country
were, as we have seen, before all things monastic bishops.
They lived in a monastery, they were maintained by a
monastery, they served the family of the monastery. Out-
side the monastery, so far as we know, they had no jurisdic-
tion either over persons or places, and the non-monastic and
non-capitular clergy, as we might call them, went by the
name of the headless clergy (acephali).^ The Saxon bishops,
on the other hand, were before all things bishops of nations
and tribes,^^ and the tribe or nation, irrespective of locality,

^ Hinobston-Randolph's Stapledon, p. 200 : In March [1240] the church
of Chitelhamptane was consolidated [i.e,, the different interests in its tithes
brought into one parochial management] by William de Bruere, bishop of
Exeter, and the abbot and convent of Tewkesbury, the true patrons.

^ The Council of Arreme, A.D. 535, Can. 15, requires all presbyters and
deacons who are (1) neither city-clergy (in eivitcUe) nor (2) canons of a
collegiate church {in parochiis eanoniei)^ but (8) live in yillages and there dis-
charge the divine office, to repair on the principal festivids to the city to
keen the solemnity with the bishop. Egbert's Excerptiona, 159, a.d. 990 :
"There are two sorts of clerks, one of ecclesiastics under the Kovernment of
the bishop, the other headless, of whom Gregory says . . . They ought to
have wives and receive their stipends apart." This was probably a re-enact-
ment in this country of the decree of the Council of Pa via a.d. 850, apud
Oratian L Distinctio xdiL c. 8 : "Those are not to be accounted presbyters
who are not covemed or provided for by the bishop. . . . Such the ancient
Church called headless."

^ For instance, the Council of Hatfield, a.d. 673, recites: "Theodore,
bishop of the church of Canterbury, destineid thereto unworthy as I am by
the apostolic see, and our most reverend brother Bise, bishop of the East
Angles, together with our brother and fellow-bishop Wilfrid, bishop of the

274 THB DEVONSHIRE "DOMESDAY."

was their parish. Just as the Boman bishop claimed for his
parishioners all the subjects of the Boman empire, no matter
in what part of the world they might be found,^ so the
Saxon bishops claimed as their parishioners all the members
of the particular tribe or nation of the Saxons for whose
service they had been consecrated, no matter in what part of
England they were resident^^ Thus there was one bishop
for the Jutes, who ultimately made Canterbury his see ; and
because he found it difficult to minister to both East and
West Jutes, he had an assistant consecrated who placed his
seat at Bochester. The site of the see seems to have been
in both cases determined by the locality of the endowment
There was another bishop for the tribe of the Angles
whose see was first at Dunwich. Then it was transferred
to Norwich, which served as the see of the North Anglians
or Norfolk men, whilst another bishop was appointed for the
South Anglians or Suffolk men, who had his see first at
Elmham, and after 1075 a.d. at Thetford. (Trans, xiii. 126.)
The East Saxons again had their bishop, whose see was early
fixed at London but never included the neighbouring West-
minster; the South Saxons theirs, whose see was fixed at
Chichester ; the men of the Marches theirs, whose see was
first at Bepton and then at Lichfield, and who for a time
(A.D. 787-803) ranked as archbishop among his suffragans
of Coventry, Leicester, Worcester, Sidnachester (Stoke), and
claimed to be independent of Canterbury. Finally the West
Saxons had theirs, the first bishop, St. Birinus, for a short
time resident at Dorchester, near Oxford, but ever since

nation of the Northnmbriana, who was present by his proper legates, as also oar
brethren and fellow bishope, Putts, bishop of the Castle of the Kentish
called Rochester ; Lutherius, bishop of the West Saxons, and Winifrid,
bishop of the province of the Mercians, were present," etc. The Council of
Clovesho, A.D. 747, recites : '*The underwritten acts were done in Synod, Uiese
prelates of the churches of Christ beloved of God being present ; the honour-
able Archbishop Cuthbert, and the venerable prelate of the church of
Rochester, Dun ; and the most reverend bishops of the Mercians, Totta and
Huita and Podda ; and the most approved prelates of the West Saxons,
Hiniferd and Herewald ; and the venerable digoitaries [sacerdotes, bishops]
Heardulf, of the East Anglians, and Tecgulf of the East Saxons, and
Milred of the Huiccians; also the honourable bishops Alwik, of the
province of Lindisey, and Siega of the South Saxons," etc

*• Ramsay, Church of the Roman Empire, p. 148 ; **St. Paul conceived the
great idea of Christianity as the religion of the Roman world, and thought
of the various districts, and countries in which he had preached as parts of
the grand unity. He had the mind of an organizer, and to him the Chris-
tians of his earliest travels were not men of Iconium and of Antioch, but
they were a part of the Roman world, and were addressed by him as such."

^ KsMBLB, Saxons in England, ii. 359, 361 : Whatever were the cause
we find at least a bishopric coextensive with a kingdom.

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 275

seated at Winchester. As the West Saxon kingdom
advanced, the West Saxon bishopric was first divided into
two in the year 705, one bishop continuing to sit at Winchester,
the other at Sherborn. In the year 909 it was divided into
five by the subdivision of the Sherborn district, the Bishop
of Sherborn being henceforth limited to Dorsetshire. Of
the additional bishops one was provided for the men of
Wilts, whose see was successively placed at Bamsbury,
Wilton, and Old Sarum, a second for the men of Somerset,
whose see was at Wells, the third for the Devon folk, seated
successively at Crediton*® and at Exeter.*** Very different
no doubt was this institution of tribal bishops from the
state of things which St. Gregory contemplated.*^ Still as
early as the year 680 Archbishop Theodore had succeeded
in bringing the various tribal bishops of the Saxons into
union with himself," and as Domesday times are approached
we find bishops established at fixed town-centres,*^ and on
the high road to having territorial dioceses.
We now come to

11. The Devonshire Churches in ^Domesday'*

1. Hitherto the term Church has been used in a somewhat
loose and general sense. It becomes now important to

^ Warren'b Leofric Missal, p. 1 ; H add an and Stubbs, i. 676 ; Smith in
Trans, xiv. 193.

* H ADD AN and Stubbs, i. 693 ; Davidson in Trans, xiii. 118.

^ Epistle to Augustin, a.d. 601, in Baeda, i. 29. " In regard that the new
Chnrch of England is through the goodness of the Lord and yonr labours
brought to the grace of God, we grant you the use of the pall . . . and do you in
separate places ordain 12 bishops who shall be subject to your jurisdiction,
so that the bishop of London shall in future be always consecrated by his
own synod, and that he receive the honour of the pall from this holy and
apostolic see, which I by the grace of God now serve. But we will have
you send to the city of York snch a bishop as you shall think fit to ordain,
yet so that if that city with the places adjoining shall receive the word of
God that bishop shall also ordain 12 bishops, and enjoy the honour of a
metropolitan. ... In coming times let this distinction be tietween the bishops
of the cities of London and York, that he may have the precedence who
shall be first ordained."

^ Baeda, H, B, iv. 2 : [Theodore] was the first among the archbishops to
whom the whole Church of the English would consent to hold out the hand.
Kem BLB, Saxons in England^ vol. ii. 364.

'* Mr. Chanter in Trans, vii. 180 seems to have thought that Waerstan
and Putta must have been bishops of Devon at Bishop's Tawton before
Eadulf was stationed at Crediton, because he took for granted that the
bishops were then bishops of places rather than of people. To the writer
it seems most probable that since BishopV Tawton was one of the old estates
of the see of Sherborn before it was divided, Waerstan on being appointed
to that see took the old possessions until they were awarded by the King to
some other bishop, and that Waerstan's possession of Bishop's Tawton has
been misunderstood as having his see at Tawton.

276 THE DEV0N8HIBE "DOMESDAY."

define what is meant bj the tenn in Domesday. In King
Edgar's Laws and the so-called Laws of the Confessor, a
church meant a place where the worship of God was
regularly carried on, whether there was a building there or
not, but in Domesday it is used either (1) to describe a body
of men having the administrative charge of Christian souls
and property belonging to some dead saint (for, as Professor
Maitland observes in his book on The Toumship and the
Borough, p. 31, before 1200 no corporations were persons in
law, but property was given to dead saints) such a sphere of
work being called an administrative district or diocese ;^ and
(2) to describe the administrative charge itself, and the
spiritual rights enjoyed in consequence by such a society.
The sum total of such districts under a bishop was called
the bishop's parish.^

A. Of the first meaning many instances occur in the
Devonshire Domesday. Thus a section of the Exeter Book
(p. 100) is headed " Lands of the Exeter Church of St Peter
in Devonshire," where Church is used to express the body
having the administrative charge of the Christians in Exeter,
and the property there given to St Mary and St Peter.
Another section (p. 228) is headed " Lands of the Abbot of
Tavestock Church in Devonshire." Again another (p. 250),
"Lands of the Abbot of Bulfestre (Buckfast) Church in
Devonshire. Another (p. 268), " Lands of Churches, which
have been given to Saints in alms " : and when we come to
examine this section in detail we find that the churches
include Cranboum Church, a monastic society in Dorsetshire
(p. 268), the Church of Labatailge, or Battle Abbey, founded

^ Council III. of Carthage, a-d. 397, Can. 48 : "A bishop who is in com-
nunion with all his brethren and the coancil ought not only to hold his own
church but also its administrative charges {dioeeeses) in full right" The
Council of Tarragona, a.d. 516, Can. 13 : " Presbyters ought not only to be
summoned to council from cathedral churches but also from administratire
[dioeeesaniSf i.«., collegiate] chai^ges.*' {Id., Ibid.)

Canon 8 in Gratian, Causa x., Quaestio i. c. 10: ''Let what has been
settled by ancient custom prevail, and every year the dioceses {ue., the adminis-
trative districts or monastic churches) be visited by the bishop." Council
of Toledo IV., A.D. 633, Canon 35, Ibid, c 11 : "A bishop ought to go over
all his dioceses and parishes (i.«., his monastic and collegiate churches) every
year. " Council of Toledo VII. , A.D. 646, Canon 4, Ibid. Quaestio ui c 8, calls
the clergy of a collegiate church parochicUes presbyteri, i.e. presbyters
belon^ng to the bishop's administrative sphere. Oelasius (a.d. 492-496),
£p. ii. c 2, to the Bishops of Sicily: ''The property of the church, and
also the monastic churches {dioeeeses) if held by grant from the bishop may
be lawfully claimed."

^ Council of Clovesho, a.d. 747, Canon 4 : "That bishops admonish the
abbots and abbesses within their parishes {parochiae) to be examples of good

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 277

by the Conqueror in Sussex (p. 270), the Canons of St.
Mary of Bouen (p. 272), the Monastery of St Michael's
Mount (p. 276), the men's monastery of St. Stephen (p. 280),
and the women's Convent of the Uoly Trinity (p. 282), at
Caen, the presbyters of South Molton (p. 284), the presbyters
of Braunton, for the Geldroll (xx. A. 13) calls them so,
although Domesday only names their provost Algar (p. 284),
and the Queen's chaplain Sawin (p. 284), who may have
been the provost of the South Molton presbyters. In all
these cases the term Church means a body of men having
a spiritual charge and spiritual duties. In the same sense
we read (p. 18) : " To the Church of Axminster \i,e. to the
presbyteral college of Axminster] belongs half a hide of
land in that manor," and (p. 19), "To the Church of this
[Eingskerswell] manor belongs half a virgate of land."

B. The term Church is more rarely used in the Devonshire
Domesday to express the administrative charge itself and the
rights held therewith, t.«., the rectorship or right of adminis-
tering spiritual revenues. Thus under Woodbury (p. 44) we
read : " Thereof the abbot of St. Michael holds the church
(i.e., the rectorship) and the land which the priest held in King
Edward's time." Again of Columton (p. 270) the Exeter Book
says : ** The abbot of Battle has 1 hide of land and 1 church
\i.e., the entirety of the rectory or the undivided right to
receive and administer spiritual revenues] in Colitone
(CoUumton), which Torbert held in King Edward's time " ; or
as the Exchequer Book words it : " The church [meaning the
monastic society] of Labatailge holds the church [meaning
the right of administering spiritual revenues] of Colitone,
together with 1 hide." Again (p. 70) : " The abbot of Battle
holds the church of this [Pinhoe] manor [where church means
the spiritual revenues, but cannot mean the tithes, because
these were first given to Battle Abbey in Bichard I.'s time by
Bishop John (Oliver, p. 117)] and there belongs to it 1
virgate." Again (p. 20): "The above named manor [of
Colyton] has one church \i.e., the entire right to the spiritual
revenues] where \ virgate of land belongs." In other counties
this use of the term is fairly common. Thus, after saying
that there are 20 hides at Cookham, an ancient Crown lord-
ship, the Berkshire Domesday continues (No. 3 p. ii, Zinco-
graph) : *' Of these 20 hides Beinbald the presbyter holds of
the King 1^ in alms and the church [ie., the spiritual
revenues] of the manor." After describing Cholsey (No. 7

E. iii.) the text continues : " The abbey of St. Michael's Mount
olds of the King one church [t.«., the entirety of the

278 THE DEVO^^SHIBX " DOmSDAY."

spiritual revenues] together with 1 hide in this manor."
Under Streatley (No. 165, p. xiii) : " Wibert the presbyter
holds the church of this manor together with 1 hide o£
Geoffrey [de Mannevile]." In one case, nevertheless, church
seems to mean something more, but this is in the county
of Berks. Under Wantage (No. 9, p. iii) : •* In this manor
Peter the Bishop held two parts of the church together with
4 hides there belonging, which never paid geld. Now they are
in the King's hand because they did not belong to the see. . . .
The third part of the aforesaid church William the deacon
holds of the King together with one hide which never paid
geld." Two-thirds and one-third of a church held by the
King and the parochial deacon respectively — this looks like
sharing the tithes. But it may be only sharing the church-
shot^ In Lincolnshire we reed that ** Godric the son of
Garewin inherited from his mother the church [%.e., the right
to the church revenues] of All Hallows in Lincoln, and the
land of the church and whatever belonged to it" In Essex
that '* Salph Piperel claimed one half of the hide and the 18
acres belonging to the church of Boreham and one-half of
the church [t.e., the church revenues]." In an instrument
quoted by Oliver {M<m, 198), a church is said to be " worth
3/-, not including offerings," and a separate donation of the
tithes follows. Here, therefore, church cannot mean tithes,
but the church revenues other than the tithes and offerings.

C. It will thus be seen that the mention of a church in
Domesday by no means necessarily involves the existence of
a building. That in some cases there was a building we
cannot doubt ; in others there was not, for the Saxons loved
to hold their public meetings in the open. What it does
imply is the existence of a society of Christian men, recognized
as having a spiritual charge, and also the existence of spiritual
revenues, and a rectorship or right of administering them
vested in some persons. Considering how few Churches are
mentioned in the Devonshire Domesday, may we conclude
that tithes were rarely paid in Devon before the Norman
Conquest? There are several circumstances which seem to
favour such a conclusion.

2. The first point in support of this contention is the
proportion which the property of the Church in the time of
Domesday held to the total of the property in the county.
Following the order and the divisions of the Exeter Domesday,
as given in Mr. Whale's Appendix, Trans, xxviii. 402 seq,,

*> In Trans, xxrii 168, n. 11, it has already been noticed that "church-
shot " was payable by each house which kept a fire burning.

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. '279

the assessment and acreage appears in Domesday distributed
as follows :

A. The King held : h. y. f. h. v. f. Acres. Acres.

(1) Ancient Crown Lordships

assessed at . . . 27 3 0 with an acreage of 50,587

(Whale, No8. 1 to 35.)
Besides three unhidated
estates (Whale, Nos. 10, 14,
22.)

(2) Royal Lordships, or Earls*

Lands, assessed at . . 106 1 1 115,923

(Whale, Nos. 36 to 87.)

(3) Forfeited £stetes of Sub-
jects 84 1 2 31,124

Brictric and Boia (W. Nos.

88 to 103).

168 1 8 197,634

Deducting the portions of
these estates held by the
Church (W. Nos. 4, 17, 19,
21, 29, 31, 61, 69, 77) . 6 1 IJ 2,542

There remain in the King's hand 163 0 li 195,092

B. The Bishop held (W. 104-

126) . . . . 124 2 0 with an acreage of 79,807

Deducting for Niwetona (W.
1083) which was in lay
hands and is assessed among
the English thanes' lands .800 3,108

There remain 121 2 0 76,699

C. The great monastic Churches held :

1) The abbot of Glastonbury
(W. No. 223.) . . . 6 0 0 1,148

2) The abbot of Tavistock
(W. 224-239) . . . 19 8 2 24,861i

3) The abbot of Bucfast
(W. 240-262) . . . 16 1 lA 9,936

4) The abbot of Horton (W.
253-256) . . . . 8 0 0 3,465i

D. Other Churches held : 44 0 . 3^ 38,911

1) New Churches of recent
endowment (W. 257-269) . 54 2 2 18,596

2) On the royal estates de-
ducted above (W. Nos. 4,
17,19,21,29,31,61,69,77) 6 1 IJ 2,642

3) On the Barons' estates
deducted below (W. Nos.
440, 479, 481, 482, 492, 589)

4) On the Frankling Knights'
estates (W. No. 980)

5) On the English thanes'
estates (W. Nos. 1072, 1081)

Together 66 0 li 26,264

2 3 2

2,608

2 0 0

1,200

110

1,318

280

THE DKYONSHIRB "^ DOMSSDAT.**

E. The bvons held (W.
Nob. 127-222, 270-976,
1120-1156):

(1) Bishop of Coatances

(2) Earl of MorUin .

(3) Earl of Chester

(4) Baldwin the Sheriff

(5) JodhelofTotnes .

(6) Ralph de Pomeray.

(7) Walter de Dowai .

(8) WillUm de Mohon

(9) WUliam de Faleise

(10) Alnred of Spain .

(11) Odo fitz Gamelin .

(12) Torstin fitz-Bolf .
(18) Goecelm and Walter de

ClaviL

(14) Gosoelm of Exeter .

(15) William Capra .

(16) Tetbald fitz-Bemer

(17) Rnald Adobed

(18) William de Poillei

(19) Robert de Albemarle

(20) Robert Bastard .

(21) Richard fitz Tarolf

(22) Hervei de Helion .

(23) Alared the Breton .

Deducting estates held by
Chnrches nnder Baldwin
and Judhel (W. Nos. 440,
479, 481, 482, 492, 589) .

There remain

F. The Frankling Knighto
held (W. Nos. 977 to 1016)
viz:

(1) Osbcm de Salceid .
{2) Girold the Chaplain

(3) Angger de Senarpont

(4) WilHam de On

(5) Ralph Pa^nel

(6) Ralph de Limesei

(7) Flohcr .

(8) Girard .

(9) Richard son of Earl

Gislebert .

(10) Roger de Buslei

(11) Aiulf .

(12) Morinus of Caen
(18) Ralph de Felgers

Dednctiog estate previoasly
held by the Church (W. 980)

There remain

h. T. t h. V. t

55 8

58,979i

79 3

48,7511

2 0

2,040

. 146 3

180.5271

69 1

49,874

. 41 2

28,692

. 47 8

24,551

527

16 1

14,288

1 3

2,306

. 21 0

17,094i

3 0

2,887

86 3

20,8211 + 1 perch

1 2

325

. 84 3

26,628

14 1

10,840i

. 14 1

16,026

. 14 8

15,555

. 11 0

12,059

2 2

2,786

4 0

2.332

1 8

962

. 16 0

14,685i

689 2

503,088i + l perch

2 8 2

2,608

686 8 01

500,4301
+ 1 perch

5
2
3

12
8

1
3

3
1
0
3
0
0

0
0
0
0
2
0

1 0

2 0
0 2
8 0

5 8

40 0

2 0

2,896
1,895
2,258
1,580
7,522
2,823
30
419

800

1,415

382

284

2,741

25,045

1,200

88 0 2i

23,845

TAB "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 281

G. The King's military thanes h. v. f. h. v. f. Acrea. Acres,
held (W. Nos. 1017-1056) :

(1) Godbold ....

(2) Nicolaus the head Cross-

bowman

(3) Fulcher ....

(4) Haimeric de Arcis •

(5) William the King's Mes-

senger ... 1 0 0 424

Acres.

5,63;

9
3
3

2
3
2

2
2
2

5,43C
2,47J
1,54C

H. The King's yeomen thanes 23 1 2 15,510

held (W. Nos. 1057-1068) :

(1) William the Seneschal . 9 0 2 6,424^

(2) Ansger .... 1 0 0 432

I. The King's English thanes 10 0 2 6,856J

held, including Ni
Gyres and Seal
Nos. 1069-1120) . . 27 0 OJ 25,875

held, including Newton St.
Gyres and Sedborough (W.

Deducting estates held by
Bodmin presbyters(W. 1072
and 1081). ... 1 1 0 1,318

There remain 25 3 OJ 24,057

Total 1129 0 28^ 907,665

+ 1 perch

This total, which is slightly less than that given in
Trans, xxvii. 183, has been arrived at by correcting the
error in the Association's reprint of Motbilie (No. 383,
p. 361) and making it 4 instead of 1 hide; by taking the
assessment of Exminster (No. 5, p. 7) as 0. 3. 2. instead of
1 hide, the omitted half virgate representing Matford, the
assessment of which is given under W. Capra (No. 714,
p. 683 ; see Trans, xxvii. 178) ; by taking that of Leuia
(No. 83, p. 76) as IJ hides instead of 1^ hides + 1 ferling,
the omitted ferling being Gohewis (No. 430, p. 402) ; by
taking the assessment of Edeslege (No. 90, p. 85) as 2. 3. 0.
instead of 3 hides, one virgate being deducted for Clavil's
Iweslei (No. 856, p. 823); by taking the assessment of
Sideberie (No. 118, p. 113) as 3 instead of 5 hides; and that
of Wiche (No. 1240, p. 1173) as 0. 0. 2. instead of 0. 1. 0.;
and that of Woodbury Church (No. 51, p. 45) as 0. 3. OJ.
instead of 1. 1. 0^. in accordance with the figures
given in the Exeter Book; by taking the assessment of
Pultimore (No. 1194, p. 1131) as 3. 0. 3. instead of 3. 1. 3. as
the particulars require and the interlineation in the Exeter
Book suggests; by taking the assessment of North Molton
(No. 24, p. 39) as 1 hide and ^ virgate, instead of 1^ hides,
that of Northam (No. 303, p. 28) as 1 hide 3^ virgates,

VOL. XXX. T

282 THE DEVONSHIRE "DOMESDAY."

instead of 2 hides and ^ virgate, that of Wasberlege (No.
1255, p. 1187) as 1^ insteiui of 2 virgates, and that of
Olvereworth (No. 1218, p. 1153) as 1 instead of 2 vir-
gates, to make the totals agree with the particulars; and
omitting as duplications Newton St. Cyres (No. 165,
p. 99), Lob (No. 489, p. 461), and Sedeborge (No. 439,
p. 413). The ploughland has been uniformly taken as 100
acres, and the hide in the 4 cases in which it is used as
a measure of area, viz., Otrei (No. 297, p. 273), Bourige
(No. 299, p. 273), Otri (No. 824, p. 793j and Smarige (No.
1002, p. 961), as 120 acres.^ The number of ploughlands
has been taken as 10 instead of 1 in Liege (No. 270, p. 243),
and as 12 instead of 3 in Rourige (No. 299, p. 273), in accord*
ance with the Exeter Book. Some additional areas have
been inserted and a very few in Mr. Whale's list corrected.
It appears, therefore, at the date of Domesday

h. V. f. Acres.

The Bishop held . . . . 121 2 0 with 76,699

The great monastic Charches held 44 0 3^^ 38,911

Other Churches held . . . 66 0 1^ 26,264

Altogether the Church held . . 231 3 If with 141,874

out of a total of . . . 1129 0 2 A with 907,665 + 1 perch

In other words, it held one-fifth of the assessed value of the
county, and more than one-seventh of the cultivated area.

3. Next it will be well to enquire when the Church
obtained these estates, and more particularly what portion
of them it obtained after King Edgar's time (a.d. 958) ; for
we have seen that in Theodore's time (a.d. 680) it was not
lawful to bestow tithes, and still less land in lieu of them, on a
single presbyter, and that not before Edgar's time could any
portion be diverted permanently to the use of country clergy.

A. The estates given to the Church by the Conqueror's
companions, Baldwin and Judhel, consist of

(1) Clist (No. 499, p. 471). called East Cliat h. t. f. Acws.

in the taxation of Pope Nicolas, now

Ashclist in Broad Clist . .10 2 972

(2) Pontimore (No. 600, p. 478), Cotton in

Poltimore . ... 20 286

(8) PolealeuKo (^o. 501, p. 473), Hoopem

next Polsloe, St. David's . .002 202

(4) ClUte (No. 502, p. 473), Clistmois alias

West Clist, Broaddist ... 2 2 818

(5) Fierseham (No. 504, p. 475), Forsham,

Drewsteignton . . .010 638

(6) Follaton(No.652,p.625),Follaton,Totne8 0 10 202

2 8 2 2,608
•• This point seems oonclosiyely settled by Round in Feudal England, p 87.

THE '' DOMESDAY '' CHURCHES OF DEVON. 283

All of these must have been given to the Churoh after
the Conquest. The Church of St. Mary in the Castle of
Exeter, to which the four first-named belonged, was the
foundation of Baldwin the Sheriff. In the year following
the battle of Hastings, i.e., 1067 a.d., we are told the
Conqueror selected a spot within the walls of Exeter for the
erection of a castle, and committed the execution of the
work to his principal knights. (Trans, xxviii. 366, n. 4.)
Nineteen years later we find the Canons of St Mary in
the Castle holding four of Baldwin's estates, all of them
estates which had been in private hands before the Con-
quest Four thanes had held Ash Clist, Ulmer had held
Cutton, Aluric had held Hoopem (Polesleuge), and Ulveva
had held (West) Clist The foundation of the Castle
Church, therefore, was subsequent to the Conquest, and
the founder and giver of the estates must have been
Baldwin.

The four estates named seem to have constituted the
endowment of three out of the four prebendaries who served
the church. The fourth prebend must, however, have been
founded at the same time, or very nearly so, because in the
letters patent of William Avenell, who married Emma,
the second daughter of Baldwin, addressed to Bobert
Chichester, Bishop of Exeter (1138-1155 A.D.), it is
described as " the Church of the Castle of Exeter with 4
prebends." (Dugdale, ii. 9 ; Oliver, 136, note.)

In his History of Uxeter, published in 1821, Dr. Oliver
observed, p. 142, that as to the lands and possessions of
Ash Clist nothing was or was likely to be ever koowu. He
probably had not imposed on himself the task of finding
its Domesday mention, or he would have satisfied himself
that it was an estate of 974 acres in the parish of Broad
Clist But he lived long enough to mention in his
Monasticon, published in 1846 (pp. 170, 181), that this
prebend was, in 1238 a.d., bestowed by Bobert de Courtenay
on Torre Abbey, and that several of the muniments of the
abbey referring to it still exist

The prebend of Cutton, we learn from Dr. Oliver, had
four free tenants: (1) the proprietor of a part of Hoopem,
who paid 50/- ; (2) the proprietor of the remainder of
Hoopem, who paid 13/4; (3) the rector of Whimple as
such, who paid 13/4; and (4) the rector of Hemington,
Somerset, as such, who also paid 13/4. It had besides
four copyholders or village tenants holding lands, all situ-
ate in the parish of Poltimore, viz.: (1) Higher Cutton,

T 2

284 THB DKVONSHIRl "DOMESDAY."

194a, 2r. 27p.; (2) Middle Cutton, 55a. 2t. 38p.; and (3)
Lower Cutton, 39a. 3r. Ip.; total, 290a. 26p.

The prebend of Hayes, or, as it is called in the Hundred
Bolls of 3 Ed. I, Heechen and Clistmois in Wonford
Hundred, consisted, according to the same authority, in
Queen Elizabeth's time of 4 messuages, 4 gardens, 100
acres of land, 100 acres of pasture, 60 acres of meadow,
and £3 rent in Hayes within the Castle of Exeter, Stoken
Tynhed, Okhamton, Ken, Cutton, Clist, in the parish of
St Thomas the Apostle. Hayes, from which it took its
name, is situated in the parish of St Thomas. St Thomas
includes the Domesday estates of Cowick (No. 518, p. 489)
and Exwick (No. 521, p. 493). Cowick, of which Hayes forms
a part, was one of Baldwin's estates, and had an area of 806
acres. Since only a portion or submanor was assigned to
this prebend, it would naturally not be mentioned in Domes--
day. But 20/- of the fee -farm rent belonging to this
prebend it appears to have obtained by gift of Go^celm, one
of its canons, which was charged upon Clistonhayes (No.
894, p. 863) in Domesday, ^'^

The prebend of Carswell, otherwise Cresswell and Kers-
well, consisted, according to Oliver {Hist Exeter, p. 141),
of (1) Kerswell farm in the parish of Kenn, 119a. 39p.,
with the first shear of 2 acres in Broadmeadow there ; (2) of
BurringtofCs tenement in the same parish, intermixed with
Trehill, 19a, Ir. 34p.; (3) of an Orchard adjoining TrehiU,
\ acre, and 1 acre laid open with Frankallar Bottom on
Trehill farm ; and (4) of the yearly rent of 1/- issuing out
of Eobert Crockwell's tenements in Exminster. This prebend
must, therefore, have also been created as a submanor out of
Baldwin's estate of Kenn (Chent, No. 464, p. 439). From
the entry in Domesday : " To this barton-land [Kenn] are
appurtenant eleven borough-tenants who dwell {qui maneni)
in Exeter and pay four shillings and five pence," it will be
seen that certain dwellings in Exeter belonged to Kenn.

■^ Goscelm is called in the Geldroll (xxvi. A. 7) " the canon," and Dometday
(No. 894, p. 863) calls him "of Exeter.*' He seems, therefore, to hare been
one of the canons of St. Mary's Chapel in the Castle, who are called canons,
(No. 499, p. 471.) As Chenistre is said to hare held Herstanhaia before
Domesday^ it is clear that Goscelm eot it either by inheritance or by the
Conqneror's gift At any rate, he did not hold it in free alms. DotfU$day
also states that he let it to farm to the Tillagers for 20/-, so that all that he
could leave to the canons of St. Mary at his death wonld be the fee-farm
rent of 20/-. According to Oliver {ffist. of Exeter, 142), Clistonhayes in
Broad Clist appears among the soarces of income of the prebend of Hayes.
We seem, therefore, to be right in identifying it with the Domesday
Herstanhaia.

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OP DEVON. 285

Some«of these dwellings were probably given together with
Kerswell for the residence of the canons.

In the Taxation of Pope Nicolaus, in 1288, Bobert de
Litelebere is returned as holding the prebend of " Heghes "
in the Castle of Exeter, value £10; Henry de Esse [Ash],
as holding the prebend of "Cotetone," value 113/4; the
Abbot and Convent of Torre, as holding the prebend of
"Estclyst," value £2 135. 4d.; and Philip de Dughtone
[Dutton], the prebend of " Carsville," value 50/-.

From the fact that the rectories of Whimple and Hem-
ington in Somerset were held of the prebend of Cutton,
and that in Domesday times Baldwin's wife was the holder
of Whimple (No. 505, p. 477), it seems not unreasonable
to conclude that the church, i.e., the tithes of these two
places were bestowed upon it by the founder's wife, just
as the church, i,e., the tithes of St Mary of Totnes were
bestowed upon Totnes Priory by JudheL {Trans, xxix. 234,
n. 17.)

Another estate, Fierseham (No. 504, p. 475) must also
have been given to the Church after the Conquest, because
Eddulf, we are told, held it previously. It was given to the
monks of St. Michael's Mount, to which King William was
a large benefactor, most probably as a votive gift after
a safe arrival in this country across the sea, St. Michael of
Mount Tuba being the patron saint of those in peril on the
sea.

The Conqueror's queen Matilda had given Washburton
(Aisbertone) to Judhel. In grateful acknowledgment of his
obligation to her, Judhel, on her death, gave Foletone (No.
652, p. 625), to St. Mary of Totnes for prayers for her soul.
The queen died in 1083, and the gift is mentioned in Domes*
day, so that the date of the gift is limited to three years.
Follaton had been in lay hands before the Conquest and
belonged to Aluric.

Not very long after Domesday, St. Mary's, Totnes, to-
gether with its property, including Follaton, was bestowed
by Judhel on Totnes Priory, a cell of the Benedictine
House of St. Sergius and St. Bacchus at Angers. (Oliver,
Mon. 238.)

B. The estates given to the Church by the Conqueror and
his queen consist of the following. That they were his gifts
may be gathered from the fact that all of them are stated to
have been in lay hands before the Conquest

286 THE DEVONSHIRE "DOMESDAY."

(1) North&m (No. 803, p. 281), Northam .

(2) Umberlie (No. 804, p. 283), Umberleigh

Atherington
(8) Otritone (No. 800, p. 277), Otterton .

(4) Donitone (No. 801, p. 277), Dennington

Yarticombe

(5) Erticome (No. 802, p. 279), Yarticombe

(6) Ck)letone (No. 295, p. 271), Colamton .

(7) Rourige (No. 299, p. 278), Roridge, Up

ottery . . . .

(8) In South Molton and Braunton (No. 305

p. 285) ....

(9) In Braunton (No 307, p. 285) .

(10) In Kingskerawell (No. 21, p. 19)

(11) In Yealmton (No. 31, p. 27), Lyneham

(12) In Binge (No. 306, p. 285), Swymbridge

h. T. f. AOTtM.

1 8 2 2,084

110 1,420

14 0 0 2,875

3 0 0 1,300

8 0 0 1,344

10 0 410

8 0 0 1,280

0 10 242

10 0 820

0 0 2 150

10 0 212

0 8 0 402

SO 1 0 12,539

(1) Northam had belonged to Brictric The Conqueror
gave it to the monastery of St. Stephen at Caen.

(2) Umberlie had belonged also to Brictric. The Con-
queror gave it to the Nunnery of the Holy Trinity at Caen.

(3) Otterton had been Countess Githa's. The Conqueror
gave it to the Monastery of St Michael's Mount.

(4) Dennington ^ had both been Earl Harald's. The Con-

and > queror gave them to St Michael's

(5) Yarticombe J Mount

(6) Columton had been Turbert's. The Conqueror gave it
to St Mary's at Bouen.

(7) Eoridge had been Ulveva's, but a centurj' and a halt
previously it may have belonged to some religious house, t.e.,
if it is identical with the 3 hides at Upottery, which Aedel-
mare, with King Aedelred's sanction (a.d. 978-1013), ex-
changed away, together with 23 hides in other places, for
30 hides in the Thames Valley. (Codex Diplomaticus, iii. 339,
No. 714.)

(8) The Conqueror appears to have given 1 virgate of land
to the presbyters of South Molton.

(9) Also 1 hide in Braunton to Algar, apparently the
provost of a college of presbyters at Braunton.

(10) Also \ virgate at or near Kingskerswell to the church
there, which in King Edward's time was included in its
assessment of 1^ hides.

Tealmton being an ancient Crown lordship, of which
Bevelstoke, which is otherwise not mentioned in Domesday,
seems to have formed a part (for Bevelstoke was in later
times a chapelry of Yealmton, Bronescombey 6 and 193), it
seemed at first reasonable to suggest that the 1 hide held by

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 287

•* the clerks," or administered " by the priests of the town-
ship," as the Exeter Book has it, or the property "of St.
Mary," according to the GeldroU (xliii B. 3) might represent
Revelstoke. But there is an entry in Kirby's Quest, No. 428,
under Plymton Hundred, which seems to point to another
locality. It runs : " fialph de Dinham [presumably Lyneham
is meant] holds Dinham [clearly an error for Lyneham]
together with the tithe of the dean and chapter of Sarum
[paying there]-for 20s. per annum. And the same dean and
chapter hold of Mathew fitz-John [the holder of Yealmton]
[and he] of the King in chief." Domesday states that
the clergy of Yealmton township had 1 hide in Yealmton.
Later accounts tell us that the church [i.«., the tithe]
of Yealmton was a prebend of Sarum. Now Sarum
was the church of St. Mary, and the GeldroU states
that St. Mary holds an exempt hide in Plymton Hundred.
Further, Kirby states that before 5 Edward I., Lyneham in
Yealmton was held under the dean and chapter of Sarum.
The inference seems plain that Lyneham must be the 1 hide
of which the Yealmton clerks {clerid), i.e., the inferior clerks,
not those in holy orders, were the local holders (teneni) on
behalf of the distant cathedral priests of Sarum {sacer dotes),
who again administered (fuxhent) it for St. Mary.

C. When we get beyond the Conqueror's time to that of
Edward the Confessor (1042-1066 a.d.) we can point out the
following estates as having been granted to the Church :

(1) Colitone (No. 23, p. 21), Tudhayes (?), Colyton

(2) Axeministre (No. 7, p. 7), Kenbury, Exminster

(3) Otrei (No. 297, p. 273), Ottery St. Mary

(4) Doules (No. 108, p. 103), Dawlish .

(5) NistflDestoch (No. 1155, p. 1095), Stoke St. Nectan

(6) Sireford (No. 63, p. 47), Sherford ....

(7) Wodebene (No. 51, p. 45), Heatbfield, Redbills,

Little Pilehays and BeaUgrouDd, Woodbury

Acres.

100

5,780

3.054

I 2

1,200

810

220

11,264

(1) To Colyton Church the Confessor, if not the Conqueror,
gave ^ virgate of land. This is an inference, because it is not
included in the 1 hide at which Colyton was assessed in King
Edward 8 time.^ It appears to be the estate which King

"* " CulitoDa OQ tbe day on wbicb King Edward waa alive and dead paid
geld aa for 1 hide. . . . Thereof the King has 1 virgate in the lordship . . .
and the villagers have 8 virgates." This makes ap the total of 1 hide. It
continnes: '*The aforesaid barton -land has one Church where i virgate
belongs." This) virgate was therefore extra, an addition to the assessment
after King Edward's time.

288 THE DEVONSHIRE "DOMESDAY.?

John granted to Polsloe Priory, 100 shillings' worth of land
at Colyton, and if so has since been known as Tudhayes
or Mimkinham. (Traris. xxix. 503, n. 76.) The church itself
belonged to the Chapter of Exeter {Bronescombe, p. 136), but
the vicar has only five acres of glebe.

(2) Domesday states that in King Edward's time his reeve
allowed the priest who ministered at Exminster the benefit
{accommodavU) of 1 ferling of land. By the Conqueror it
was given to Battle Abbey, and is now known as Ken*
bury.^

(3) In 1061 A.D. the Confessor gave Ottery, called Otreyia
in the Charter (in Codex DiplomaticuSf iv. 149, No. 810) " to
the holy and ever virgin Mother of God, St Mary of Kouen."

(4) In 1044 A.D. the same Kiog gave Dawlish to Leofric,
his chaplain, and the latter in 1061 A.D. bestowed it on the
see of Exeter. (See Trans, xiii. 112.)

(5) A great benefactress to the Church in King Edward's
time was Countess Githa, sister of the Danish Earl Ulf, wife
of the great Earl Godwin, and mother of Earl Harald, who
succeeded the Confessor as King, but forfeited his life
and kingdom at Senlac. She is said to have been the
founder of Hartland Abbey (Oliver, Mon. 204), and it seems
at least established that she gave Stoke St. Nectan to the
canons. The Conqueror bestowed it on Girold, his chaplain,
but the canons continued to enjoy it under him. To judge
by the name it seems not improbable that the Church of
Stoke St Nectan was on the site of some ancient fortress,
and existed before Githa's time to secure prayers for the
souls of those who bad fallen in battle.

(6) The Church of St Olaf, or St Clave, in Exeter, cannot
go back to a date earlier than 1030 A.D. For in that year
St. Olaf was slain at Stikelstad (Freeman's Norman Conquest^
i. 503). St Olaf was half-brother to Cnut, and therefore
it probably owes its foundation to Cnut (a.d. 1013-1036),

^ The passage in Domesday^ p. 6, referred to by Sir John Phear, Trans,
XZ7. 808, mns: "De eadem mansioDo (sc. Axeroinistra) habent monachi de
BataiUa uduiii ferdinam qaem Eccha praepositus accommodavit cuidam pres-
bytero teiDpore regis Edwardi." The ferling of land referred to is Kenbnry in
Exoiinster, an estate consisting, as Polwhele, ii. 208, says, of about 100 acres of
rich land, which up to the Dissolution was held by St. Nicolas' Priory, the
daughter house of Battle Abbey. Oliver, Mon. p. 127, says that it was then
Talued at £3 6«. 8<^ The ^ft to the presbyter appears, therefore, not to
hare been of a share in the villagers* land, but of a portion of the unoccupied
lordship land which Eccha the reeve allowed the presbyter the benefit of.
The technical meaning of aecatnmodavU (from comrnodum, a benefit) is that
he allowed the presbyter the beneficial enjoyment of this laud without
rendering services for it, i.e., as we say, rent-free.

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCUES OF DEVON. 289

and was founded for prayers for Olafs soul. Gnut*8 sister
Estrith was the wife of Earl Ulf, and Ulf was brother to
Countess Githa. (Freeman, i. 467.) This circumstancje probably
decided Githa to entrust the clergy of St. Olafs with the
duty of praying for her deceased husband Earl Godwin, who
died in 1053. (ibid. ii. 351.)*^ Four years later, in 1057, being
herself Lady of Stokenham, she bestowed on St. Olafs Church
the adjoining sub-manor of Sherford. The Conqueror sub-
sequently gave St Olafs with all its possessions, seven houses
in Exeter, Sherford, Kenbury, Pinhoe Church, and Columton,
to Battle Abbey, a cell of which, by the name of St. Nicolas
Priory, became independent after William £ufus had founded
St. Nicolas Church there.^

(7) It seems probable that Countess Githa also gave the
endowment which Woodbury Church, according to Domesday,
possessed before the Conquest. The Exchequer Book gives
it as 1 hide, 1 virgate, and ^ ferling ; the Exeter as \ hide, 1
virgate, and i ferling. Probably the Exeter Book is right.
This endowment seems to be now represented by the four

~ The Charter in Kbmble's Codex Diplomaticus, iv. 264, No. 926, runs: "I
Countess Gy^a fptint to the Church of St. Olaf, King and martyr, my land of
Scireford which is [part] of my dower for my soul and that of my lord Earl
Godwin." The charter is attested by Bishop Leofric and two of her sons,
TostifT and Gy^artS, who sign as earls.

^ Oliver, HisL of JExeter, p. 156, says that the Conqueror founded St.
Nicolas Priory, and with the small Church of St. Olaf made it dependent
unon Battle Abbey. It existed, however, before, but did not get the name
till William Rnfus built the church there. The houses in Exeter which con-
stituted the Priory were given to the presbyters of St. Olave, and their Priory
became a cell of Battle Abbey after the Conquest. St. Nicolas, after whom
it was called, was Archbishop of Myra in Lycia, and died in 342L His relics
were brought to Bar! in 1087, and since then his memory has been specially
venerated in the West on 6th December. This date, 1087, fixes the name of
St. Nicolas' Priory as later than Domesday, Gnnter was the first prior,
Cono the next, and he was able by the help of William Rufus to erect a
monastic ceU dedicated to St. Nicolas, and to secure independence from
Battle Abbey. St. Nicolas Priory, like Battle Abbey and All Souls' College,
Oxford, was therefore a mortuary foundation. It is not everybody who will
recognize in St Nicolas Santa Klaus, as he appears to the Dutchman the
patron saint of schoolboys. The legend goes tnat two boys being on their
way to school at Athens were put into a pickle-tub by an innkeeper to pro-
cure their monev and clothes, when St Nicolas appeared and rescued them.
On the old seal of Pocklington Grammar School St. Nicolas is represented
in full pontificals by a tub in which two boys are standing, whilst a third is
in the act of putting his leg over the side to get out. A representation of
St Nicolas with his tub, in green and yellow, occurs in one of the windows on
the south side of the nave in York Minster. His furtive visits on Christmss
Eve to put presents in shoes and stockings are no doubt connected with the
great pains he took to prevent his charities being known. It is supposed
that the three balls, the pawnbroker's symbol, are derived from the legend
of Santa Klaus providing the poor nobleman's three daughters with
dowries.

290 THE DEV0N8HIB1 "DOMESDAY."

farms in Woodbury known as Heathfield, Sedhills, Little
Pilehays, and Beal^^ond^

In the Conqueror's time a thane of his, one Ordgar by
name {Trans, xv. 148) gave Littleham next £xmouth to
Horton Abbey. This has been grouped with the other
estates given to that Abbey.

D. Between the time of King Edgar (a.d. 957-975) and
the accession of Edward the Confessor in 1042, many gifts
of land to the Church can be clearly distinguished.

h. ▼. t ACP8».

(1) To St Peter of PUmton by King: Edgmr . 2 0 0 600

(Wemburj Aod Bohngdoo.)

(2) To T«Tistock Abbey 19 8 2 24,86H

(3) To Horton Abbey 8 0 0 8,4651

(4) To Cranbom Abbey 0 2 0 639

(5) To Baefast Abbey . .' . 15 1 1ft 9,936

(6) To the BiBhop BUhop's Nymton 8 0 0 5,690

(7) To Pinhoe Church 10 150

48 8 8ft 44,842

(1) It we could be sure that the Wicganbeorg of the Anglo-
Saxon Chronicle, where in the year 851 " Ceorl the ealdorman
with the men of Devon fought against the heathen men and
there made great slaughter and got the victory," was Wem-
bury near Plymton, as Mr. Davidson suggested (Trans, ix,
213), followed by Mr. Worth (ibid. x. 2y9 and xix. 364),
and not Wickaborough in Berry Pomeroy, a clear case
would seem to have been made out for dating the founda-
tion of the Plymton House back to the 9th century. But
this identification seems more than doubtful. The House,
it is true, existed before Domesday, and was converted in
1121 A.D. into a Priory of Canons Regular. Previously it was
a secular Priory, and like Axminster was presumably founded
to pray for the souls of those who had fallen in some battle.
" Over and above this land (praeter loanc terram — i.e., the 2 J
hides which the King holds at Plymton) the canons of the
same barton-land hold 2 hides"; so runs the Exchequer
Domesday, The Exeter Book says: " Independently of these
[the King's] 2J hides (exceptis his duahiLS hidis et dimidia)
the canons of St. Peter of Plimton have 2 hides." These 2
hides are the estates now known as Wembury and Boringdon
in Plymton, as a reference to the Charters of Henry I. and
Henry IL will show. (Oliver, Mon,, p. 135.)** The connection

** I am indebted for this information to the late Rev. J. Lo?eband Falford,
incumbent of Woodbury.

•» The Charter of Henry I. in Oliveb (p. 134) is as follows : '* Henry [I.]
King of England to Richard Fitz-Ralph and George de Fnmeanx greeting.

THE "DOMESDAY" CHUKCHES OF DEVON. 291

between the canons of Plymton and Wembury being thus
established,^ it would be quite in accordance with the spirit
of the times that the site of the battle, if the battle was
fought at Wembury, should be given over to those who were
to pray for the slain. But then (1) it seems quite impossible,
to judge by analogous words {Trans, xxviii 475, n. 20), that
Wicganbeorg could ever become Wembury ; (2) it is doubtful
whether the Saxons had pushed their conquests as far as the
Tamar by 85 1 A.D. ; and (3) according to Leland (Oliver, Mon,,
p. 129) the Church of St. Peter of Plymton was founded by
King Edgar, and antiquaries rarely name too late a date.

(2) Tavistock Abbey was begun by Earl Ordgar in 961 a.d.,
and completed by his son Ordulph. (Dugdale, ii. 490; Oliver,
Mon.^ p. 94) As King Aedelred's Charter^ of A.D. 981
declares, it was founded ''because Ordulph's mother and
brother (i.«., Aedelred's own grandmother and uncle, for
Aedelred's mother Elfleda was the only daughter of Earl
Ordgar and therefore was sister to Ordulph), and all his
kindred were there entombed awaiting the third nativity
at the sound of the last trump " ; in other words, it was a
foundation to pray for the dead of Earl Ordgar's family, not
improbably for those who had fallen in fighting against the
West Weala on the Stoke or stockaded fortress by the Tavy.
This abbey also possessed the Stoke by the Plym, now
Plymstock. Its foundation as late as 961 a.d. seems to

I enjoin you to let the land of the canons of Plimton be discharged from any
demand in respect of geld, assessments or other daims (res), because the
Bihhop of Samm has acknowledged by charter [issned] out ot my treasury
that it is altogether exempt therefrom, and exempt therefrom because the
land of Weybiria and Colebroc is itself not included in the number of my
hides." The Charter of Henry II., ibid., p. 135: *' Henry [XL] King of
England, &c., to all archbishops, &c., greeting. Take notice that I have
granted and confirmed to the church and canons regular of Plimtona 2 hides
of land in Colebroc and Wenbiria, free and discharged from Danegeld [King's]
geld, assessments, shire and hundred and all other claims, which are outside
the number of my hides, as witness the Charter of Henry my grandfather.
Mr. Worth, in Trans, xix. 364, mentions a doubtful charter of a.d. 904,
whereby Eadward the Elder purports to grant to Asser, Bishop of Sherborne,
3 estates of 12 manors in exchange for the monastery of Plymton containing
but 2 hides. To the writer this charter seems a fabrication beeotten of ao
attempt on the part of the canons to hare the King instead of uie bishop as
overlord. The Kin^r would overlook the concubinage which the bishop would
condemn. Mr. Worth's observations (p. 372) seem to confirm this
•uggestion.

^ In Bishop Grandison's time Wembury was served as a chapelry from
Plymton (Oliver, Mon.f p. 141), in accordance with the canonical rule that
when a religious bouse has once been established it may not be removed
without provision being made for the religious needs of those who remain
near the old site. (See Reichkl's CompleU Manual of Canon Law, ii. 99,
note 114.)

** Ksmble's Codex Diplomaticus, iii. 182, No. 629,

292 THE DEVONSHIRE "DOMESDAY."

indicate that the Saxons were not thorough masters of
Devon up to the Tamar much before that date.

(3) Horton Abbey in Dorset was another foundation of
the same Ordgar and his son Ordulph, probably for a similar
purpose, and was begun in 965 a.d. (Dugdale, ii. 511.) Its
Devonshire estates, four in number, appear to have been all
given to it after the year 1000. Two of them, Beer and
Seaton,^ were granted by King Aedelred in 1005 a.d. to
his £Euthful thane, Eadsige {IVans. xvil 193), probably the
same Eadsige who four years previously had unsuccessfully
taken the field against the Danes {Trans, xv. 145), and whose
flight had been followed two years later by the capture of
Exeter through the treachery of Emma's reeve. {Trans, xiii.
120.) Is it not most probable that the King "booked" them
to Eeidsige that Eadsige might get the benefit of the prayers
of the monks of Horton for the souls of those who had fallen
in fight by giving it to that abbey ? The third estate, Abbot's
Kerswell, was, according to 2'esta de Nevil (No. 1303, p. 193a),
a gift of one of the kings in pure alms ; it is not stated of
which king, probably either Cnut or the Confessor. The
fourth estate, Littleham, near Exmouth, has been already
mentioned. The Confessor gave it to a thane of his called
Ordgar in 1042 {Trans, xv. 148), and Ordgar to Horton
Abbey.

(4) Cranborn Abbey, in Dorsetshire, is stated to have been
founded in 980 a.d. by Aylward Mere, otherwise Snew, the
grandfather [the dates incline one to suggest great- or great-
great-grandfather] of the dispossessed Brictric of Domesday.
(Dugdale, ii. 53.) It is clear, therefore, that it had no exist-
ence, and consequently can have had no estate in Devon
until after King Edgar's time. In Domesday it had a single
estate in this county only.

(5) Bucfast Abbey must have been in existence before the
time of Cnut (1015-1036 a.d.). (Oliver, Mon., 317.) For
^'Aelfwine abbud on Bucfasten" is witness to a charter of
Cnut's in Kemble's Codex Diplomaticus, v. 195, No. 1334;
and the Hundred Rolls of 3 Edward I., under North Tawton
Hundred, No. 25, have this entry : —

^ It will be seen that in Domesday (No. 291), p. 265, Flueta, i.e., SeatoD,
was assessed at i hide, whereof the abbot was said to have 4 virgate and the
villagers 3} virgates. That would make 1 hide. Similarly Bera, i.e.. Beer
(No. 292) was assessed at i hide, whereof the abbot wss said to have i virgate
and the villagers 8} virgates. That would make another hide. It seems,
therefore, probable that Flueta and Bera originally were held together and
together constituted the 1 hide which King Aedelred gave to Eadsige (Trans.
xvii. 193), and that there was no variation in the assessment, as suggested by
Mr. Davidson, ibid. p. 197.

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 293

**The abbot of Bafeetre holds a certain manor called Sele
Monachorum by gift of Kbg Cnad."

Mr. Brooking Bowe has suggested that Bucfast Abbey
probably existed before the coming of the Northmen {Trans.
viii. 810) ; that would be before 787 A.D. It may be so ; but
at least it must be grouped with Bodmin and Glastonbury
Abbey as one of a trio of monastic churches which had
property in Devon before King Edgar's time, and is probably
with the exception of Exeter the only monastery before that
time existing in the county. Its extreme antiquity may be
inferred from the fact that Bucfestre itself (No. 288, p. 261)
never was assessed. The bulk of its property was, however,
probably given by Aecfelstan and Cnut. Considering its
dose proximity to Stock in Holne and Hembury Castle, the
writer ventures to suggest that like Tavistock and Horton its
foundation may be due to the desire of relatives to procure
the prayers of holy men for those who had fallen in defending
these fortified positions against the West Weala.

(6) Mr. King, in Trans, viii 355, has quoted a charter
bearing date a.d. 974, by which King Edgar booked to his
faithful thane Aelfhere 3 hides of land at Nymet, one of the
boundaries of which was a Coplastan or headstone. With
the Domesday materials before us it may be confidently
asserted that these 3 hides cannot represent the Copleston
estate of 160 acres. (1) Such an area in that district
would have been assessed at most at half a virgate.
(2) The booking of land being a grant of jurisdiction
rather than of property, usually implies a considerable area,
not a single faruL (3) The Copleston estate is a submanor
of the bishop's Critetone. To the writer it seems hardly
open to doubt that the 3 hides at Nymet booked by King
Edg^r to Aelfhere must represent Bishop's Nymton, the
only Nimet in Domesday assessed at 3 hides (No. 124, p. 119),
which Aelfhere passed on to the Bishop or to the Monastery
at Exeter for his souFs health, and the Bishop held in the
13th century still. (Testa de Nevil, Nos. 1121-1127, p. 189b.)
There must hav6 been many Coplestones which served as
boundaries in different parts of the county. There is less
difiSculty in referring the boundaries quoted to Bishop's
Nymton than to Coplestone.

(7) If there is any truth in the legend which connects the
mass-priest serving Pinhoe with the fight against the
Danes in the year 1001, the endowment of Pinhoe Church
probably dates from that period. Mr. Davidson (in Trans,

294 THE DEVONSHIRE "DOMESDAY.**

XV. 147) has discredited the story in the form in which it is
usually told. Nevertheless it probably has a substratum of
truth. There is nothing at ail improbable in the mass-
priest's having brought to Pinhoe from Exeter a fresh supply
of arrows for the combatants, and it is quite in accordance
with the spirit of those times that after the Saxon defeat
a virgate of land from the royal estate at Pinhoe should
have been given to the mass-priest who was charged with
the duty of praying for the souls of the slain. The
Conqueror, thinking it better to pray for the souls of his
supporters than for those of the ancestors of his enemies,
after the capture of Exeter in 1067 A.D., bestowed this
virgate upon Battle Abbey, and in Richard L's time Bishop
John sanctioned the appropriation to that Abbey of the
tithes bestowed upon it by the King. (Oliver, Man,, p. 114.)
This virgate in Edward IV.'s time produced 30s. a year
(Oliver, Man,, p. 126) ; at the Dissolution £2 6*. (ibicL p. 227),
out of which 16^ were, and are still, paid to the Vicar of
Pinhoe. (Trans, xv. 147.) These I65. represent the vicar's
third share of the Church rights or pension, in accordance
with Edgar's Law, and have nothing to do with the heroism
of the mass-priest in 1001, who is now represented by the
Ecclesiastical Commissioners.

4 It appears from these data that of the 231h. 3v. Iff. and
141,874 acres held by the Church in Domesday, there were :

A. Given by the Conqaeror's com- h. v. f. h. v. f. Acres. Acrw.

panions . . . .232 2,608

B, Given by the Conqueror and

bis Queen . . . . 30 1 0 12,539

C. Given in the Confessor's time . 35 1 8i 11,264

D, Given between Edgar and the

Confessor's time (a.d. 957-

1042) 43 3 8A 44,842

112 2 If 71,258

Showing a residue of 119 1 0 and 70,621

as the territory belonging to the Church before King
Edgar's reign began. These were distributed as follows:

Held by the Bishop [of Crediton] b. v. f. h. v. f. Acres. Acres.

and the presbyters of Exeter . 121 2 0 76,699
Less Dawlish and Bishop's Nym-

ton, which were later gifts . 10 0 0 8,744

Ill 2 0 67,956

Held by Glastonbury Abbey . 6 0 0 1,148

Held by Bodmin Priory . . 110 1,818

Held by Bucfast Abbey . . not assessed area not known

Held by Presbyters of Axminster 0 2 0 200

119 1 0 70,621

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OP DEVON. 295

A. It appears, therefore, that of the 1,1 29h. Ov. 2/^f. and
907,665 acres and 1 perch under cultivation in the county in
Domesday times, the bishop of the shire held 111^ hides and
67,955 acres at the beginniog of King Edgar's reign ; three
other monastic houses held 7^ hides and 2,466 acres, and one
prebendal church held \ hide and 200 acres. The bbhop's
holding, 111^ hides, would be a tithe of 1,115 hides, and his
acreage, 67,955, a tithe of 679,550 acres. Considering the
extensive enclosures or intakes made from the Downwood
by Cnut,^ which had increased the assessment of the county

^ The following can be enumerated from Domesday as Nimets, tome of
which had acquired distinctive names before Domesday, such as Lootiebere,
Newton and Voley, Colridge, and the two Donewoldeshams.

No. 74, p. 69, W. 83. The King's Niinetona

(King's Nymton)
No. 76, p. 69. do. added land

No. 102, p. 95. W. 98. do. Ulwardesdona,

alias Wardes Nymet

(Wolfin, Down St Mary) ,
No. 124, p. 119. W. 121. The Bishop's Nime-

tona (Bishop's Nymton
No. 768, p. 145, W. 149. Bishop of Ck>utances'

Limet (Tracy)
No. 169, p. 147, W. 150. do. Colrige

No. 294, p. 269. Cranbom Abbey's Lose-

here
No. 343, p.. 823, W. 811. Earl of Mortain's Done'

voldehame (Woolfardis-

worthy) ....
No. 451, p. 425. W. 398. Baldwin's limet (Row-
land)

No. 454, p. 429, W. 601. da Limet

(Broad) ....
No. 458, p. 433, W. 406. do. Limet

(Walson) ....
No. 461, p. 436, W. 408. do. Limet

(Puddleston)
No. 762, p. 731, W. 737. Faleise's Dimewoldesham

(Minikinland) .
No. 1124, p. 1067, W. 769. Odo's Limet (George)
No. 874, p. 843, W. 784. Goscehn's Nimet (Nat-
son) • . « . •
No. 875, p. 845, W. 786. do. Nimet (Nicoll)
No. 876, p. 845. W. 786. do. Nieutona
No. 862, p. 829, W. 792. Walter's Nimet (Bradde-

ford)

No. 868, p. 831. W. 793. do. Schipebroc

No. 1161, p. 1101, W. 1021. Godbold's Newentone

(Zeal)

Na 1228, p. 1157, W. 1082. Godwin's Limeta

(Ashreignyf)

Leaving as the extent before Cnut's time

h.
8

Acres.

5,128

150

243

5,690

1
1

2
0

0
0

1,926
896

639

809

612

660

430

414

0
1

0
0

2
0

100
1,020

0
0

206
614
109

1
1

0
0

128
207

311

285

15
1,129

8
0

0
2A

20,022
907,665

L,113

2 A k 887,648

296 TEE DBVOXSHIBI "DOMESDAY."

by at least 15 hides, and the additional acreage brought
under the plough since Edgar's time on old estates^ it may
be doubted whether in King Edgar^s time the assessment
and area under cultivation exceeded these figures. The
presumption is, therefore, that when the Christian Saxons
conquered Devon, they gave a tenth part of the conquered
lands to God through the bishop for the use of the poor, the
maintenance of the services and the support of the cleigy in
the county ; and that the subsequent gifts to monasteries
and the foundation of local churches were made for prayers
for the souls of deceased relatives.^

K Nor is this altogether lOere conjecture. It is known
that the heathen Saxons were in the habit of setting aside
one-tenth of their lands for the use of their priests;^ and,
on the other hand, we have documentary evidence of the
Christian Saxons doing so in the case of Cornwall from the
letter of Archbishop Dunstan (a.d. 960 to 988) addressed to
Kino Aedelred [the Unready, a.d. 978 to 1013]. This latter
has been lately published in AnaUcta Oxoniensia, viL 106,
and Mr. Bisk quoted a portion of it for another purpose in
Trans, xxix. 570. It runs :

"This writing the arcbbishop sends to his lord Aedelred the
King. Years ago the West Welch [i.e., the Comishmen] rose
against King Egbert [827 to 836 a.d.]. The King then fared
thither and subdued them [at Hengeston, a.d. 835]. and gave a
tenth of his land to Ood in the way that seemed fit to him. He
fjtave to Sherbom [the see of the West] 3 estates — PoUtun
[Pawton in St Breock], Caellin [Callington], Landivitban [Law-
hitton in Launceston]. And that arrangement held for many
years untU heathen hordes [the Danes or Northmen] overran the
country [a.d. 855] and occnpied it [871-878]. Then there came
another time later on, when the teachers fell away and departed
from Eaffland on account of the unbelief that prevailed [a.d.
901]. and all the kingdom of the West Saxons was for 7 years
without a bishop. Then Formosus [in intention, for he died in
895 before being able to accomplish it, and probably Seigius III.,
A.D. 904 to 911, in execntion of that intention] sent from Rome
and admonished King Edward [the Elder, a.d. 901-925] and
Archbishop Plegmund [a.d. 890-914] to mend this. And they
did so. With the counsel of the Pope and all the witan of the

^ The Church of Bradford on ATon, near Bath, was fonoded in the
7th century by St. £a]dhelni to pray for the aonU of those who fell when
Cenwealh defeated the West Welsh there in A.D. 652.

<* See Dr. H. Lansdell's ''Tithe-girinf( among Ancient Pagan Nations**
in Not., 1897, Session of Royal Victoria Institute. MAiTLAiiD, Domesday^
499: Wbenerer the West l^ons conquer new lands they cede a wide
prorinoe to their bishops.

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 297

English nation they appointed 5 hiahops where there were
formerly 2 [a.d. 909]; one at Wincheater that was Frytheatan;
a second at Kamshury that was Aethelstan ; a third at Sherhom
that was Waerstan ; a fontth at WelJs that was Aethelm ; a fifth
at Crediton that was Eululf. And to him [Eadnlf] were
assigned the 3 estates in [Com] Wales, that they might he
under the authority of the people of Devon, hecause they [the
Comishmen] had formerly heen disohedient without awe of the
West Saxons. And Bishop Eadulf held these lands during his
life [909-934 a.d.]; Bishop Aethelgar [a.d. 934-953; Haddan
and Stuhbe, i. 683 ; hut 1] in like manner. Then it came ahout
that King Aethelstan gave to Conun [H. and S., i. 683 call him
Comoere or Comuyre] the hishopric [of Cornwall at Bodmin,
5 Dec. A.D. 936] as far as the Tamar flowed [t.0., making the
Tamar the houndary]. Later awhile, King Edred [947-955 A.D.]
commanded Daniel to he consecrated [to succeed Cunun ;
H. and S., i. 691, deny that he was Bishop of Cornwall] and gave
the estates &< the witan advised him to the hishopstool of St.
German's. Later again, when King Ead^irar hade me consecrate
Wulfsige [a.d. 966 Bishop of Cornwall] all our hishops said
that they did not know who could possess the estates with greater
right than the hishop of the [Cornish] shire, seeing that he
was loyal, and preached the faith of God aright, and loved
his lord [the King]. If then this hishop does so still, I trow
he is not unworthy of the estates, if God and our lord [the King]
grant them to him. For it does not seem to us that any man can
possess them more rightfully than he. And if any [other] man
take them to himself, may he have them without God's hlessing or
ours."

5. It would, nevertheless, be a great mistake to suppose
that because the bishop in King Edgar's time held one-tenth
of the cultivated lands of the county, therefore the Church
must have had a large rent-roll in Domesday,

A. First, it must be remembered that when these estates
were given to the Church, whether before or after King
Edgar's time, a large portion of them was of little or no
value. At the time when Uplyme was booked to Glaston-
bury, or Beer and Seaton were booked to Horton Abbey, when
Dawlish, Bishop's Teignton, Bishop's Tawton, and Paignton,
which included Stoke Gabriel, were given to the bishop,
when Wembury and Boringdon then called Colebrook were
given to the presbyters of Plymton, all these places were
on the seaboard exposed to the constant ravages of the
Danes. Culmstock, Stoke Canon, and Stoke St. Nectan, as
their names indicate, even Crediton itself (if the recently-
published charter is genuine), were outposts or fortresses

VOL. XXX. u

298 THE DEVONSHIRE "DOMESDAY."

where war and strife with hostile tribes were coostantly
waging. The Saxons seem to have used the Church, as the
French now use their missionaries, as an instrument to
accustom hostile tribes to their dominion. Bucfast, Plym-
stock, Tavistock, as the names imply, were all stockaded
sites of border warfare — of carnage and bloodshed — which,
as being most exposed to hostile incursions, were of least
value to those who held them.

B. Next it must be remembered that what the bishop and
the great monastic churches had in all these large areas in
Domesday times was not so much an ownership as an over-
lordship. It might have been an ownership in the beginning;
but ownership of land without the means of cultivating it is
worthless. Hence bishops, like other great men, were com-
pelled to grant or loan their land to others able and willing
to cultivate it, whether nobles or yeomen, retaining for
themselves a comparatively small portion. ^^ (Maitland,
p. 168.) All that they retained over the rest was in the
case of their own yeomen a direct lordship; in the case of
nobles an overlordship.

C. Again, there seems no reason to suppose that when the
tenth part of the conquered land was given to the Church
it was given on any other footing than were ordinary gifts of
folcland. "It seems to me," says Mr. Kemble (Saxons in
England, i. 298), "that when Christianity was intro-
duced and folcland was granted for the erection and
endowment of a church, the burdens were not always
discharged." As to the extent of these burdens, we may
get some idea from what Mr. Kemble says {ihid, i 293):
"In whatever form the usufruct [of folkland] may have
been granted, it was accompanied by various settled burdens.
(1) In the first place were the inevitable charges from which
no land was ever relieved, viz., military service, in early times
performed in person, and the repair of bridges and fortifica-

^ Bi8ho{>8, like other meD, could only support their slaves by giving them
land on which to maintain themselves, and the Council ot Chelsea, a.d. 816,
Canon 2, decreed that: '* When any bishop passes out of this world, let every
Englishman who has been made a slave to him in his days be set at liberty.
Afterwards let every prelate and abbot ... set at liberty 8 slaves and
give 3 shillings to each one of them." Archbishop Aelfric in his will,
A.D. 1006, in History of the Monastery of Abingdon, i. 417, 419, gave freedom
to all his slaves who had become such during his episcopate. The oft-quoted
passage from King Alfred's Blossom gatherings out of St. Augustine runs:
'* A man hopes that if he has built a cottage on laenland of his lord, with his
lord's help he may be allowed to live there awhile and hunt and fowl and fish
and occupy the Icien as he likes on sea and land, until through his lord's graco
he may perhaps some day obtain it as bocland and perpetual inheritance."

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 299

tions. (2) Besides these there were dues payable to the
King and the gerefa, watch and ward on various occasions,
aid in the royal hunting, convoy of messengers going and
coming on the public service from one royal vill to another,
harbouring of the King, his messengers, and huntsmen. (3)
In addition to these there were heavy payments in kind
which were to be delivered at the royal vills, to each of
which various districts were apparently made appurtenant
for this purpose ; and on which stores so duly delivered the
King and his household in some degree depended for sub-
sistence. These were comprised under the name Cyninges-
feomiy or, fir ma regis J*

" It is therefore permissible to doubt," as Professor Mait-
land observes (p. 237), "whether modern historians have
fully realized the extent of the rights which the King had
over the land of free landowners."

D. Mr. Kemble then goes on to explain (i 301) that
bocland was folcland, which by authority of the King and
witan had been exempted from the two latter of these three
obligations, so that a grant of bocland was not so much a
grant of an estate, as a grant of a franchise or royalty over
an estate. The effect of booking was to liberate the estate
of folcland which the grantee possessed from its folcright
obligations to the King, to give to the holder a perpetual
possession with power of devise, and to place the grantee
in the King's position in regard to the other folcland estates
included in the grant, thus conferring on him in relation to
them a lordship (dominium). For instance, in the Codex
Diplomaticus is a charter (No. 313), bearing date 883,
whereby a certain monastery was freed "from all things
which the monks are still bound to pay to the King's hand
by way of Gyning-feorml* or king's food rent. In another
charter (No. 1084), dated 902 A.D., the gafol or produce rent
which the monastery of Taunton had to pay is mentioned.
In yet another (No. 1088), dated 909 a.d., the gafol reserved
upon 20 hides at Tichbourn, which King Edward the elder
in 901 granted to Denewulf, bishop of Winchester [who
died in 908 A.D.], for three lives, is transferred to the Church
to provide double commons for founder's day. King Edgar's
grant of [Bishop's] Nymet to Aelfhere, a.d. 974 {Trans, viii.
365), runs :

" Wherefore I Eadgar . . . being willing to endow with perpetual
freedom a certain portion of a rural lordship (rurts) under my
jurisdiction, do grant unto Aelfhere my faithful thane 3 homestead-
lands (mwisas) in the place commonly called Nymed [1] that he

u 2

300 THE DEVONSHIBB ''DOMESDAY."

may bold H as a perpetual inheritance ... [2] Moreover the land
is to be free of all secular tribute and royal service excepting only
[3] military service (expediHo) and the repair of bridges and
strongholds."

More explicit is Edward's grant of Dawlish, a.d. 1044
{Trans, xm. 109):

'* Wherefore I Edward have granted to a certain worthy chaplain
of mine Leofric by name a certain rural lordship (ru») in the town-
ship (viUa) which by the inhabitants of the same place is called
DoflisCy to wit 7 homestead lands (manscLs) for his own tillage
[ipsimet ad arandum, probably that he may get his own land
tilled by them, see Trans. xxviiL 376, 377] apon terms [1] that
it shall be ruled all the days of his life without fraud under his
lordship and poioer {dominio atque potestate) ; and [2] after his
days ^ded he shall have the power of bestowing and making it
over to whom he pleases." (Trans, xxvi 157, n. 8.)

Aedelred in his charter to Tavistock Abbey (Oliver, Man,^
p. 94) bestows on it "the privilege of freedom (libertatis)"
which can only mean freedom from the duties usually in-
cumbent on foldand. The charter continues : " Therefore
the said monastery shall be free from every yoke of terrestrial
servitude excepting these three, military service, the repair
of bridges and strongholds." "The land books even of the
earliest period," says Professor Maitland (p. 232), "despite
their language, convey not the ownership of land but, the
term must be allowed us, a superiority over land and free-
men."

E This view of the nature of "booking" lands will
explain the language of another charter (in Codex Diplo-
maiicus^ iv. 3, No. 729) bearing date 1019 a.d., to which Mr.
Davidson has already drawn attention. {Trans, xiiL 120.)
In it Cnut the grantor, after setting forth that " Earl Aedel-
bert had brought to his knowledge how that his reeves in
Devon are imposing the yoke of servitude on the estates of
the Holy Church of God and of His Mother Mary and of
all the Saints which is at Exeter, the pagans having first
destroyed the monastery and burnt the charters of privileges
granted by the Kings of old," continues: "Wherefore I
Cnut . . . grant to Aedelwold abbot and bis brethren and
their successors residing in the said Church house (monads-
terium) with the view of securing to them a perpetual
freedom {libertatem), that the Church house itself with all
the estates granted to it and with all things rightfully
belonging to it, to wit, fields, meadows, pastures, woods.

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 301

chaces (vencUionibtis), and fisheries, shall be free from all
royal and secular burdens both greater and lesser excepting
continual prayers, save only military service and the duty
of repairing bridges."

It is clear that what is here called the yoke of servitude
is the same thing as is mentioned in Aedelred's charter to
Tavistock Abbey, and refers to the two obligations due from
folcland other than the trinoda necessUas. Because the
charters had been burnt the King's reeves had treated the
estates as folcland. Cnut, therefore, " booked ** them afresh.

F. It was indeed only natural that to avoid " the yoke of
servitude " charters should be eagerly sought after by the
Church for lands which it already held by folcright On this
subject Mr. Kemble {Saxons in England, i 306) observes :

'' With respect to ecclesiastical lands we frequently find a loss of
very large estates submitted to in order to secure freedom to what
remained.^^ There are also a few instances in which lands having
descended encumbered with payments, the owners engaged some
powerful noble or ecclesiastic to obtain their freedom, i.e., to
persuade the witan into abolishing the charges. The gratuity
offered to the member whose influence was to carry these ancient
private acts of Parliament is often very considerable. Towards the
closing period of the Anglo-Saxon polity I should imagine that
nearly every acre in England had become bocland,"

The earliest booklands, it is well known, were gifts to the
Church. As Professor Maitland (p. 220) remarks :

''From 600 to 750 a.d. we have some 40 charters booking
]and& With hardly an exception the grantor is a king or an
under^king, while the grantee is a dead saint, a church, a bishop,
an abbot, or a body of monks. If the grantee is a layman, the
gift is made to him in order that he may found a minster. If
this purpose is not expressed it is to be understood. Thus in 674
or thereabouts Wulfhere, King of the Mercians, gives five manses
to his kinsman Berhtferth as a perpetual inheritance. Berhtferth

^ This fact will possibly explain the loss of some Chnroh lands which are
nsoally attributed to other caases. See Trans, ziii. 19. ^1) Some were
surrendered to purchase the lordship over districts in which others were
held. (2) Some were never more than laenlandf land held for so many lives
or a term of years. Kbmblb, i. 311, 813, gives instances. (8) Others were
mortffaged to obtain the means of paying the Danegeld, and then lost through
inability to repay ; for instance, Little Greedy in Newton St Cyres. See
Trans, x. 252. (4) Others again were forfeited because having been granted
for the purpose of churches, i.e., religious houses being established on them,
the conditions were not fulfilled. See Bede's Letter to Archbishop Egbert, { 7,
in Haddan and Stubbs, iil 821 ; Kemble, i. 801. (5) Others again were
exchanged away.

302 THE DKVONSHIRK "DOMESDAY."

18 to have foil power to giTe tkaiii to whom ha pleMM, and we an
not told that he propoees to derote them to pioos oaea. NeTer-
theleee, the King makee the gift ' for the lore of Ahnighty €rod
and of His faithful servant St. Peter.' In other cases the lay-
donee is to hold the land hy Church right or by minster right.
Indeed there does not seem to be a single act of this period which
does not purport upon its face to be in some sort an eccilesiastifla]
act, an act done for the good of the Church."

G. In connection with the enfranchisement of Church
lands by booking, two kings' names are prominently before
the public, those of Ectelw^ (a.d. 836-857), and Aedelstan
(▲.D. 925-940). Devonshire annals and traditions know
nothing of Ectelwulf, but they constantly refer to Aedelstan.
Still Edelwulfs legislation ought not to be passed over
without notice.

It has been ably pointed out by Eemble (Saxofis in
England, iL 481, 485) and by Haddan and Scubbs (Councils^
iii 637) that Ectelwulf s legislation has no reference whatever
to the tithe of increase, as supposed by such ¥rriters as
Selden, Collier, and Hume. StiU less is it the origin of
parochial glebes as Spelman supposed. But to use Eemble's
words (ii. 489) :

" Edelwulf did three distinct things at different times. He first
released from all payments except the inevitable three, a tenth part
of the folclands or unenfranchised lands whether, in the tenancy of
the Church or of his thanes. In this tenth part of the lands . . .
he annihilated the royal rights (regnum), and as the lands receiving
this privilege were secured by charter, the Chronicle can justly say
that the K&g booked them to the honour of God. A second thing
he did, inasmuch as he gave a tenth part of his own private estates
to various thanes or clerical establishments. And lastly, upon
every ten hides of his own land he commanded that one poor man,
whether native bom or stranger^ that is, whether of Wessex or
some other kingdom, should be maintained in food and in
clothing." (See Hook's Lives of the Archbishops, L 288.)

Ethelwulf s legislation can hardly have affected the Church
in this county. First, there is no record of any land having
been " booked *' by him in the county.^^ Next, it is alleged
that Devon was not under the West Saxon bishop before
A.D. 884 ; but the passage relied on to prove even this appears

^ Mr. Daridson in Trans, ix. 218 has shown that the charter of 854,
mentioned by Haddan and Stubbs, i 675, note in Kemblk's Codex Diplom,,
Ko. 272, ii. 54, refers to property in Wilts, not in Deron.

THE "DOMESDAY" CHtJECHES OF DEVON. 303

to refer to the custodianship of the city of Exeter and the
district belonging to it^^ Thirdly, excepting Glastonbury
and Bucfast no one of the great churches which appear a
century later as holding property in the county was then in
existence, and these two refer their booklands to Aedelstan
and Cnut, not to Edelwulf. Thus Glastonbury, the oldest
church in the kingdom, which possessed a single estate, Uply me,
in the extreme east of Devon in King Edgar's time, is said
to hold it by charter from King Aedelstan. (No. 96, Dugdale,
L 50.) Bucfast, which probably also existed in King Alfred's
time, for its estate of Bucfast was never assessed to the geld,^^
claimed Cnut as its benefactor. Bodmin Priory, which, being
in Cornwall, we might have thought was older, claimed
Aedelstan as its founder (Oliver, Mon,, 15), and it is just
possible that he may have "booked" to it Newton St. Petrock
and Hollacombe in this county ^^ which it already possessed,
for its earliest known charter (referred to in a charter of
Henry III.) dates from King Edred's time (a.d. 947 to 955).
To Aedelstan also is referred the foundation of the collegiate
Church of Axminster, but this again is in the extreme east
of the county. The legend that the estate of Priestaller was
given to maintain seven presbyters to celebrate there the
obits of seven earls and the rest who fell in battle against
the Danes, rest^ on no better evidence than the roisters of
Newnham Abbey .^* Unless it refers to the fighting between
King Edward and his cousin Aedelwald the ethelins in
901 a.d. — and that took place in the neighbourhood of
Wimbome — ^it is difficult to make it agree with known
facts. It probably antedates the foundation of the prebendal
church.

A long list of other estates Aedelstan is stated or known
to have "booked" to the Church. The Hundred EoUs of
3 Edward I., a.d. 1274, No. 9, have this entry under
Budleigh :

'> Asser in Habdan and Stubbs, L 675, says: *'Dedit mihi [Aelfrbdus]
Ezanceastre cnm onini parochia quae ad se pertinebat in Saxonia et in
Coranbia.'* Here the mention ot Exeter with all the district belonging
to it seems more probably to refer to a temporal jurisdiction over the city and
the district under obligation to keep it up as a stronghold than to a diocese.

'* Trans, xxvii. 168.

7' Haddan and Stubbs, L 690, confound Hollaoombe in the Hundred of
Blacktorington held by the presbyters of Bodmin in Domesday with Holcombe
in Exminster Hundred, part of the Bishop's Doules in Domesday,

^ The registers say (Oliver, Mon.^ 817) that the battle began '*apud Kalea-
t]rnes downs'* or "al mnnt Seynt Kalyxt en Deransyr" and continued to be
fought as far as Colecroft under Axminster, where the seven warriors were slain.
The estate of Priestaller consists now of 513 acres and forms the endowment
of the prebends of Worthill and Grendall in York Minster.

304 THE DEVONSHIRE "DOMESDAY."

** The manor of Sydebiiy was anciently in the King's lordship
but the dean and chapter now hold and have held it more than 500
[1 300] years by grant of King Aedelstan."

Under Colyton Hundred, No. 12, they say :

'* The dean and chapter of St Peter's Exeter hold the manor of
Brankecombe [i.e., Btanscombe] by gift of King Aedelstan as they
believe but they know not when or by what warranty; and the
aforesaid manor was a lordship of the King belonging to the

crown."

A royal lordship Bronscombe certainly was in King Alfred's
time, for that king left it by will together with Axminster,
Columton, Tiverton, Millburn, Exminster, and Sidbury, then
called Sidworthy, and other estates not in the county, to his
younger son. (Cod Dipl ii. 112, No. 314; v. 130, No. 1067.)

Three charters of Aedelstan are extant dated a.d. 937 and
938; one^ (Cod, Dipl ii. 207, No. 371, and the boundaries,
ibid. iii. 411) by which he booked "six ploughlands \sex
perticas; the word is unusual, but the Dom^day area is
6 ploughlands although the assessment is 1 hide] at
Hrocastoe [Rocky Stoke, now Stoke Canon] to God and St
Mary for the monastery at Exeter" (see Kirby, No. 6);
a second (ibid, ii 209, No. 373, and the boundaries, ibid, iiL
412) by which he booked "5 homestead-lands (cassato8=
hidas) at Culumstoce [Culm Stoke] to God and St. Mary and
St Peter chief of the apostles for the monastery at Exeter";
the third (Hid, ii 204, No. 369, and the boundaries, ibid, iii
411), dated a.d. 937, by which he booked "a small part of
a rural lordship (ruris) to wit one homestead (mansa) at
Toppesham to the monastery of bt. Peter the apostle of
Exeter Church."

According to Mr. Davidson (Trans, xiii. 119) King Aedel-

^ Mr. Davidson (Trans, xiii. 120) savB that there were three monastic
establisbments at Exeter, all within what afterwards became St Peter's
Close. The first according to Godwin (following Hoker) was a house of nuns,
where the Dean's house and, accordins to Risdon, p. 108, the Calendar hay
or Vicar's Close stood in 1615 a.d. The second was a monastery for monks,
supposed to have been founded by King AeSelred, third son of King AeM-
wulf and immediate predecessor of Aelfred the Great, in 868 a.d. The third
was the monastery of S^ Mary and St. Peter for monks of the order of
St. Bennet founded by AeSelstan. It is suggested that the third was only a
refoundation of the second, rendered necessary by the foundation of the new
see at Crediton, and in neither case is monaaterium used to express a society
of cloistered monks living under St Bennel's rule ; but a priorV or society of
secular presbyters who had charge of the spiritual interests of the ci^. It
was not till Loofric's time that Augustiuian canons were substituted at Exeter
for secular priests. For this meaning of the word monaaUrium = glebe-house
or clergy-house, see note 29.

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 305

Stan gave or booked to the Church (%,€,, the religious society
of which Crediton was then the cathedral) Treasurer's Bere,
Monkerton, Ide, and Bedricestan, besides the estates just
named, to wit, Topsham, Culmstock, Stoke Canon, Sidbury,
and Branscombe. But when he speaks of 26 cotlifs, as
having been given by Aedelstan, it is doubtful whether by
cotlif more is meant than a homestead-land or hide, of which
Ide furnished 2, Bedricestan 1, Topsham 1, Culmstock 5,
Stoke Canon 1, Sidbury 3, and Branscombe 5 ; and whether
the gift was not a "booking" of lands already held as
folcland. For the charters, although emanating from King
Aedelstan, who was king 925 to 940, yet purport to grant
Stoke Canon and Culmstock in the year 670 a.d.

H. There is, however, another and a very important reason
why Aedelstan rather than Edelwulf should be looked upon
as the benefactor of the Church in Devon. Prior to the year
909 Devon in theory formed part of the parish of the West
Saxon Bishop of Sherbom, i,e., if it was under any bishop
other than the monastic bishops of Cornwall. In 909 a.d.
it was separated from Sherbom and received a bishop of its
own. This change required a distribution of the property of
the Sherbom see. Apparently Edward the elder was too
much engaged in fighting with a domestic foe to trouble
himself about such a distribution; but no sooner had
Aedelstan established his overlordship in 927 a.d. (Trans.
xii. 118), than he forthwith took the matter in hand and
booked Crediton to Eadulf, a.d. 909 to 934 (Trans, x. 245.)
His charter (in Codex Diplomaiicus,\\. 191, No. 362), dated in
933, sets forth that '* in consideration of 60 pounds of silver
paid him by the venerable Bishop Eadulf [of Crediton, a.d.
909 to 934], he grants such a freedom (libertatem) to the
bishopric (episcopaius) of Crediton Church that it shall be for
ever safe and secure from all secular services, fiscal payments
(Jiscis), greater and lesser taxes (tribtUis), and military
services, to wit, field-faring-dues (expeditianibus scilicet), and
from all other claims save only field-faring (expeditione) and
stronghold maintenance."

Then follow many other charters which have been already
mentioned. The history of the see of Devon may therefore
be said to commence from Aedelstan*s time. Fifty years
later only four churches had property here besides the
bishop and St. Feter^s priory at Exeter, and two of these
were situated in other counties. It is clear, therefore, that
there is no vestige of the parochial system in Edgar's time.
There is hardly any trace of it in Devon in Domesday.

306 THE DEVOXSHIRK "DOMESDAY."

6. One more point to which attention should be drawn in
the Devonahire Domesday is this. Some 11 entries oocnr in
which individnal piesbjters are stated to have held lands in
King Edward's time, and in all bnt three these lands appear in
lay hands after the Conquest These entries are :

(1) Godwin the picsbjtar had held Ghideikia (Xa 318, p.
295) in King Edward'^ time. Ho continned to hold it under the
Eaci of Mortain. To judge bj the sequence Ghiderleia probeblj
laj in HartUnd or Shebbear Hundred, and now forms the glebe
of some roral church. The writer suggests that it is the ^be of
Buckland FiUeigh, some 87 acres in extent, which, local tradition
says, was the gift of King Aedebtan. It now bears the name of
Chiihanger, corrupted into Challenger.

(2) Gode the presbyter had held Bichetone (Abbofs Bickington
No. 1154, p. 1095) in King Edward's time. In Domesday Giroki
the chaplain held it, and through him it passed to Hartland Abbey.
One wonders whether this can have hoea the Gode who redeemed
Hig and Dunna and their offspring from an Exeter citizen in King
Edward's time. (Haddan and Stubbs, L 689.)

(3) Algar the presbyter had held Standone (So. 965, p. 927) in
King Edward's time ; probably the same Algar who in Domemiay
held Brantone in alms. (No. 307, p. 285.) The sequence requires
Standone to be looked for either in Sherwell or in Cliston
Hundred. In Sherwell Hundred Kalph de Pomeray held Brendon
and Ralph de Pomeray also held Standone then. Is it possible
that Standone — »'.&, stony down — ^now forms the glebe of Brendon t
The Domesday area of Standone was 30 acres; the glebe of
Brendon now is 58.

(4) Wigod the presbyter had held Cliste (SatchyiUe alias
Bishop's Clist^ No. 134, p. 124) in King Edward's time. In
Domesday the Bishop of Coutances held it as part of his barony.

(5) Godman the presbyter had held Cloenesberg (Clannaborougb,
No. 457, p. 431).

(6) The same had held Brenfort (Upton Pyne, Na 541, p. 513).

(7) Dode the presbyter had held Otrit (Datton Mill, No. 547,
p. 519) in King Edward's time. In Domesday all three were held
by Baldwin the sherifi^ but Datton ended by being given to
Dunkeswell Abbey.

(8) Abie the presbyter had held Otri (Upottery, No. 1001, p
959).

(9) Likewise Stanlioz (Stanelsthom, No. 1129, p. 1071),

(10) and Honesham (Huntsham, No. 1141, p. 1081) in King
Edward's time. The first-named was in Domesday Ralph de
Pomeray's, the two latter Odo fitz-Gamelin's.

(11) Edward the presbyter had held Redone (East Raddon in
Thorverton, No. 1204, p. 1139). It was WiUiam the Seneschal's
in Domesday.

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 307

If any of these were Church lands in the proper sense of
the term before Domesday ^ the Church was the poorer by the
loss of them, but to the writer it seems far more probable
that they were the inherited lands of English thanes who had
taken orders, and not lands held in free alms.

IIL Some Conclusions from the above Facts.

1. So far the evidence before us seems to show that when
the Christian Saxons first conquered Devon they gave one-
tenth of the conquered lands to God and the saints; that
after Devon had received a separate bishop of its own the
lands in Devon were "booked" to the bishop by King
Aedelstan ; and that at the beginning of King Edgar's reign
a tithe of the assessed lands of the county was held by the
bishop as overlord. The evidence also shows that beginning
with Aedelstan's time a few monastic and prebendal
churches were founded whose primary mission seems to have
been to pray for the souls of the dead. The bishop had the
care of the living, the monks the care of the deceased. These
churches also had estates " booked " to them, and in the time
of Domesday the bishop and the monastic churches between
them had the overlordship of 231 hides, 3 virgates. If ferlings
out of a total of 1,129 hides, 0 virgate, 2^ ferlings in the
county, which included an area of 141,874 out of a total of
907,665 acres.

2. The second conclusion is that the parochial churches of
Devon in Domesday times were few and far between, the list
being as follows :

(1) The Cathedral Church of St. Peter in Exeter of the
Bishop and Canons of St. Mary and St. Peter (Oliver, Mon,^
134), founded in 1050 A.D. (Haddan and Stubbs L 691), with
oratories in Exeter such as St Martin's, consecrated
A.D. 1065, and, it may be presumed, rural oratories at

(a) St. Sid well's, Exeter. {j) St. Michael's, Holcombe,
(6) Clist Honiton. a/ta« East Teignmouth,

{d) Culmstock. existed in 1044 A.D.

{e) Branscomba {Trans, xiii. 114.)

(/) Sidbury. (i) Ide.

(^) Salcombe. (t) St Mary ChurcL

(A) Topsham. (m) Staverton.

(t) DawlisL (n) Ashburton.

{o) Colbrook.

308 THE DEVONSHIRE "DOMESDAY."

The Bishop and Chapter held all these estates; and the
churches existing on all of them, together with Colyton,
which in Domesday belonged to the Crown, and littleham,
next Exmouth, which in Domesday belonged to Horton
Abbey, formed the peculiar of the Chapter in 1288 A.D.

(2) The Church of St. Stephen in Exeter given to the
Bishop by the Conqueror before Domesday (No. 103, p. 99 ;
Oliver, Motl, 134), and ever since held as part of his barony
under the Crown. (Jenkins' Memorials, p. 320.) It is pre*
sumed that the Bishop had also oratories at

(a) Bishop's Tawton ) these being ancient possessions of the
(6) Swymbridge j see. (Trans, xxwiu 170, n. 17.)

(d) Stoke Grabriel, part of the Bishop's Domesday Peintone.

(e) Morchard Bishop, part of the Bishop's Dom>esday Critetone.
(/) Chudleigh, the lordship of the Bishop's Domesday Tantone.
(^) Bishop's Nymton,

all of which belonged to the bishop's peculiar, or were
peculiars of the Precentor and Treasurer by the bishop's
endowment.

(3) The Church of St. Clave in Exeter of the priory
afterwards known as St. Nicolas' Priory, a dependency of
Battle Abbey, founded after 1030 a.d., probably after 1057
A.D. with an oratory at Sherford. (Oliver, 117.)

(4) The prebendal Church of St. Mart in the Castle op
Exeter, founded by Baldwin the Sheriff after the Conquest,
and before 1086 a.d , for 4 prebendaries.

(5) The prebendal Church of the Holy Rood at Crediton,
a peculiar of the bishop founded in 909 a.d. for 18 canons
(Oliver, Mon,, 75), reduced to 12 before 1261 a.d.^« Some
religious house probably existed there previously to 909 a.d.

(6) The prebendal Church of St. John the Baptist at
AxMiNST&R, alleged to have been founded by King Aedelstan
in 927 A.D. for 7 prebendaries. (Oliver, Mon.y p. 317.)

(7) The prebendal Church of St. Peter and St. Paul
AT Plymton of the Canons of . St. Peter {Domesday, No.
29, p. 25. and No. 926, p. 891), founded by King Edgar
in 960 A.D. for 6 canons according to Leland {Trans, xix.
372),^ given by the Conqueror to Bishop Williamfs pre-

^ The prebends of the 12 canons were known ts WolsRro?e, Oarswell,
Poole, Credie, Rudge, Stowford, Pruscombe, Woodland, West Sandford,
Aller, Crosse, Henstell. (Oliver, Mon., 78, 416.)

^ Leland's statement that one of the prebends was Sutton Prior next
Plymouth may explain Robert Bastard's Domesday right to 2 villagers' lands
in the land of St. Peter of Plimton, assuming the liwd to represent Sutton.
(No. 026, p. 801.)

THB "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 309

decessor, William's episcopate being 1107-1138 A.D.] accord-
ing to Henry I/s charter (Oliver, Mon., 134), and by Bishop
William refounded in 1121 a.d. as a Church of Canons
Begular with oratories at
(a) Wembury. (Geldroll, xliii. A. 4.)
(6) Sutton Prior, St. Peter and St Paul's parish of Plymouth.

(8) The prebendal Church of St. Brannoc at Bkaunton,
founded before Domesday (No. 307, p. 285), and given by
the Conqueror to Bishop William's predecessor and the see
of Exeter. (Oliver, Mon,, 134.)

(9) The prebendal Church of St. Mary Magdalen at
South Molton, also founded before Domesday, (No. 306,
p. 285.)

(10) The prebendal Church of St. Nectan at Stoke or
Hartland, founded by Countess Githa in 1061 a.d.

(11) The prebendal Church of St. Mary, Columton, founded
by the Conqueror for 5 Canons holding the 5 prebends of
Upton, Colbrook, Hineland, Weaver, and Ash. (Oliver, Mon.,
113.)

(12) The prebendal Church of St. Mary at Totnes, founded
before Domesday^ with the chapel of St. Peter, and bestowed
by Judhel on the Church of StSergius and Bacchus at Angers.

(13) The priory Church of St. Mary of Modbury, named in
the Geldroll (xlvi. A. 8), part of the Domesday Motbilie (No.
383, p. 361), founded as a dependency of St. Mary's Monastery
of St. Pierre sur Dive for a priest and two monks.^

* See Trans, xxix. 234, n. 17, and E. Windbatt in Trans, xii. 162.

^ Oliveb, Mon,t app. 25, states that the Monastery of St. Peter sur Dive
was fonnded by Lesceline, widow of William Conte d'Eu in 1046 a.d. Its
first abbot was Ninard, who died in 1078, and was succeeded by Fulco. The
cell at Modbnry must have been fonnded by Rainald de Yalletorta, who held
Motbilie in 1086 under the Earl of Mortain, and was endowed with 1 hide
out of the 4 hides at which Modbury was assessed. The endowment consisted
of the glebe adjoining the Church on the north side, and some 400 acres of
land in a detached outlier lying north of the parish called Penkoyt or
Penquit. According to a survey taken 18 Ed. I. in Olivsr, Mon.^ 299,
oertttm houses at Penkoyt were worth . • . . ~ ~ ~
5 free tenants there paid

7 conyentionary tenants paid

Their Mnrices bisyond what they received were worth
52 acrea of land, worth 2d. an acre . . •

8 acres of meadow, each worth lOd.

10 acres of scrub, each worth 3d

A dovecot, worth beyond expenses • . •

A water mill

Pleas and perquisites of court ....

Total 0 65 8

From the same valuation we learn that at that time —
Wheat was worth 6«. a quarter ; barley, Zs, id, ; oats. Is. id, ; a horse,
21s. ; an ox, 8s. ; a sow, 6s. ; a sheep, 9(2. ; a boar or sow, ^d.

0 12

2 6

25 8

[0
[0
[0

8 8]
2 6]
2 6]
12

8 0

2 2

•tlO THX DEVONSHIRE ''DOMESDAY."

(14) The prebendal Church of St. Mabt or Newtoh
Fkurbrs, named in the (JeldroU (xlvL A. 9) part of the
Votnesday Niwetone. (No. 349, p. 329.)

(16) The parochial Chapel on the ancient Crown lordship of
ExMiNSTER, existing before and given after the Conquest to
Battle Abbey.

(16) The parochial Chapel on the ancient Crown lordship
of Ybalmpton, given by the Conqueror to the Chapter of
St. Mary of Old Sarum.

(17) The parochial Chapel on the ancient Crown lordship of
CoLYTON, given by Henry I. to the Bishop and see of Exeter.
(GUver, Motl, 134)

(18) The parochial Chapel on the ancient Crown lordship of

EiNGSKERSWELL.

(19) The parochial Chapel on the royal estate of Woodbxjby,
founded 1057 A.D., given after the Conquest to Battle Abbey.

(20) The parochial Chapel on the royal estate of Pinhob,
founded, perhaps, in 1005 A.D., given after the Conquest to
Battle Abbey.

(21) The parochial Chapel of St. Peter at Barnstaple, be-
stowed by Judhel with the Conqueror's sanction upon the
Cluniac cell of St Martin de Campis in Paris. (Oliver, Motl,
198.)

(22) The monastic Church of Tavistock, founded a.d. 961,
with oratories at the places where it held estates not granted
away in fee-farm, viz.:

(a) Milton Abbot. {e) St. Giles in the Heath.

ih) Brentor alias St. Michael (/) Burrington.

of the Rock. (g) Denbury.

{d) Abbotsham. (t) Plymstock.

(23) The monastic Church of Bqcfast, existing in King
Alfred's time, with, presumably, oratories at the places where
it held estates, viz.:

(a) Petrockstow. {d) Trusham.

(6) Zeal Monachorum. («) Churchstow.

It is also presumed that the following out-county churches
must have had oratories in this county at the places where
they held property, viz;:

(1) At Uplyme, Glastonbury Abbey.

(2) At Beer and Seaton,

(3) At Littleham next Exmouth, y Horton Abbey,

(4) At Abbot's Kerswell,

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 311

(5) At Eevelstoke, the Cathedral of St. Mary, Sanim.^

(6) At Umberleigh, the Convent of the Holy Trinity at

Caen.

(7) At Northam, St. Stephen's Monastery, Caen.

(8) At Ottery St Mary, | The Church of St. Mary of

(9) At Eoridge, Upottery, J Rouen.

(10) At Otterton, )

(11) At St. Michaers, Sidmouth ( The Church of St

(No. 297, p. 273), f Michael's Mount

(12) At Yarticombe, )

(13) At HoUacombe, 1 The Priory Church of

(14) At Newton St Petrock, j Bodmin.

3. The third conclusion is that the national endowment
of the Church given by the Saxon kings was already in-
adequate in the time of Domesday to supply the spiritual
needs of the county. This will be easily seen if we look at
the value of the Church lands in Domesdai/, always remem-
bering that what the bishop and the great monastic churches
held in the areas booked to them was not ownership but
overlordship. Large portions of these areas had never been
in their hands, but were held by military tenants as free-
holders, often for nominal rents {Trans, xxviii. 368), and
never exceeding one-fourth of their estimated value. Other
portions belonged to the villagers, hinds, and cottagers,
without whose services the land would have been worthless
to the lord. If, for example, we glance down the bishop's
list of holdings, we find Domnus holding Newton St Cyres,
and apparently successfully disputing the bishop's claim,
even to any overlordship ;** we find Eobert holding Talaton,

^ AccordiofT to an instrament dated between 1224 and 1244 in Hikoeston-
Randolpb'b BroneseombCf p. 6., the Bishop sanctioned the appropriation
of the Chnrch of Kingsteignton with the Chapelry of Highweek, and also
the Chnrch of Yealmton with the Chapelry of Revelstoke, to the Chapter
of Old Samm in exchange for the Churches of Kenton and West Alvington.
Reyelstoke appears here as the chapel of the Canons of St. Mary serving
the Chnrch of St. Bartholomew at Yealmton. Ibid.t p. 193, settles the
vicarage in 1270.

"* No doubt this was not the only instance. In Codex Dipt. vi. 124,
No. 1287, is a letter addressed by Oswald, Bishop of Worcester, to King
Edgar, reproduced by Maitland, Domesday ^ p. 305, m which he says : ** I am
grateful to yon my lord for all ^our liberality. . . . Therefore I have resolved
to put on record the manner m which I have been g^nting to my faithful
men for the space of 3 lives the lands committed to my charge, so that
• . . . my successors .... may know what to exact from these men according
to the covenant that they have made with me. ... I have written this
document in order that none of them may hereafter endeavour to abjure the
service of the Church. ... If any one attempt to defraud the Church of land
or service, he be deprived of God's blessing." (See Trans, xxix. 237, n. 10.)-

312 THX DKVONSHIU " DOMtSDAT."

Boger holding Knighton, and Baldwin holding Dittdsham
and Slapton. To judge by the Bent Boll of the see in
Stapeldon's time (Reg, p. 24), the bishop derived no revenue
from any of these, but the lord of Slapton had certain
duties to perform and certain perquisites to gain at the
enthronization of the bishop. (Oliver, JAm., 322 ; and K
Windeatt in Trans, xii 155.) We may therefore ignore
these. On all the other estates tog^her, excepting three
small ones, of which the particulars are not given, he had
in his lordship, t.^ , he either occupied himself or by rack-
renting tenants 29} hides and 6,700 acres. Their Ihrnesday
value was £267 5k, or, including the three small estates,
£269 2«. M.

The same with the Glastonbury Abbey estate of Uplyme,
the abbot had in his lordship just one half — 3 hides and 448
acres, and its value was £4.

The 19 hides, Z\ vii^ates and 24,361} acres of the Abbot of
Tavistock's overlordship when they come to be examined show
that liddaton, Thornbury, Northcot and Halfsbury, Baddon,
Bomansleigh, Hountor, and Coffinswell were in the hands of
freeholders, besides large portions of Tavistock and Hather-
leigh. If these are denoted, there remain for the abbot's
lordship 2 hides, 1} virgates, 4,179} acres, and a value £58 10«.

Bucfast Abbey had only 3 hides, 3 virgates, 3^ ferlings and
2,161 acres in its lordship, of a total value of £19 8«. 4^.

Horton Abbey had only 3} virgates and 873} acres in the
lordship, of a total value of £8.

The same with lesser churches, the general results being as
follow :

h. V. t Acres. & •. d,

1 The Bishop (W. 104-126) had 29 2 0 in lordship6,700 value 269 2 6

^ ^^S' ^^^"^"^ ^^: - '^ ^ ^* " ^'^^ '• ®* ^^ *
8 I^^r Churchw (W. 257- ^^ " 8 0 „ 4,406 „ 126 10 0

4 New foiiDdationa on royal

e8Ute8(W.4, 17. 19, 21, „ 8 11} „ 1,330 „ 9 5 0
29, 31, 61. 69, 77)

5 Collegiate Charches founded

hy Barons (W. 440, 479, „ 12 2 „ 1,008 „ 5 15 0

481, 482, 492, 589)

6 Do. by Franlding Knights ^ 0 0 1 200 2 0 0

(W. 980) . . . »» ^ " " '• ^»^^^ '• z u u

7 The out-coanty Priory of „ ^ in a o a a

Bodmin (W. 1072,1081) »» ^ ^ »» _^ »» ^ ^ ^

59 0 0} 22,924 504 10 10

Assume that every £10 would maintain four clergy by
allowing to each one 3^ marks per annum, or £2 10^ This, I

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 313

think, may be safely done, considering that a constitution of
Archbishop Islip in 1362 (Lyndwood,p. 238), some 300 years
later, fixes the stipend of a priest at 5 marks, or 6 marks if
assisting in the cure. Not till 1378 did a constitution of
Archbishop Sudbury (ibid, 240) increase these amounts to
7 and 8 marks respectively ; and in 1439 a constitution of
Archbishop Chichele fixed 12 marks as the stipend to be
allowed to a vicar. If, then, we assume that all clergy were
having a minimum stipend, if we allow nothing for the
bishop, nothing for the abbots and monastic households,
nothing for the maintenance of the fabrics, nothing for the
poor, this amount would only maintain 202 clergy. But
when it is remembered that the whole value of the lesser
churches, £126 10s,, excepting the stipends for twelve vicars,
went out of the kingdom, and was therefore not available ;
that at least one-half of the bishop's income must have been
required for his own household, the twelve canons at Exeter
and eighteen canons at Crediton, whose ministrations did not
extend far beyond their immediate neighbourhood ; that the
income of the four great churches, £89 18s, 4d.f was not
available except for the nineteen churches where they held
property and their own households, we see that the remaining
income, £153 lis. 3d., would only provide support for some
62 clergy, a number altogether inadequate for the spiritual
needs of the county.

4. What has been said as to the insufficiency of the
national endowment of the Church in Devon to supply by
means of the great elective churches the spiritual needs of the
people, leads to yet another conclusion, viz., that the system
of endowing local mass-priests with tithes, which is first met
with here after the Norman Conquest, was introduced to sup-
plement this deficiency. The history of tithes and of the
foundation of donative parochial churches has yet to be
written, and is no part of my present subject. Suffice it to
observe that in this country there is not a trace to be found
of the Eoman fourfold division of tithes. Here tithes were
always deemed to be of two kinds — great tithes and small
tithes. Great tithes, called also predial tithes, which were
estimated to form two-thirds of the whole, are the tithes
of com and grain, and all that grows in the open field, and
were usually called the tithe of the sheaf (decima gerharum).
Their destination was understood to be primarily for the
maintenance of the poor, secondarily for the fabrics and
the services of the Church. Small tithes, called also first
fruits of increase, are the tithes of all that is raised in the

VOL. XXX. X

314 THE DEVONSHIRE "DOMESDAY."

curtilage, such as milk, butter and cheese, garden-herbs, and
the young of cattle. These appear to have been looked npon
as the portion of the clergy ministering locally, and they seem
to have taken the place of that rough-and-ready hospitality
which in thinly-populated countries, where food is plentiful
but other things are scarce, is gladly meted out to wayfarers,
more particularly to wayfarers on a holy errand. Such hos-
pitality would be willingly accorded on their occasional visits
to the clergy, for whom the State had made permanent pro-
vision in the see-church and the monastery, and more readily
to those who were living close at hand. Thus the practice
of what may be called occasional and voluntary tithe-paying
would come in. Here and there a particularly wealthy and
devout lord might make himself answerable to the bishop
permanently to support in his village or castle a mass-priest.
We have two such instances in Domesday, "Walter de
Clavil holds Instow, &c. (No. 860, p. 827). There is one
presbyter and seven hinds and three slaves." At Exminster,
a royal lordship, Eccha the reeve allowed the presbyter the
benefit of 1 ferling of land. In other cases mass-priests
might be dependent upon the good- will of the people.
Although such hospitality can hardly be called, in strictness,
payment of tithes, yet in effect it comes to the same thing.
For what is the difference between maintaining a man and
giving him the means to maintain himself?

In this sense, but only in this sense, can I discover any
trace even of the payment of small tithes in Devon before
the Conquest, and no trace at all of the payment of great
tithes. When tested by facts the endowment of all our
parochial churches with tithes and glebes is found to have
been the work of the Norman conquerors and their descend-
ants, and to have been done by them by way of private
benefaction for purely local purposes and by no means by
way of general endowment. I am well aware that Edgar's
law seems to tell against the view here advocated, and
possibly a very different state of things may have existed
in some of the home counties; but in Devon a tithe of
land seems to have been given from the first in lieu of
tithes. Still there were country mass - priests in many
places;®* for Lanfranc's canon at Winchester, in 1076 A.D.,

^ In the Confessor's time, when Brihtmaer purchased his freedom at
Holoombe [probably at Gorway, anciently Godaway Cross {Trans, xiii. 125)
or Ariet's stone] Leofwine appears to have been presbyter at Whitstone.
When Edwy Beomege's son purchased his freedom at Topsham Kinstan
appears to have been mass-priest there.

THE "DOMESDAY" CHURCHES OF DEVON. 315

i,e., before Domesday, runs: "That no canon have a wife.
That such priests as live in townships and hamlets (casiellis
et vicis) be not forced to dismiss wives if they have them."
This canon shows at least that village priests and hamlet
chaplains were fairly numerous then, and they must have
been supported by those to whom they ministered. This
right to support was their Church right (ecclesia), but it did
not involve payment of tithes except by private arrange-
ment. When we get to the 12th century we find individual
laymen granting the tithes on their estates to monastic
churches and parochial chapels, and the bishop confirming
these grants or appropriations, showing that the tithes of
these estates cannot have been paid to the Church before.
A whole batch of such grants to Tewkesbury Abbey is
named in Trans, xxix. 248, note 16. In Dugdale*s Mon.f
iL 490, we read that Bishop Bartholomew in 1186 gave
permission to Tavistock Abbey to appropriate the tithes
of St. Eustace, Tavistock, Lamerton, Milton Abbot, North
Petherwyn, Hatherleigh, Abbotsham, and St. Michael of the
Sock {alias Brentor), which Pope Coelestine III. confirmed
in 1193 A.D. If Tavistock had enjoyed these tithes before,
what need of the bishop's appropriation of them then ? If
any other church had held them, how comes it that the deeds
of appropriation make no mention of it? It seems clear
from these grants that in the 12th century the payment of
tithes was a new thing, and that the holders of estates be-
stowed the tithes of their estates of their own free will or else
for a consideration upon such churches as they thought fit
In that century, moreover, great tithes as being the patrimony
of the poor (Trans, xxvi. 135, note 6, and 277) were usually
appropriated to monastic churches, it being left to them
to make some provision for the services of religion. But in
the 13th century we find the bishop constantly interposing
to make a proper provision for the local clergy by settlements
of vicarages (ordinatio vicariae). The gifts of tithes therefore,
whether made to monastic or parochial churches, appear thus
to have been as much private endowments as episcopal and
chapter endowments were national. (Trans, xxvi. 136, note 2.)
This question, however, takes us beyond Domesday times,
and however interesting the subject may be, the spread of
the parochial system in Devon forms no part of the history
of the Domesday churches of Devon.

X 2

WEST COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUR

WITH SOME EXAMPLES.

BT J. D. PRICKMAN.
(Read at Honiton, Aagusfe, 1808.)

In dealing with the subject, perhaps it is best to b^n with
ascertaining what wit and humour are. It would, at the first
blush, seem easy enough to do, but on nearer enquiry it
becomes more difficult Let us turn to the dictionary, and
from Stormonth's we find the word "wit" is derived from
the Anglo-Saxon " witan," the Icelandic " vita," to know (the
Anglo-Saxon " wita," a wise man, wit, understanding), and the
meaning there given is power or faculty of knowing ; under-
standing, intellect; the power of associating ideas in a manner
new and unexpected, and so connected as to produce plea-
sant surprise, etc., and a wit is defined as a man who is
capable of so associating ideas, etc. To pursue the matter
further, we find that the ancients held there were five wits
in man : (1) common sense, (2) imagination, (3) phantasy or
fancy, (4) estimation, and (5) memory ; common sense being
defined as the outcome of the whole five, imagination being
the wit or play of the mind, phantasy being imagination
united with judgment, estimation being the power of esti-
mating the absolute, such as time, place, and locality, and
memory being the power of recalling past events. So, too,
the ancients held that the soul of man was compounded
of seven properties, which were under the influence of seven
planets : fire gave animation, the earth gave sense of feeling,
the water gave speech, the air gave taste, the mists gave
sight, flowers gave hearing, and the south wind gave smell-
ing ; so that the seven senses are animation, feeling, speech,
taste, sight, hearing, and smelling, and the expression so
common in the West of England of being frightened out of
one's seven senses is therefore one of ancient origin.

WEST COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUR. 317

Now wit, with its first principle common sense, is the out-
come of all the senses, and has something common to them
all; and we have arrived at the conclusion that there are
seven senses and five wits.

Shakespeare, in Much Ado about Nothing, makes one of
his characters saj, ** Four of his wits went halting off" ; and
Stephen Hawes, in his Pastimes of Pleasure, says :

"There are five wits removine inwardly ;
First, common sense, and then imagination,
Fantasy, and estimation truly —
And memory."

To rightly appreciate the meaning of the word " wit," we
cannot do better than see how it is used. Proverbs are of
most ancient origin, and concerning wit are numerous. The
following are examples :

" The wit of you and the wool of a blue dog will make a good

medley."

''Tis good bojing wit with another man's money.'*

"Wit without wisdom cuts other men's meat and its own

fingers."

Some of our best writers have introduced it in their
writings. Thus in Pope we find :

" True wit is nature to advantage dressed ;
What oft was thought but ne'er so well expressed."

In Shakespeare :

** Brevity is the soul of wit" — HamUL
** I am not only witty in myself, but the cause that wit is in other men.'*

Henry IF.
"A good old man, sir; he will be talking: as they say, 'When the age is
in, the wit is out.' " — Much Ado abotU Nothing.

" Home-keeping youths have ever homely wits."

The Tioo Oentlemen of Verona,

In Boswell's Johnson :

''This man (Chesterfield) I thought had been a lord among
wits, but I find he is only a wit among lords."

John Selden says :

"No man is the wiser for his learning — wit and wisdom are
born with a man."

In Moore :

** Whose wit in the combat, as gentle as bright,
Ne 'er carried a heartstain away on its blade."

In Swift's Writings :

'*Tis an old maxim in the schools
That flattery is the food of fools ;
Yet now and then your men of wit
Will condescend to take a bit."

318 WEST COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUR.

Fuller, in his Book of Natural Fools, says :

" Their heads are sometimes so little that there is no room for
wit ; sometimes so long that there is no wit for so much room."

Lord John Bussell said a proverb was

'* The wisdom of many and the wit of one ; one man's wit and
all men's wisdom."

Another writer has defined wit as "the sense of the
likeness of unlike things."

Sir John Suckling describes a young lady thus :

** She is pretty to walk with,
And witty to talk with,
And pleasant too to thiiik on."

Jane Brereton said, on seeing the picture of Beau Nash
at full length between busts of Sir Isaac Newton and

Mr. xOpe : «« xhe picture placed the busts between,

Adds to the thought much strength ;
Wisdom and wit are little seen,
But folly at full length."

Dryden said :

" Great wits are sure to madness near allied,
And thin partitions do their bounds divide."

Lord Chesterfield said :

** Unlike my subject now shall be my song.
It shall be witty, and it shan't be long."

From these few examples some slight idea may be
obtained as to the different shades of meaning of the word
" wit," and we will proceed to deal with the word " humour."

There appear to be two words "humour," both derived
from the French word " humour," a fluid — ^the one applied
to the body and the other to the turn or temper of the mind,
which perceives and generalizes the peculiarity of persons
or circumstances in a kindly or facetious manner. The
expressions " good humour " and " bad humour " are doubt-
less derived from the old pathology, according to which there
were four principal fluids or humours in the body, namely,
blood, choler, phlegm, and melancholy, the preponderance of
any of which in any person governed the temperament
Thus we have a choleric, a phlegmatic, or a melancholy
person; whereas a person whose blood ran in the ordinary
course with only a modicum of the other humours was a
good-humoured person, or a person with humour; and hence
in course of time the original meaning of the word or its use

WEST COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUR. 319

was lost, and tlie word " humour " came to mean anything
which had the tendency to create amusement.

We find but few instances of the use of the word in the
old writings, but these will illustrate the original meaning
and the gradual alterations which have taken place in
respect of it.

Pope said:

'* Manners with fortune's humours turn with climes.
Tenets with books and principles with times."

Ben Jonson wrote a play entitled Every Man out of his
Humour,

In Shakespeare we find :

"The humour of it!
Was ever woman in this humour woo'd ?
Was ever woman in this humour won ? " ;

and in As You Like It :

" It is a melancholy of mine own, which wraps me in a most humorous
sadness."

So much for our attempt to get at the meaning of '* wit
and humour," and the attempt reminds us of an amusing
anecdote told as having occurred at a meeting of clergymen.
The story goes that a discussion arose as to what an arch-
deacon was. Various definitions were given — ^''The eye of
the bishop," "The ear of the bishop," etc.; but the one
generally accepted as the most correct and sound was, '' One
who performs archidiaconal functions." So probably we
should be more correct and more generally understood if
we defined " wit " as ** something witty " and " humour " as
"something humorous"; but both differ from satire, which
has been defined as the sword of wit. It is clear they are
nearly allied, but differing largely. Wit, as we know it, is
something active — the French "j'eu d'esprit," a fire or
sparkle of the mind, some repartee answer or description
which tickles the imagination or fancy, whereas humour
may be or exist in something not at all intended to be
amusing or witty ; in fact, more often than not it is some-
thing serious said or done, or a solemn statement or action;
the very seriousness or earnestness of the person saying
or doing it is the cause of humour or amusement to
others.

So much for wit and humour generally. To deal with the
more immediate subject of this paper — that of the West
country in particular. It cannot be said that in the West
country we are distinguished by any particular gift of

320 WEST COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUK.

repartee or epigram such as is found in Ireland, nor have
we anything which is equal to the dry natural humour of
the Scotch, but at the same time we have wit and humour
of our own which have their distinctive characteristics. There
is not the play of the imagination which is always associated
with the French and Irish, but there is a phantasy or fancy
which is unequalled — a curious, quaint way of putting things,
not arising from ignorance or want of knowledge, as some
might suppose, but really from the quality of the mind or
fancy which, as before referred to in our original definition
of wit, is best described as *' the power of associating ideas
in a manner new and unexpected, and so connected as to
produce a pleasant surprise." No better illustration of
what is meant can be given than the story known as the
** R.S.V.P." story, which is actually of West country origin,
and founded on fact, the history of which is as follows :

In the year 1890 a dinner was given at Okehampton by
the writer, then Mayor, to the Town Councillors and others,
the invitation card being in the ordinary form and having
the letters "R.S.V.P." on it. Shortly after the cards had
been sent out two of the recipients met and discussed what
the letters meant. One of them, with the element of fancy
which is a necessary ingredient of wit, said he expected it
was a sort of intimation of what they were going to have —
**a bill of fare like" — most likely meaning "Rump steak,
vegetables, and pudding." The other, not to be outdone,
says, "Oh! if that 's what it stands for, I reckon, as it 's about
Christmas time, they stand for 'Eump steak and viggey
pudden '."

The story was sent to Punch, where it was shortly after
reproduced as a conversation between a page-boy and the
housemaid, who came to the conclusion that their master
was asked to partake of rump steak and veal pie. A very
amusing discussion is related to have taken place between
a lady and her husband in connection with an invitation to
them on the same point. The husband suggested it meant,
"Remember seven very punctually." But madam would
not agree. "Why, John, it can't be that," says she; "it
might as well be six." Many other versions have been
given, such as, "Rub your shoes very particularly," "A
regular social visit party," and so on; but none will be
more appreciated in the West country than the original
"Rump steak and viggey pudden\" Now it must not
for a moment be supposed that the persons who gave
that definition thought that the letters actually stood for

WEST COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUK, 321

those words. It is more than probable they did not
know what they meant ; but it was the quaint turn of their
fancy or play of their mind which caused them to give the
meaning in *'a manner new and unexpected." Then, too,
the following story gives a further illustration of what is
meant. It occurred in a small town about fifteen miles from
Exeter, no longer ago than the time of the Abyssinian War.
The schoolmaster of the little place, a veritable pedagogue
of the old school, nigh seventy years of age — short, fat, and
stumpy — whose quedifications were the three E's only —
reading, 'riting, and 'rithmetic — which he taught thoroughly.
I knew him well — the race is, however, extinct — Board
schools have taken the place of the old viUage schools,
and masters are possessed of higher qualifications in
examination ; but whether they teach any more real
practical good than the old masters has even yet, after so
many years, to be found out.

Well, the master was a complete type of his class — was
a great authority in the village, made wills, and was
consulted generally by all persons whenever they were
in doubt or difficulty. There was an old lady there also,
who had a son in the army ; he was with General Sir Eobert
Napier, afterwards Lord Napier of Magdala, at the final
engagement when King Theodore's stronghold was stormed
and destroyed. The son often wrote home to his mother,
who was illiterate, and who got either the rector's daughter
or the old schoolmaster to read the letters to her. Shortly
after the final engagement with King Theodore she had
received one of the periodical letters, and had been to our
old friend the schoolmaster to have it read and interpreted
to her. A few days after the old woman, meeting the
rector*s daughter, tells her all about the letter, and what was
told the rector's daughter is the foundation of this story,
which I will give as nearly as I can in the old lady's own
words :

" Oh yes, mum, I 've had the beautifuUest letter you ever
did hear from my son Jim. Jim, you know, mum, had been to
schule, and is brave and smart. Oh, a brave thing is edication ;
't was all avore my time, you know, mum. I couldn't read
'en at all, nor couldn't mak'en out quite, when Master

read 'en too me. A learned man is Mr. B , mum. I

don't know whatever us poor folk would do if it wasn't for
the likes of he. When the man from the post-office brought
the letter I was all to a flitter like, and I took 'en right up to
wance to Master, and told 'en of it, and axed 'en if he

322 WEST COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUE.

would be 80 kind as to read 'en to me. So he up and siud
in a minute, ' Of course I will, Betty ' ; and then he sot
down in a chair, tooked out bis glasses — they beaatifal
siller ones, I've heard his father used to wear — and iv^hen
I was a-standing by 'en, respectful like, he said, ' Sit down,
Betty,' so homely like that I sot down so comfortable as if I
was in my own 'ouse by my own kitchen fire ; and then he
putched a-reading. Oh, 'twas beautiful; 'twas just like
Jim a-speaking to me, tho' he was thousands and millions
o' miles away. ' My dear mother,' he said — I can mind the
very words — ' I hopes this wiU find you as it leaves me all
well too present.' Oh, 'twas beautiful. Then he said ail
they was a-doing — how they was a-making roads, and how
'twas that dry and dusty and he was that thirsty he
should like to ha' had a drop of Kirton cider that 'e used
to have when he was to home; 'twas that natural, for he
was main cruel fond of a drop of cider, and I think 'twas
that made 'en a listee for a soojer to first ; but 't was beau-
tiful to hear what he'd a wrote, and the wonders 'e had
a dude and seed. He said as how they had a tooked the
king and his sons prisoners, and then he said something I
couldn't sense about storming the forteyfications — I couldn't
sense that You see, my son was a bit of a scholard, as I
told 'ee afore, so I axed Master what 'twas. He didn't
hear me for a time or two — *e's a bit deeve sometimes, as
you do know, mum — so I axed agen, and as soon as he heard
he told me in a minute — a brave learned man is Master;
but, lor, I 'm a pore lone sole, and I couldn't tell what 't was
after he 'd a tole me. What did he tell me ? Lor, bless 'ee,
I canst hardly tell, 'cause he put the letter down 'pon the
table, and turned to me with his siller spectallers, a-looking
through me almost. 'Well,' said he, ''tis right, Betsy, you
should ax these things of me when you don't understand
'em, and I '11 explain to 'ee. You see, Betsy, it taketh a bit
of a scholard to understand these things, and it may be after
I 've explained it too 'ee you '11 hardly car' it home.' And
he was right, I didn't. Then he said how proud he was
of my son; how he'd a taught 'en when a boy, and how
he 'd a profited by it. Oh, 't was cruel good words for me, a
pore lone widdie. *0h, 'twas fortification,' said he, 'you
want to know the meaning of. Well, you see, Betsy, 'tis
fortification ' ; and he tooked up the letter again and spelled
'en thro' ; then a turned to me, and said, ' Look 'ere, Betsy,
't is like this you know ; forty,' said he, ' is twice twenty, and
twice twenty is forty, as you do know. Now fortification

WEST COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUK. 323

is twice twenty fication, and twice twenty fication is fortifi-
cation ' ; and then he axed as how he 'd made it clear to me,
and tho' I could not say exactly as how he had, I didn't like
to ax 'en any more, tho* he always saith, 'Nothing's no
trouble, Betsy' — a cruel kindly, learned man, mum, is
Master, and me only a pore lone sole — a wonderful thing
is edication."

The following story of a West country auctioneer of
considerable fame is distinctly amusing. He was selling
some cottage furniture, when a too-curious purchaser pointed
out that the legs of one of the chairs were cracked.
** Cracked?" said he; " cracked? Of course he is; why that's
the very booty of 'en; if 'e wasn't cracked he wouldn't be
half so valuabla Why, 'twas only last week when some
lord chap came down from Lunnon to a sale I had, and
he wouldn't buy no chiney at all unless 't was cracked ; more
't was cracked the more 'e bid for it. 'T is the same wey the
chairs now ; all of 'ee do as the Lunnon chap did — the more
they'm cracked the more they'm worth. Do the same as
he did, bid the more for 'em, and you can't be wrong."

Within the last month, at a large property sale in the North
of Devon, the auctioneer was selling a shop in the village
and the post-office; after describing the situation and the
dimensions of the premises, he went on to say that "the
splendid business of the post-office is carried on there, and
attached thereto is that 'pleasing diversion' — a village
grocer's shop of the most flourishing kind." The grocer's
shop being a pleasing diversion is really lovely.

On a Bank Holiday on the North Cornish line two very
humorous sayings were heard. A lot of young lads were in
a carriage — probably it was some choir outing. One of the
lads with very red hair was half leaning and half hanging
out of the window, with his red hair blowing about, watching
a train approach on the other line, when one of his com-
panions, evidently more familiar with horses and their
peculiarities than with trains, said in the broadest Cornish
dialect: "Dra back thee old head, Bill, dra back; thee '11
make the old train shy if thee doesn't" Then there was
a carriage hired or engaged by a party and reserved to them.
At one of the stations was an old woman, a quaint old-world
woman with one of the old-fashioned whalebone umbrellas —
none of your fairy new-fangled, steel-framed ones which fold
into nothing, but one such as belonged to the old lady who
upon opening it on some occasion was overwhelmed with
packages tumbling out. " Lord a massy me if there isn't all

324 WEST COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUR,

the tea, the sugar, and the cakes I bought last Winkleigh
revel and thought the picksies had a stold." Well, the! old
lady at the station had just another such an umbrella as this,
and was altogether quite a delightful old lady ; and she was
walking up the platform looking out for a seat for herself
and came to the reserved compartment, and in an inimitable
manner planted down her umbrella, studied the placard
pasted on the glass of the window, and burst out, "An
preserved," hitched up her dress, took up her umbrella, and
marched along.

A tale of the old coaching days is worth repeating, though
its truth cannot be vouched for. The story goes, there had
been a terrible accident, an overturn -collision and a general
smash -up. A man is engaged in rescuing the injured
passengers from the debris, and has become haixiened.
•'Whose legs be these?" said he, when a little shrill,
piping voice from the bottom of the wreck squeaks out:
•'If 'tis a little crinkley, crankley pair with white stock-
ings on and elastic boots with tabs on the top of 'em, 'tis
mine."

The sarcasm of an old woman who hailed from the
neighbourhood of Woodbury, and who had a son in the
regular army, when the volunteers had their manoeuvres in
her district, was lovely. " Call that fighting ! " said she ;
"call that fighting! call that war! I should like men to
see what 'tis like where my son is, where 'e's a-fighting;
'tis proper war, 'tis. Why, bullets is falling like rain, and
men*s bones is crackling like hail upon glass — that 's proper
war that is, 'tain't no make believes like this."

But nothing illustrates what was said as to humour more
than a story which used to be told by a gallant colonel of the
yeomanry, now, alas ! " gone to the majority," who d propos of
a review on Woodbury Common used to tell the following :

They were having a sham -fight, and the roads and paths
were guarded by sentries in truly military fashion. The
attacking force were storming the hill, and a small detach-
ment came across a sentry with whom at home they were
well acquainted. The sergeant of the attacking party says,
"HuUoa, BiU, you'm our prisoner"; but Bill says, "No I
bain*t, danged if I be," put up his carbine to his shoulder,
and much to the surprise and horror of the party it goes
off, and, though only loaded with blank cartridge, it is so
close that the sergeant is seriously damaged and has to
be taken to the hospital. Next morning, after the matter
has been reported to the colonel, he has the unfortunate

WEST COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUR, 325

sentry up to explain bis conduct, and after lecturing him on
the enormity of his offence and the serious damage to the
sergeant, which has probably disfigured him for life, he asks
him what he has to say for himself in explanation of the
matter. The sentry's answer, as he shuffled his feet and
scratched his head, is intensely humorous : ** Beggar th' ole
gun,'' said he, " beggaration tak'en ; when her 's wanted to go
*er never will go, and when 'er isn't wanted to go her always
due." The story is said to have moved the War Office to
that degree that shortly afterwards the gallant yeomen had
a more dependable weapon served out to them.

We all know that policemen are named "Bobbies" and
" Peelers " after the late Sir Eobert Peel, who reconstructed
the police system, although ''peeler" was an old word
meaning plunderer, and old Highland towers were called
" peels " long before that. We know too that the sobriquet
** Tommy Atkins " of soldiers arose from the fact that those
words or names were used in the soldiers' enlistment book
giving the specimens or precedent for filling them up; but
we cannot say why the inhabitants of Bradford, near Hols-
worthy, are called " horniwinks " or " peewits " or *' lapwings,"
although we know it is so, and that the taunt of being a
" Bradford horniwink " is a very dire insult.

The following lines give the sobriquet to the various
North Devon parishes, but the origin and application are
lost:

** DoltoQ ducks and Dolland geese,
Iddesleigh rats and Monkoketon mice,
Hatberleigb rumps, Meeth poor stumps,
And Padstow full of leese."

" More squeak than wool " is an old English saying, the
West country version of which is, " More cry than wool, as
the man said when he shaved his pig at Christmas." Another
old English saying is, " On Michaelmas day the Devil put
his foot on blackberries"; the Devonshire version being,
** The Devil put his foot upon blackberries as he went home
from Barnstaple fair," the fair being held about the middle of
September. The real explanation or meaning, being that
blackberries are not very good after the frosty mornings
have touched the fruit and rendered some of the globules
discoloured.

A curious saying is given in Eisdon's Devonshire as to the
weather :

«* When Haldon hath a Hatt
Let Kenton beware a squatt"

326 WEST COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUR.

The motto of an old West country gentleman, now over
eighty but still as active as a boy, is worth remembering :

" If I eat too much I 'm never the better,
If I eat too little I 'm none the worse for it"

The Church has always been associated with wit and
learning. Perhaps the most elegant epitaph in the country
is at Lew Trenchard, to a member of the Baring-Gould
family, on a bronze or copper sheet :

** Death darts at all and spares not Maigaret
Altho' a pearl in Gould most nicely set."

The association of Margaret meaning a pearl and the gold
setting is very pretty.

Bisdon gives a curious epitaph which formerly existed in
a chapel of the ancient church of Tiverton to the memory of
Edward Courtenay and his Countess.

" Hoe, Hoe, who lives here ?
'T is I the good Earl of Devonshire ;
With Kate my wife to roe fnll dear,
We Ve lived together fifty-five years.
That we spent we had,
That we left we loste,
That we gave we have."

A good story is told of the Bev. — Burges, the rector of
Winterbourne, near Bristol, and Bishop Wilberforce. The
bishop complained of the rector's hunting; the rector re-
torted by sayiug that hunting was no worse than dancing,
and that he had noticed his lordship attended Her Majesty's
State balls. The bishop excused himself by saying that he
was never in the same room with the dancers. "No more
am I, my lord, ever in the same field with the fox," was the
reply. The story is not so well known as the one told of the
same bishop, who complained of a young rector driving
tandem, and who retorted that his lordship drove a pair, and
he didn't see why he should not also ; to which his lordship
explained the difference lay in the situation of the horses, and
illustrating it with his hands, placing them together in a
devotional attitude as being right and proper for a clergyman,
and then placing them one after the other as tandem-horses,
being the reverse.

The late Treasurer Hawker had the following lines over
the door of his house :

*' A glebe, a house, a pound a day,
A pleasant place to watch and pray :
Be true to cnurch, be kind to poor.
Oh minister for evermore.*'

WEST COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUR. 327

There is an excellent story told of a West country church
where it was the custom (once pretty general) for the clerk
to read out the notices. The story goes that the clerk had
been directed in writing by the rector to let the congregation
know that on the following Sunday there would be no
service, as the rector was going to help a neighbour, and he
horrified the congregation by saying, " Next Sunday want be
no Sunday, as our parson's going a-fishing [officiating] in
Drewsteignton parish."

A West country story is told of a high church dignitary,
now living, who went to a country parish to investigate a
complaint which had been sent him by some aggrieved
parishioner. After making due inquiry, it is said he found
there was nothing in it, and that at the most it was only a
case of a little too much zeal on the part of the rector's
daughter. The story goes that he lunched at the rectory,
and afterwards administered a little reproof to the young lady
by calling her aside and in a playful way pointing out that
the most important personage in a parish was often the
clergyman. " He," said he, " I will call the rector ; the next
most important,*' continued he, " is his wife. I will call her
the director. The next most important is often their
daughter, and sometimes I must call her Miss-director."

An old toast used to be common at country dinners :

" Here 's to those that we love ; here 's to those that love us ;
here '0 to those that love them that love those that love them that
love those that love us."

Another common one in the neighbourhood of Plymouth
was, I am told, after the Battle of Waterloo :

"Here's to the blue — the true blue — the Prussian blue — who
together licked Bony blue."

The Prussian blue alluded to the blue uniform of the
Prussian army, which came up so opportunely on that
memorable day of June 18th, 1815.

A chaplain was asked to give a toast at a festive regimental
dinner. " Alas and alack-a-day, what toast can I give you ? "
was the simple-minded man's exclamation. " We could wish
for no better," was the general shout. And "Alas and a lack
(of rupees) a day " was drunk with three times three.

A lawyer proposed the toast of the ladies as follows :

" Fee simple, a simple fee, and all the fees in tail.
Are nothlDg when compared to thee, thou best of fees— fe-male."

At a convivial dinner in the West country, d propos of

328 WEST COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUR.

names, the following good jokes are tol(L Fun was being
made of the names of some of those present, when a gentle-
man of the name of Dunlop said, '' Well, there is one thing,
no one can make a joke of my name." " Nonsense,** was the
witty rejoinder, " you 've only to lop oflF the last syllable, and
then it is done."

A Mr. Woodcock and a Mr. Fuller were shooting in Lydford
Woods in Devon back in the fifties, when a brown owl rose
and was mistaken by the former sportsman for a woodcock
— a not very unpardonable mistake. His friend twitted him
with it, however, saying at last, " Yes, an owl is very like
a woodcock, isn't he ? " " Yes," was the reply, " he is, but
he 's fuller in the head, fuller in the body, and fuller alto-
gether."

At a large country house the coming-of-age had been daly
celebrated by a general invitation to lunch, to which all the
country people, as well as the local gentry, were invited, and
at which the fun was fast and furious. There was a good
story told of an old countryman being served with a glass of
liquor — maraschino, or something of that sort. On being
supplied by the waiter with a small glass, he sniffed it
suspiciously at first, tasted it again, and then in a very
audible tone said, *' Hie, here, tender, bring I a little of that
'ere trade in a mug." After the function was over a clergy-
man, meeting one of his parishioners who had been there,
asked him how he had enjoyed himself. " First class," says
he; "'twas bravo and tine, but lor, I didn't know that
*laurating' was good to eat (meaning the garnishing) till
Squire gee'd it to us. I ate two sprigs and a blossom, but
lor, 't was so bitter as the very gall ; ees, and that there rid
pepper, too, scald my mouth most dredfulL"

A propos of shrewd remarks by old-fashioned countrymen,
the following story is told of one who kept a small shop
in a country village. He was waited upon by a very up-to-
date looking young man, very smartly dressed, with a great
gold chain and rings, who entered his shop with a very

familiar ** Good-morning, Mr. ." The old man neither

approved of his appearance nor his manner. "Who be
you ? " was the somewhat brusque reply. " Oh, I am Mr. So-
and-so. Don't you remember me? I represent So-and-so
(mentioning the firm for whom he travelled). I used to live
down here. Don't you remember me ? " " Oh, baint you Bill
So-and-so's son, be 'ee?" "My father was Mr. William
So-and-so," is the dignified response. There is a silence
for some seconds, the old man running him up and down in

WEST COUNTRY WIT AND HUMOUR. 329

the meantime; then with .half a leer breaks out, "Vouched
fore a bit, aint 'ee?" The expression will be appreciated by
lovers of Devonshire. It is not, You have got on, or that
success is assured, but rather the idea of pushing forward
only with an effort, half slipping and half pushing, main-
taining the position with difficulty.

One of the funniest things on record occurred at a prize
distribution at a small village, when on a hot summer
evening tiny children were assembled to have the prizes
they had won during the previous term distributed.

There were numerous local magnates, and various
addresses, all more or less ponderous, pointing out the ad-
vantages and blessings of education, and on other well-worn
themes. A well-known local man, who was alnjost as tired
as the children, was called upon for a few remarks. He
summed up the situation, brought down the house, and
delighted the children by saying, "Tis a hot evening, and
you 've heard speeches and got your prizes ; all I shall say
to 'ee is, be good childem and don't 'ee michey."

The answer of the West country schoolboy at North
Tawtou is worth noticing. When asked to give the meaning
of the word '' skull," none of the class could answer ; until
at last a bright little boy, the son of a butcher, said, " I
know, sur — a man's head, sur, with the meat of 'en off."

An excellent story is told by a West country landowner of
a doubtful compliment paid by a tenant of his to his wife.
The squire was going over the farm one day, and was
immensely struck with the splendid pigs the farmer had.
*• Ees," said the farmer, " they be a brave line lot of pigs.
Missis, her's a cruel handy 'ooman for pigs" — the "missis"
being then engaged in feeding them with skirts tucked up
far above her ankles with two great buckets, one on either
side of a big hoop which went round her skirt and kept the
buckets at a distance from her skirts. She was tramping
through the deep muck and mud of the yard. Seeing the
squire had noticed his wife the farmer continued, "Ees,
Missis is a rare 'ooman for pigs." Then drawing his arm
across his mouth he continued, ''Ees, 'er's a rare 'ooman
for pigs. Ees, you must have a bastely 'ooman for pigs too."

A curious West country story is told of a farm lad who
had left his place, and was making an application for
another.

On being interviewed by the intended employer, he was
asked the reason why he left his last place, and the story
goes his explanation was as follows :

VOL. XXX. Y

S;'0 WBST COUNTRY WIT AND HUMODR.

'^ \VhT» aur, it was just like this. Last Friday three weeks
v\i: ^H«h\ Us farm chaps had to eat pig; 'twas pork for
(^»\^ktW(t, pork for dinner, and pork for sapper till 'e was
A ttu\»luH). Then sheep died, and ns had to eat 'e too, and
^« kmU to eat mutton morning, noon, and night; nothing to
s^\ but mutton till 'er was finished. Then poor missis, her
v(uhI I was always cruel fond of poor missis — so then I
uuiuml away."

A l>artmoor story is told as follows. A man came in from
otl the Moor to his master. ''Please, sur, there's a man
»out over' got in. Will 'ee come out to *en? He*s bogged
lim vish." " Oh ! Is he in deep ? " " He 's in middaling — he
might be worse, but he is a bit bad." ''How deep is he
ill?*' "Ob, he's middaling deep — he's up to his ankles."
•♦Oh, that aint very bad." "No, I told 'ee he was only
middaling bad, but head of 'en downward."

The few anecdotes given, I believe, are purely West country
ones, and illustrate what may be considered as the general
nature and peculiarity of the wit and humour which
prevail

In presenting the paper, however, I feel an apology for
its meagreness and insufficiency is due; but as one of the
objects of this Society is the encouragement of literature
in every form, and Devonshire literature in particular,
I hope that will be thought a sufficient excuse for its
appearance; and if it should be the means of a laiger
collection being made of these characteristic anecdotes and
stories for which Devonshire and the West country generally
have become so well known, the object for which it has been
written will be attained.

A FORGOTTEN PAGE OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL

HISTORY OF SEATOK

BY MBS. PBANCBS B. TROUP.
(RMd at Honiton, Angost, 1898.)

Thkre is a period of more than a half-century in the
ecclesiastical history of Seaton which has been left blank
by such historians as the little town possesses. It is a
somewhat curious episode that took place at that time, and
the very fact that the advowson was in the possession of
people outside of the county may help to explain this
silence of writers on the history of Devon. The advowson
had been owned by members of the Tonge family ; it passed
out of their hands, as I am about to relate, and afterwards
returned to them again. What, then, is more natural than
to assume that it had remained in their hands during the
interval, especially as those were troublous times, when
records disappeared or were not carefully made ? Yet in the
neighbouring county of Dorset, in the Borough Archives of
Dorchester, there are a number of documents that throw a
flood of light upon the course of events, and which with
information gleaned from various sources help us to fill the
hiatus.

Many years ago Dr. Oliver published a sketch of Seaton
and Beer, being part of his notes towards an Ecclesiastical
History of the County. In this he gives a list of vicars,
which has been copied by Pulman in his Book of the Axe
with such exactitude that he repeats an error into which
Dr. Oliver had fallen.

After giving the value of the living, glebe, &c., from
Henry VIII/s Taxatio, Dr. Oliver continues the list of vicars,
thus : —

" John or Richard ChAndey^ alias Austen, vras admitted on the
28th of September, 1558, on the presentation of John Willoughby,

Y 2

332 THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SEATON.

who had recently purchased the right of John Frye, of Yartj,
the grantee of the Crown.

" Thomas MycheU, on the 1 7th of July, 1 560. Patroness : Agnes
WiUonghhy, relict of John Willonghhy.

*^ Thomas Phillips^ who signed the Terrier in 1601, when he
descrihes *John Yonge, of Culliton, as Patron.' On whose
death

'*John Pai/nfer, on the 26th of May, 1612. Patron: John

Tonge, Esq.

" Edward Serle, On whose death

" William Oke, on the 7th of July, 1664. Patron : Sir Walter
Yonge, who was created haronet on the 26th of September, 1661.
This vicar signed the Terrier on the 15th of March, 1679, and
resigned within three years later."

It is my purpose to describe the transference of the
advowson to other hands, and to supply the names of
three other incumbents, with a brief sketch of each, whose
names should appear between Paynter and Searle. There
were in all probability two other incumbents whose names
have not yet been recovered.

In order to make this forgotten page clearly understood, it
will be necessary to give a short account of some of the
preceding events.

When the Domesday book was compiled the manor of
Fleet, the ancient name for Seaton and Beer, belonged to
the Church of Horton, Dorset This priory was annexed
in 1122 to Sherborne Abbey. After the suppression of the
monasteries Henry VIII., it is said, granted this parish with
others to Catherine Parr as dowry when he married her
on 12 June, 1543. But shortly after we find that he
granted the reversion of the manor and the rectory to
John Fry, of Gray's Inn. There is an entry in the Originalia
EoUs, dated 10 August, 1656, of which the following is an
abstract : —

"For the sum of £456 7s, Id, paid into the Augmentation
Court, the King has granted to John Fry, of Gray's Inn ... the
manors of Maynbow [in Buckfastleighj. Also all the Manor
of Seaton, in the county of Devon, with all its rights, members,
and appurtenances, formerly belonging to the Abbey of Shirbome,
in the county of Dorset^ now dissolved. Also all the rectory and
church of Seaton, otherwise called Beare, in the county of Devon,
with all its rights, &c., formerly belonging to the Monastery of
Shirbome. Also the advowson of the church of Seaton or Beare ;
also all the messuages, &c, &c."

THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SEATON. 333

The clear annual value of the manor of Seaton is here
given as £23 2s. O^rf. It, with Maynhow, was to be held of
the king in capite, by the service of the 40th part of a
knight's fee. The annual rent of Seaton was 32/2| and the
rectory of Seaton 14/-.

It would, however, appear that Fry had been holding this
property for several months already. The document above
quoted states that he is to have the rents and profits from
Lady-day last past, and there is also in the Augmentation
Office another document, dated 7 July, 1546, in which
John Fry is styled "grantee," and it is explained that the
parsonage of Beare is most usually called and known by
the name of the parsonage of Seton; " now it is to be entered
as the parsonage of Beare at did Seaton."

Beer itself was alienated to the Hassards in 1556-57, and
about the same time Seaton was sold by John Fry, then
of Wycroft, near Axminster, to John Willoughby. On
28 September, 1558, Willoughby presented John or Richard
Gumley to the living, and in 1560 Thomas Mychell was
presented by Agnes Willoughby, widow, who was the
daughter of William Fry of Yarty, and formerly widow
of Hugh Culme.

Five years later (1565) Thomas Phillips paid the first-
fruits of the rectory, and in the Terrier, signed by him in
1601, he describes "John Yonge of Culliton" as patron; so
it must have been between the years 1560 and 1601 that the
advowsbn passed to the Yonge family. In a document dated
1631, at Dorchester, it is stated that " the Parsonage of
Seaton and Beare had been bought of John Fry," with certain
conditions in favour of Fry's wife and son, and that Mr.
Walter Yonge and his son. Sir John Yonge, " in the late
tymes bought of the Mann' &c. . . . the said parsonage."
This Walter Yonge was the author of the well-known Diary,
who died in 1649 ; his eldest son John was born in 1603,
and knighted in 1625. There is evidently a slight mistake
in the previous statement, as John Yonge, according to the
Terrier, was patron in 1601, two years before his grandson's
birth. But there is a further statement made in the
Trevelyan Papers^ to the effect that John Fry sold the
manor of Seaton, ** together with the Eectory of Seaton and
Beer," in 1565 to John Willoughby, "by the marriage of
whose heiress Mary to George Trevelyan in 1655 it came to
the latter." This must be an error, referring only to the

^ Vol. ii , p. 44, note.

334 THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SEATON.

manor and not to the advowson, for no Trevelyans are
known to have presented to the living, and Sir Walter Yonge
did present in 1664, 1682, and 1683, but by 1710, the next
presentation, it had passed to Sir William Drake.

On the death of Thomas Phillips, who signs the registers as
late as 1611, John Yonge, father of the diarist, as true patron,
presented to the living

Henry Paynter, who was instituted 26 May, 1612. He
appears in the lists of Dr. Oliver and Pulman as John
Paynter. He was an active Puritan, and, as will appear in
the biographical sketch below, a member of the famous
Assembly of Divines. He held the living for several years,
probably until 1626, and afterwards became Rector of St.
Petrock's, Exeter. His successor in the living was

William Walton, whose name appears in the registers in
1627. He was a kinsman of the Eev. John White, the
Patriarch of Dorchester, and it was during his incumbency
that the idea occurred to the Dorchester people to purchase
the " parsonage." His name does not occur in the registers
after 1632, and probably not long after that date he sailed
for New England. There was in all probability another
incumbent whose name has not been recovered, but we find

Hugh Gundry signing the registers from 1636 to 1641.
After him comes

John Noseworthy, who signs from 1642 to 1648, but he
may have continued until 1655, though there was talk of a
vacancy in 1648.

Edward Searlb is described as " minister of Seaton and
Beare," in a list of those present at the Exeter Assembly in
1656, and he held the living until his death in 1663, probably
having conformed at the time of the Bartholomew Act

William Oakb was instituted 27 July, 1664, and by this
time Sir Walter Yonge had regained the advowson.

Let us now deal with the transfer of the parsonage to the
Mayor and Corporation of Dorchester, Dorset. In order to
understand the position of affairs, and the reason of the
purchase, we must take a backward glance.

After the Reformation a vast number of parishes were for
various reasons served by clergymen who were almost
illiterate. Many of the priests who had been educated at
the Universities or elsewhere had remained Romanists, and
it was necessary to fill the livings from which they had been

THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SEATON. 335

removed. By the suppression of the monasteries many of
the livings had fallen into the hands of laymen, who,
unaccustomed to the task, made unwise selections, in some
instances appointing clergy recently ordained who had not
even completed their studies, and who were allowed to
become non-residents that they might attend the Universities
to obtain their degrees, their places meanwhile being filled
by illiterate men. Indeed the whole Church was at this
period disorganized that it might be reorganized, and it was
even difficult to know at the moment what the true doctrine
of the Church was.

In these circumstances it was found that all sorts of
seditious doctrines and heresies were being promulgated from
the pulpits. By 1604 matters were in such a condition that
serious action was called for at the Hampton Court Con-
ference. The Bishop of Winchester then complained that
"lay patrons cause the insufficiency of the clergy, presenting
mean clerks to their cures," and to avoid the above-mentioned
difficulties the Bishop of London suggested that ''until learned
men be planted in every congregation godly Homilies may be
read therein." According to the 49th Canon a minister
without a licence to preach "was only allowed to read plainly
and aptly (without glossing or adding) the Homilies."'

In 1606 all licences were withdrawn. In July of that
year Walter Tonge, the diarist, notes: "No minister what-
soever may preach before he get a new licence from the
ordinary of the diocese wherein he is, albeit he hath been
a preacher these 20 years."* The " unpreaching " or
'* reading " ministers were not respected by the people, who
frequently refused to receive the sacraments from their
hands, or to have them baptize their children.

In spite of these regulations and commands, heresy was
not easily repressed, and further steps were consequently
taken. In order to regulate preaching. King James, on
4 August, 1623, issued directions, in which he said,
" Whereas, at the present, divers young students, by reading
of late writers, and ungrounded divines, do broach many
times unprofitable, unsound, and dangerous doctrines," he
ordered that only certain persons should be permitted to
preach upon certain selected subjects."^

His action in this matter caused great excitement. " Some
counted it a cruel act, which cut off half the preaching in

^ Fuller's Church History (Ed. 1842), iii. 183.

' Yonok's Diary t p. 9.

* Fuller's Church History, iii. 879.

336 THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SEATON.

England at one blow." At all events it put to silence many
of the advanced Puritans, a vast number of whom were
thrown out of employment, as it were, the doctrines which
they preached not being in accord with the doctrine of those
in authority.

But before long steps were taken to give employment to
these clei^y. About 1627 a scheme was formed to "pro-
mote preaching in the country, by setting up lecturers in
the several market towns of England; and to defray the
expense a sum of money was raised by voluntary contribu-
tions, for the purchasing such impropriations as were in the
hands of the laity, the profits of which were to be parcelled
out into salaries of forty or fifty pounds per annum for the
subsistence of their lecturers.''^ The funds thus obtained
were placed under the control of twelve feoffees, who were
described by Fuller as "four divines to persuade men's
consciences, four lawyers to draw conveyances, and four
citizens who commanded rich coffers.''

But their scheme was looked on askance by Laud and his
party, as they encouraged factious and seditious lecturers,
whom he was trying to silence ; so an action was brought
against them, and they were condemned to have their feoff-
ment cancelled, and a fine was inflicted, while a further
action against them in the Star Chamber was ordered. But
this additional prosecution was never carried out^ and the
matter was allowed to drop.

Meanwhile this scheme for buying up lay impropriations
commended itself to the Bev. John White, who had obtained
great ascendency over the people of Dorchester, both as to
their souls and bodies, to say nothing of their purses. By
his "persuasion" he induced certain wealthy parishioners
and friends to supply funds for this purpose. In 1630 there
was received £100 from H. Smythe, late of London ; shortly
after another £100 was contributed, and J. Gould, one of his
parishioners, left a legacy which became available, so that in
1631 he had obtained nearly £1500.«

With this money was purchased the " Parsonage of Seaton
and Beere," and, as one witness states in a lawsuit at a later
date, this sum of £1500 was "paid down in Mr. Walter
Tonge's house in Colliton." The parsonage, he adds, was
worth £100 per annum between the years 1631 and 1642.

According to an entry in the Dorchester Minute Book,

» Neal's Puritans, ii. 221.

• Presamably £1400, as we find the CorporatioD borrowiDg £100, which
was to be repaid by Mr. B. Devenish.

THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SEATON. 337

dated 13 December, 1630, "£100 from the profitts of
Seaton were to be given quarterly, half to the minister of
All Saints, and half to Mr. White for his assistance in
Trinity and Peters/' though in one of the documents rela-
tive to the lawsuit it is stated that the Rector of St Peter's
had £80 per annum, and the Bector of All Saints £60.
Apparently a small sum was allotted to the incumbent of
Seaton ; it should be borne in mind that this was the great
tithe bought of the lay impropriator, and the Vicar of Seaton
collected the lesser tithes.

A few entries gleaned from the Borough Archives con-
cerning Seaton are worthy of notice. On 26 January,
1637-38, the Corporation let the parsonage to Mr. J. Hill
for seven years. On 29 December, 1639, it is recorded
that certain parishioners of Seaton and Beere refuse to pay
tithes on some marshes, which they call "unnent (?)"
meadows, and they say they have a custom to pay Ss. an
acre only. "Ordered to be enquired into and the custom
allowed, if ancient"

On the 14th August, Mr. J. Gould and Mr. J. Seaward
were appointed to go to Seaton to try to arrange the chronic
tithe difficulty there.

In 1648 the vicarage was vacant But at this period
negotiations for the sale of the impropriation were in pro-
gress. On the 4th April of that year the Corporation agreed
to sell " the impropriate parsonage of Beere to Walter Yonge
for £850/' and on the 26th April they order that " whatso-
ever shall be received from the parsonage of Seaton shalbe
payd unto any mynister as shalbe p'cured to officiate at
Fordington.'' But on the 21st April, while the negotiations
were still in progress, the Corporation suggest ** Mr. Mundon,
now minister of Long Burton," as incumbent, while Mr.
Yonge, who is about to purchase the living, wishes to have
a voice in the selection, so he '' commends *' a certain '* Mr.
Smyth," and they agree that he is to preach for a time in
that place, and then, "if the godly party of the parish"
(mark this distinction) give him "a certificatt," he is to be
appointed and to have £20 a year, or else the whole tithes
if he will pay £20 a year to the minister of Fordington;
evidently the value was then about £40 per annum. It
would appear that the " certificatt " was not obtained, as the
vicarage was, presumably, still vacant when Mr. J. Derby
applied for it on the 7th July following.

Just about this time, 21 July, 1648, occurred the death
of the Rev. John White, the Patriarch of Dorchester, who had

338 THE ECCLESIASTICAL BISTORT OF SSATON.

been so instnunental in the purchase of the advowson, and
who had recently advised the sale when the Mayor laid
before him the fact that it yielded little, and the public
stock of the town was almost exhausted. Now they were
obliged to continue their negotiations without his assistance.

The exact date of the resale to the Tonges is not obtain-
able, but we can fix it very closely. From evidence given in
the lawsuit it appears that "in the troubles the Parsonage
yielding little and the publicke stock of the towne being
exhausted, the Mayor, Corporation, &c., by the advice of Mr.
White, in 1648 sold the parsonage to Walter Yonge, Esq.,
and Sir John Youge, for £1150,^ and engaged them to give
out of it £20 p. ann. to the Vicar of Seaton for ever, which
was settled." And on 23 February, 1648-49 the Ck)rporation
wrote a letter to " Mr. Walter Yonge, of CuUiton, for 100»
of his money for Seaton parsonage, w^ is for the p'nt to
be lent the Brew House to help pay for their Coles w^ are
now come fro New castel." Evidently the bargain was
completed and some payment made at this time.

The money received by the Corporation was invested in
the following manner : — £300 were spent for a house for the
minister of St Peter's in lieu of the old one which they took ;
£400 were invested in the Brew House, and the rest in the
purchase of Fordington Parsonaga

All these events were occurring during the Puritan ascend-
ency under the Commonwealth, but with the changes of the
Bestoration a curious state of affairs, not quite explicable,
arose.® A bill in Chancery was lodged by Eichard Wine,
clerk, Bector of All Saints, with others, against Sir Walter
Yonge, Bart, and Messrs. Gould and Savage. (These two
last>mentioned names are among those who conducted the
original purchase, and possibly the only survivors at this
tima) The case was to be heard on 24 April, 1665. The
complaint of Wine was that he received only £25 per annum,
and that St Peter's was void for want of maintenance. But
it is not at all clear how he had an action against Sir Walter
Yonge, the then holder of the parsonage of Seaton, for there
is no evidence that when he bought back the parsonage he
agreed to pay anything towards the maintenance of the
Dorchester ministers. As against the Corporation it seems

' This, it will be seeD, it aD adyance of £300 upon the offer they agreed to
accept in April, 1648.

^ Dr. Pearson, at the reading of this paper, called roy attention to a case
in which it was held illegal to sell an advowson separately from a manor, bat
this would not wholly explain the cause of this lawsuit.

THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF BEATON. 339

as if they might have had a claim for the interest of the
money that had been raised for the purpose of augmenting
their incomes, but, as appears above, the Corporation gives
an account of the reinvestment of the money, and there is
evidence that the donors of the £1500 intended it for pious
uses, not exclusively for the benefit of the ministers.

There is a mysterious reference, however, that may point
to an attempt to improve their financial position. It looks
as if a purchaser had recently come upon the scene, and that
the Corporation, or its advisers, sought to find a flaw in the
transaction with Yonge, for we read in the archives, "it
would be wrong to lose a purchase of £1500 for want of
4^*1100." This was written about 1665, and this idea is
supported in a measure by Sir Walter Yonge's demand later
on " to have a decree to establish him in the possession of
the parsonage."

AmoDg the documents relating to the case we find a curious
letter from the Dorchester ministers, J. Knightbridge, Bector
of Trinity and St. Peter's, and Richard Wine, Eector of All
Saints, addressed to the Mayor, BailifTs, &c., suggesting
several different courses that were open to the latter in the
matter of the lawsuit against Yonge and others, of which they
craved "their cautious consideration." They proposed the
following queries (some of which savour of sharp practice) : —

1. Whether, if the magistrates and ministers agree with Sir W.
Yonge, such agreement would hold good in law ?

2. Whether it be not needful "to bee very wary" in answering t

3. Whether it be not necessary to answer that the impropria-
tion was never bought or sold by the Corporation (but by
individuals) 1

4. Supposing the Corporation has to repay Sir W. Yonge, it
must be remembered that there are £340 " in an house," and other
sums towards such repayment ; and that it would be wrong to lose
a purchase of £1500 '*for want of £1100."

Lastly. That if part of the payment falls on the Corporation,
then an order in Chancery should be got to secure to that body so
much revenue from Seaton tithes as may give reasonable interest
on that money. But they advise the Corporation to give an
answer in accordance with head 3, there being letters of Yonge's
showing that he did not treat with the Corporation.

The case seems to have lingered on as Chancery suits will.
There is a letter from Sir Walter, dated Colyton, 20 April,
1666, in which he speaks of an offer from the Mayor, Bailiffs,
&c., to let drop their suit against him, but this he and his

340 THE ECCLESIASTICAL BISTORT OF 8EAT0K.

attorney cannot be contented with. He mast have a decree
to establish him in the possession of the parsonage.

However, it would seem that the case was dropped, as we
can find nothing further concerning it. At all events the
parsonage passed out of the hands of the Puritan party of
Dorchester, and remained in the gift of the Tonges for many
years, probeibly until shortly before 1710, when Sir William
Drake, of Ashe, Bart, presented William Eeate.

The money received by the Dorchester Corporation was
expended, as we have seen, in a new rectory-house for St
Peter's, in augmenting the income of the Brew House, or
perhaps in repaying money borrowed from it, and in the
purchase of Fordington parsonage. The benefit of the two
first-named was retained, but as for Fordington, it is recorded
that '*it is lost, belonging to the Church of Sarum reinstituted
since his Ma^^ restauration." The ancient documents close
with this pathetic comment:—

" Soe all is gone from the Ministers, and not one farthing benefitt
accrews to them. They were very libeial of other men's estates, as
appears by their sale."

So ended the connection of the Dorchester Corporation with
the parsonage of Seaton.

THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SEATON. 341

APPENDIX.
BiooRAPHioAL Notes on Sbaton Incumbents, 1612-1664.

HENRY PAYNTER.

Henrt Payntbr was bom about the year 1583, and in the registers
of Exeter College, Oxford, he is entered as " pleb. of Devon." He
was, perhaps, son or nephew of Henry Paynter, elected Fellow of
Exeter College, 30 June, 1573. In 1577 the elder Henry is
described as so poor that he was granted leaye of absence to teach
boys. But in 1584 he was rich enough to present to the College
several volumes — Lexicons, Plato, Plutarch, and Thucydides.

Henry Paynter matriculated at Exeter College 5 June, 1603,^
and obtained his degree of b.a. 23 Feb., 1608-9, by which time,
it is said, he had already taken orders. He received the degree of
B.D. 15 Dec., 1618.

He was instituted to Seaton 26 May, 1612, and on 12 Jan.,
1612-13, he obtained a licence to marry Mary Starre of Seaton.^
By her he had four children : Martha, born 1613-14 ;^ Elizabeth ;
Samuel, born 1626 ; and John. The second daughter, Elizabeth,
married 17 July, 1641, John Sherman, minister, son of Bezaleel
and Priscilla Sherman, her step-brother, as will appear further on.
His son John married 7 Sept., 1652, Lydia, daughter of George
and Elizabeth Jourdaine of Exeter.^ Henry Paynter, it will be
seen, was connected by marriage with prominent Puritan families,
so we may assume that he was early imbued with the same
principles.

After the death of his wife Mary, Paynter married Priscilla,
daughter of Dr. John Burgess, s.t.p., whose first husband was
Bezaleel Sherman, her second husband Thomas Fones, whose first
wife was Anna Winthrop, sister of Governor John Winthrop.
Henry Paynter was her third husband, and their marriage appears
to have taken place between 31 January and 23 July, 1630.

Her letter asking Governor Winthrop's advice as to her marriage,
and referring to the Rev. John White, her aunt's husband, is given
below. There is, therefore, little doubt that the Patriarch of

* Boasb's Exeter College ReffisUr,

* CoL. Vivian's Mar, Lie, Exon.

* It has been saggested by Savage, in his edition of Winthrop's History
of New England^ uiat the elder danghter, Martha Paynter, married John
winthrop, the eldest son of Governor John Winthrop, one of the early
settlers in Massachusetts Bay, basing his statement on a letter of Henry
Palter to the younger Winthrop in which he refers to his "daughter
Winthrop," but he means his step-daughter, for John Winthrop mioried
Martha Fones, step-daughter of Priscilla. See Robert 0. Winthrop's Life
of the Oovemor, ii. 75.

' Register of Woodbury.

342 THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SEATON.

Dorchester was interested in the marriage of his wife's niece, and
jast at this period wap, through this connection, led to consider
the advisahility of buying ap the living of which Paynter had
recently been vicar and of which his own kinsman, Walton, was
also incumbent.

There is a letter among the Winthrop papers from Ursula
Sherman, daughter of PriscUla Burgess by her first marriage, to
the younger John Winthrop, dated Exeter, 18 June, 1631. She
was engaged to the Governor's son. Forth, who died soon after.
In this letter she refers to her '' sister " (Martha Fones), wife of
John Winthrop the younger, and her "sister Elizabeth Winthrop,"
widow of his brother Henry, both daughters of Thomas Fones by
his first wife. So it is apparent that the connections by marriages
between Priscilla Burgess and Governor Winthrop were numeroua

But to return to Henry Paynter. We have but two glimpses of
his life at Seaton, both connected with lawsuits. From a letter,
dated from the Inner Temple, 18 Oct., 1617, from H. Spurway to
John Willoughby, we learn that " Mr. Paynter is ordered to pay
Mr. Starr a hundred marks costs, the one half the next term, the
other in Eaeter term."^ The other is a curious dispute about
a pew in Seaton church in the same year. One William Kedwood
had intruded himself into a pew occupied by Edward Walrond,
gent., Robert Starr, and John Manston. Evidence was taken on
commission concerning it in December, 1617, and, in spite of the
Bishop's orders, he refused to move. " The said Redwood doth
wilfully contemn the said admonition,'' signed, Henry Painter,
Vicar of Seaton, and by two churchwardens. The vicar also
stated that Redwood ** seemed by his speeches not to understand
or unwilling to obey."*

About the year 1626 Henry Paynter left Seaton and became
minister of St. Petrock's, Exeter. Here is recorded the baptism
of Henry, his son by Priscilla, on 6 Jan., 1632.^ The following
year in her will Elizabeth Jourdain, widow of George, mother of
the future wife of his son John, requested Henry Paynter to
preach her funeral sermon, and she left him £40 and "JCIO more
to the use of Henry his son, to be paid him by his said father
when he shall accomplish the age of one and twenty years or
marry." ^ By another will, that of Philip Hayne, widow, dated
18 Jan., 1639-40, he and his wife received other benefactions.
"To Henry Painter, clerk, minister of St. Petrocks in Exeter,
fifty pounds. To Priscilla Paynter, the wife of the aforesaid
Henry Paynter, my other diamond ring." He was appointed
executor and was also to receive a mourning gown of good cloth :

* Trevelyan Papers,

' OleaDod from Cathedral Records by Rev. H. Reynolds.
' Information kindly fomiahed hy Mrs. R. Dymond from her husband's
note-books.
' New Eng, Hist. Oeru Beg., xlix. p. 493.

THE ECCLESIASTICAL BISTORT OF 8EAT0N. 343

"to my dear sister Prouze and to PrisciUa Paynter, wife of the
said Henry, to each of them a mourning gown of siJk, Tabey, or
Calaminco." "To Mr. Painter my large bible with purple velvet
covering and silver clasps." ^

Henry Paynter was appointed Bodleian Lecturer in Exeter, and
from the Exeter Act Book we learn that on 23 June, 1642, "Mr.
Bodley's Lecture is ordered to be removed from St. Lawrence
Parish, where it hath long continued, and be removed to St Marie
Arches during the pleasure of this house. Mr. Henry Painter,
the present lecturer, to have notice of it." ^ Also " on 29 Nov.,
1643; Mr. Henry Painter, clerk, having neglected the lecture, is
dismissed, and Mr. William Fuller appointed. This William
Fuller, having left the city, was succeeded by Thomas Fuller,
author of the Worthies.

But by 12 June, 1643, Henry Paynter had been summoned to
attend the famous Westminster Assembly of Divines, and it
is stated that he was present at some of their meetings. His
death occurred in 1644. The exact date has not been discovered,
but it is said to have been before 2 Nov., 1644; and as he
was appointed on a committee on the 1 2th April of that year, we
may infer that he died between those dates.

He is described by Grovemor John Winthrop "as a reverend
man and a good preacher." Margaret Winthrop writes: "He
preached with us the last Lords day and did very well. He
seemeth to be a very godly wise man."

From Life and Letters of John Winthrop^ by Robert C.
Winthrop, p. 358, " Margaret Winthrop to her husbajid " : —

" My deare Husband, —

" I send up my daughter M. somewhat the soner by reson
of Mr. P. cominge up. I pray make what hast you can for that
the hart of your good servant is fallen so loe, that she sa^^^ if you
doe not com home presently you will never lift it up agayne.
But I think her desyre is that she may confir with you about
Mr. P. whome I thinke she will scarce have power to deny.
He preached with us the last Lords day and did very welL He
seemeth to be a very godly wise man, but I am sure my
sister will not make any promise till she hath confired with thy
selfe and the rest of hir frends. Margaret Winthrope."

" Priscilla Fones to John Winthrop."

"To the right Worshipfull my very loving brother, John
Winthrope, esquire, London.

" My dere Brother, — Such is my love to you and my respect of
you as I cannot but take kindly firom you this motion of which I

* New Eng, Hist, Gen, Beg., 1. p. 898.
» Bailby's Life of Fuller, p. 863.

344 THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SEATON.

was desieroos neyer to have heard more of. And as well as
I could indare to spake of such a busnes, I intrated your help to
that end when I parted with you ; but see my answear toke not
that efect which I ded desire, which hath bred me much grife &
troubel of mind, myselfe being very fearfull to chang my con-
dition. All my Mends perswade me it will be best for me to
chang, but myselfe hath no hart to it. In the man I see that
which I chefly ame at in a husband, which is grace & godlynes
with gifts sutable to his calling; though in outward estate he
coms short of any that hath bin yet moved to me. These things,
with his importunity & paines in coming so fare, hath bred such
destraction in my mind as truly I know not what to doe, but mine
eis are towards the Lord for derection in this waity busnes. Good
brother help with your prayers & best advise, for I have now cast
myselfe uppon you & my father & Mr. White, to whom I
pray make knowen this busnes & crave his councel in it. I have
only given him this answer, that I will doe nothing without the
advise of my friend& Good brother I know you love to be such
towards me as I shall not nede to intreat your care in this, but
now my request to you is that you would make all the hast home
you cau, for we all long for you. Myselfe which could not so
prise the benefit of your good company as I ought, have now
lamed to prise it by the want of it. The Lord give me grace
to make beter use of it when be shall be plased to restore it to me
againe, and thus with remembrance of my best love and servis to
yourselfe, my good brother and sister, and the rest of my fnnds,
I comit you and all your affares to the Lord & so I rest

" your ever loveing sister and Mthful servant
"November 17 Pris. Fonee."

It is not a little odd, adds the editor, that, on the very same
day on which Priscilla was thus writing so interesting a letter
to our Governor in regard to a proposed matrimonial arrangement
of her own, his son Forth should also have been engaged in
addressing him a similar epistle in regard to his afifection for
his cousin Ursula, Priscilla's daughter.

In the History of New England^ by John Winthrop (edited by
James Savage, i. 364), is a letter from Margaret Winthrop to her
husband, dated ''January the last,'' and supposed to have been
written in 1629-30, from which I quote a passage : —

"I send thee here enclosed letters from Mr. P. My good
sister F. remembers her love to you, and, it seemetb, bath written
so earnestly to Mr. P. not to come, that he doth forbear to come
till he hear more. I think she would have you send him word
to come as soon as he can, being desirous to speak with him before
you go; but it must not come from herself, for she will write
to him to stay stilL She saitb, that he shall not need to provide
any thing but a house, for she Mrill furnish it herself."

THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SEATON. 345

In an account dated 23 July, 1630, John Winthrop mentions
" my eiater Painter," so it would appear that it was between these
dates that the marriage took place.

Henry Paynter==(l8t) Mary Starre ; (2nd) Priscilla Burgess,^

b. circa 1588.
d. 1644.

m. lie. 12 Jan., widow of Thomas
1612-13. Fones.^ m. 1630.

Martha Elizabeth*=John' Samuel. John=Lydia

Paynter. Paynter. Sherman. b. 1626. Paynter. Jourdaine.

m. 17 July, m. 7 Sept.,

1611. 1652.

Adam Winthrop =

I 1

John Winthrop=Mary Forth. Anna Winthrop== Thomas Fones.*

(had three wives).

(Jovemor of

Massachusetts.

1st wife.

Elizabeth Fones'= Henry Winthrop.' SamueL Martha.*

[ J ^

John =3 Martha Henry = Elizabeth Forth

Winthrop.* Fones.* Winthrop.* Fones." Winthrop."

b. 12 Feb., m. 8 Feb., m. 25 Apr., 1629. Enga^ to

1605-6. 2nd 1631. Drowned 2 July, Ursula Sherman.'

wife, dau. of d. 1632. 1630.

Hugh Peters.

Priscilla Burge8S^=(lst) Bezaleel Sherman.^

Dau. Dr. John Burgess, 8.T.P.

d. 1618.

Ursula Sherman.* John Sherman'= Elizabeth Paynter.'

bp. 30 April, 1615. Engaged bp. 4 May, 1618. m. 17 July, 1641.

to Forth Winthrop.* bur. 10 Sept, 1643.

Priscilla Burgess^ = (2nd) Thomas Fones.''

Widow of Bezaleel Sherman.'

d. 15 April, 1629.

Mary Fones.

Priscilla Burgess^ = (3rd) Henry Paynter.^
Widow of Thos. Fones.' I m. between 31 Jan. and 23 July, 1630.

Henry Paynter.
bp. 6 Jan., 1632.

WILLIAM WALTON.

WiLUAM Walton, probably of Somerset, entered Emmanuel College,
Cambridge, in 1617, took his degree of b.a. 1621, and m.a. 1625.
He was at Seaton in 1627, when he signed the registers. As
will be seen from the letter qaoted below he was a kinsman of the
Eev. John White, of Dorchester. His wife's name was Elizabeth,
and he was probably married to her not long before he went to
Seaton. By her he had seven children, at least three of whom
were baptized at Seaton. He emigrated with his family to

VOL. XXX. Z

346 THS ICCLESIASnCAL HISTORY OF SCATOK.

America some time prior to 1635, as we find him mentaoned as at
Hingham, MaMachoaetts, in that year. He settled at Marhkhead
in 1 639, and was pastor there antU his death. Among some notes
made hy the Bey. 8. Danforth, of Roxhnry, Masa, is fonnd the
following entry: "9. 9. 68. (9 Nov., 1668), Mr. Waltam ye
minister at Marblehead, who died of an Apoplexie, was bnried.''
His daughter, Elizabeth, married Lot, son of Roger Conant^ an
early settler in Massacho^tetts, and sometimes styled the first
€k>vemor; through her I claim descent from the Key. William
Walton.

From Calendar of State Papers (Domestic), yoL ccxii.. No. 28,
1632, Aug. 8, Charb(orough), Sir Walter £r]e to John White,
preacher of God's word at Dorchester. Mr. Walton, White's
kinsman, being at Charborough, the writer asks him what became
of the project of buying in the man that heretofore styled himself
'' the King's conformable clerk," to succeed him at Seaton. Sir
Walter was, as it should seem, the first man that brought it to
Mr. Walton's knowledge. He says that the onset on the part of
the " conformable clerk " is somewhat strong, and that if his own
forwardness had been as much as the others the business had in
effect been at an end. White will remember Sir Walter's state-
ment of the mischief likely to come to those parts if it should take
effect. Good men are shy of this man in places where he is most
and best known. Begs White for his own credit as well as that of
the place and county not to baye any hand in giying way to the
restless spirit Mr. Walton will acquaint White of Sir Walter's
desire concerning the notice of the Earl of Clare's arriyal.

HUGH QUNDRY.

Hugh Gundry was bom about 1603, and admitted to St. Alban's
Hall, Oxford, 9 Nov., 1621. He is described as of "Dorset,
pleb." He obtained his degree of b.a. 16 Feb., 1624-5. He
was related to George Turner, of Yeoyil, Somerset, and possibly
belonged to the family of Gundrey of Trent, Somerset, or to the
branch settled at Wimbom Minster, Dorset. He appears to haye
been a yery active Puritan, and was frequently in trouble.

The first notice I have found of him after he left Oxford was
his appointment as second Chaplain Priest at Ottery St. Mary
on 20 Jan., 1634. Roger Ware, chaplain, being incapacitated,
requested the Govemors to elect Hugh Gundrie, Lecturer, as his
substitute. Gundrie " declared his willingness to take the office
until it should please God otherwise to dispose Mr. Ware, but
intimated his opinion that he could not legally do so without a
licence from the Bishop." The Goyemors strongly recommended
him, and the licence was obtained, but instead of electing Gundry
they immediately elected Thomas Forward, on 11 June, 1634. A
dispute ensued, ending in their appointing Gundry to "one"

THE ECCLESUSTICAL HISTORY OF SKATON. 347

Chaplain Prieet's place with the usual salary. On 13 Dee., 1635,
he was granted a house in the College, and on 12 Jan., 1636, he
was granted " £20 per annum for two years in full of his salary.''
This is explained by another entry of the same date, which
directs that John (Thomas V) Forward, Vicar, having consented to
officiate as Chaplain during the suspension of Gundry, "shall be
paid for his trouble."^ It was the custom to have only one
chaplain-prieat, but by this arrangement two were appointed.

Apparently he went directly to Seaton, for he signs the register
there in 1636, and we note that Wood, in his Athence, under
'*Jerom Turner,'' states that not long after 1636 Turner "became
schoolmaster of Beer (belonging to Seaton in Deyon) where he
also preached as an assistant to his very good friend Hugh
Gundrey, sometime of Sfc. Albania Hal], his father's kinsman, for
the space of two years." ^

Gundry signs the Seaton registers until 1641, in which year
his name appears as incumbent of South Maperton, Dorset, where
he continued until ejected under the Bartholomew Act in 1662.
Calamy says that after his ejectment he preached "at Newton
chapel, a peculiar of Ailsbeere." ' This is now known as Newton
Poppleford. In his account the Rev. Edward Parr Calamy also
states that "after the Bartholomew ejection he lived at Ottery,
where he and Mr. Gundery used to preach in Newton Chape),
a peculiar belonging to Ailsbeer, the minister of which (Mr.
Cortes, a sober, moderate, good man, and a lover of such persons
as Mr. Parr) countenanced, or at least connived at it The Bishop
often sent to him to forbid it ; but he in excuse used to say, " If
the chapel doors were shut, the alehouse doors would be open ;
and that nobody else would preach there, the pay was so small."
So that they continued to exercise their ministry there all this
time ; but his successor would not sufifer it." ^ But Gundry pre-
deceased Courtis.^

Gundry was one of the twelve in Devon, according to Calamy,
who took the oath required by the Five Mile Act in 1665. With-
out giving any further date he adds, " He was taken ofif suddenly
by a fit of apoplexy." However, his death must have occurred in
the year 1676 or the close of the preceding year. In his will,
dated 12 Nov., 1675, and proved in the Bishop's Principal
Register, Exeter, 27 April, 1677, he mentions his sons, Jonathan,^
Daniel,^ James, Joseph, Benjamin, and Gideon, and two daughters,

1 "Otteiy St. Mary," by F, C. Colbridgb, Esq., in Trans, Dioc ArdU.
Soe,^ i. 44.

* Wood's Ath. (Bliss ed.), 403. He alno says Gundry and Crabbe published
works of Turaer and dedicated them to William, Lord Sydenham.

• Non-eon, Mem,, ii. 139.

* Ibid., ii. 68.

• Non-con, Mem,, ii 139.

' The will of Jonathan Gundry of Exeter appears in the same register in
1697, and that of Daniel Gundry of Sidmonth in 1727.

348 JHK ECGLKSIASnCAL BISTORT OF SCATON.

SoaumA, munarried^ and one married to Weare. Also his
brother-in-law Nieholas Hooper, perhaps his wife's brother. He
is described as of " Sidbnrj, clerk/ and refecB to a "fiumshippe **
recently bonght of Sir Peter BalL His property amounted to
£907, of which books were valued at £20, chattels and lease
at £40, and "debts sperate and desperate amonnting to £800."
From this it woold appear that he was not wealthy at the time of
his death.

JOHN NOSEWORTHY.

John No6EWObtht was bom at Manaton 15 Not. 1612, ''of
religions parents.'' His father, James Noseworthy,^ had married
a daughter of John Southmead of Wray, Moreton Hampstead.
John Noeeworthy was educated at the Grammar School of Exeter,
of which his relative, William Noeeworthy, was master. From
here he was sent direct to Oxford at the expense of his grand-
father Sonthmead, and is said to have remained there nine or ten
years. He matricolated at Exeter College in 1633, and received
his d^ree of B.A. in 1636. He married a daughter of Mr. Irish
of Dartmouth, by whom he had sixteen children.

He first preached in Northamptonshire, and when the Civil War
broke out, "notwithstanding his learning and piety," he was
exposed to no small share of suffering. He was imprisoned at
Winchester and elsewhere, and suffered cruel usage. On his release
he went to Seaton, where we find him in 1642. Until 1646 he
signs the registers there, and as by 1648, as will be seen by the
firat part of this paper, there was a vacancy there, it is quite
probable that he left Seaton at that time, though Calamy ^ says he
was there in 1655; he adds that he received the Rectory of
Manaton in place of Mr. Hill, who was sequestered. At the
Eestoration he was obliged to relinquish the living to Mr. Hill,
who died the night after his return, so Mr. Noseworthy " took out
the Broad Seal" for the Rectory 29 Sept, 1660; but the patron
presented Mr. Eastchurch, to whom he was obliged to give up the
living. He afterwards preached at North Bovey and Ipplepen, and
was at the latter place when the Act of Uniformity came into opera-
tion in 1662. He thereupon retired to Manaton, "and did what
good he was able in private'' until the Five Mile Act of 1665 forced
him to leave there. He removed to Ashburton, where he seems to
have had a meeting-house. Here he had a great deal of trouble,
caused by the opposition of Mr. Stawell of Bickington and William
Bogan of Little Hempston, both justices of the peace, by whom he
was convicted of holding a conventicle. '* Mr. Stawel upon taking
a journey to London for the cure of a disorder in his mouth,
threatened that at his return he would effectually hinder old

7 There ie the will of James Noseworthy of Manaton in the Bp, Prin, Reg,
Exon.^ 1650, perhaps John's father.
• Calamt's Non-con, Mem,y ii. 43.

THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SEATON. 349

Noseworthy from preacLisg." Bat he was taken ill and died
before he conld return. After this Mr. Noseworthy lived in peace
at Ashburton, where he died 19 Nov., 1677. "He was reputed
a considerable scholar," says Calamy, who credits him with know-
ledge of many dead languages and the ability to fit his sons for the
University. ''The neighbouring ministers paid great deference to
his judgment, and often made him moderator in their debates."
(For further particulars of his life see Calamy's Nonconformists^
Memorial [Palmer], ii. 42, and Trans. Dev, Ass., xxviii. p. 229,
et seq,)

EDWARD SEARLE.

Edward Sbarlb was born about the year 1594, and entered
Exeter College, Oxford, 22 May, 1612. He is described as
"Devon pleb. f.," and probably belonged to the Awliscombe
family of Searles. He received his degree of b.a. 26 Oct, 1615,
and that of m.a. 10 June, 1618.

His name appears in the Seaton registers in 1657, but he was
present at the Exeter Assembly on 22 May, 1656, and is then
described as minister of Seaton and Beare. It would appear that
previous to that date he was one of the ministers intruded at
Awliscombe on the sequestration of James Bumard. Walker
states that the first intruder was " John Serle, a meer Blockhead ;
A Second was John Matthews, a.b. ; A Third Edward Serle ;
and the last John Hewsey,"^ who was admitted in 1657.

Searle remained at Seaton until his death, which took place
in 1663 or 1664. His widow, Sara Searle, gave a bond for the
administration of his estate on 16 May, 1664, and an inventory
showed that it was valued at £600, including chattels in Dunkes-
well and Luppit, and two reversions in Woolson, in the parish
of "Aliecombe."^ But she was prevented by illness and death
from attending to these affairs, so another administration was
granted to his daughters on 30 May, 1683. Their names were
Patience Searle and Sarah Bradford, alias Searle.^ Possibly the
latter was the widow of Humphrey Bradford, whose name is
mentioned in connection with the first administration, and who
was presumably the same as Humphrey Bradford, Rector of
Offwell, 1652-1668.

I would here acknowledge, with many thanks, the great
assistance I have received from H. J. Moule, Esq., of Dorchester,
who so kindly placed at my service his transcripts of the Dor-
chester Borough Records, and also that so courteously rendered
by the Rev. P. J. Richardson, Vicar of Seaton, in his careful
scrutiny of the parish registers.

• Walker*8 Sufferings of the Clergy, Ft ii. p. 198.

^ Bp, Prin, Reg. Exon. Kindly copied by Mr. Reynell Upham.

' Oliver's Sketch of Seaton,

THE RISE OF PLYMOUTH AS A NAVAL PORT.

BT TBB RKV. J. BBSKINK RISK, U.A.
(RcAd aX Honiton, Aognst, 1898.)

It must often have occurred to inquirers, and to Comishmen
especially, why Plymouth was first selected to be a fortified
naval port, at the entrance to the Channel, rather than
Falmouth, which, to Cornishmen, would seem to be closer
still to the opening of the Channel or Manche. It might
appear to impartial observers that the difierence of distance
as to getting to the open sea was rather small ; but still the
question remains, Why, in point of fact, was Plymouth so
chosen and Falmouth left in a comparatively subordinate
position ? The whole question came to the front about the
time of the Spanish Armada, and naturally those English
commanders who had to bear the brunt of the preparations
for, and the resistance to, that gigantic naval assault on
England would have a good deal to say as to the selection of
the southern port which they would make their rendezvous.
The decision of the question would, therefore, rest very
much in the hands of the chief sea rovers of the time —
Drake and Hawkins, who had a personal interest in the
place, and upon whom the Queen had devolved much of the
necessary preparations for defence against the menaced
attack. The preamble of the Water Act expressly describes
Plymouth as an important port, and the State papers of
the time, as now published, refer to Plymouth as "a
place that ought to be fortified." But how were the
necessary means for the purpose to be secured ? It was
not, as it is now, in the power of the Parliament to vote
the funds requisite. Queen Elizabeth kept a tight hand
over any funds at her disposal, and, what seems strange to
us, expected those of her subjects who had the means to
give freely for public objects, or else she took care that they
should no longer have the means to give to anything what-
ever.^ The means for fortifying Plymouth were therefore

^ The feudal system was in force till Charles II., who was bribed to do
awaj with the Court of Wards and Llyeries.

THE RISE OF PLYMOUTH AS A NAVAL PORT. 351

obtained in (as we should think) a rather singular way.
There was to be a tax levied on the sea-harvest of pilchards
— 80 much for the Queen's subjects to pay, considerably more
for foreigners — also aided by subsidies from others, wealthy
subjects of the Queen, who had to give of their abundance.
In this way about £5000 were to be raised to make
Plymouth a fortified naval port. Drake and Hawkins were
sent to Cawsand to report, and bring the pilchard-curing to
Plymouth instead of Cawsand. The importance of the step
will be seen when we remember that pilchards were much in
use for victualling the shipping; and we can well imagine
how much superior sailors would think them to be to " the
salt pork" which in after-times was to be the source of so
much scurvy, whether with or without the use of the
alleviating lime-juice. It has been reserved for our
enlightened age to send out our Arctic explorers like
Nansen, Andr^, etc., well-furnished with tinned meats.
Pilchards, therefore, were likely to prove a source of large
income^ from the use of the fish by all kinds of shipping,
and at the time a certain sum (£5000) had to be raised for
the fortification of Plymouth as a naval port. In the
preamble of the Water Act Plymouth is referred to as an
important port chiefly on account of its shipping. The
State papers of the time also speak of it as a place that
ought to be fortified, and the tax on pilchards had to find
the means. Falmouth, though nearer the mouth of the
Channel, had to give way to Plymouth, no doubt because
Drake and Hawkins were closely connected with Plymouth
as merchants there, and had much property in the neighbour-
hood. The Tavistock Drakes also held property there, and
many of his private friends, including Drake's own brother.

If we take account of what appears in the State papers,
we find the Privy Council must have been long occupied
over Plymouth — the pilchard and leat questions, and last,
not least, that of the fortifications. And all this would bear
strongly on the question whether Drake brought or gave
the water to Plymouth. The fact is, it was a national,
not a merely Plymouth undertaking. The Act evidently
declares it to be so. The "Plat" or map of Sprie was
undoubtedly sent up to the Privy Council for inspection.
It bears the writing of Cecil on the plan, the words being
"Lypson Hyll." And, in addition to this fact, I need
scarcely remind the members of this Association that I had

^ Also, as now, pilchards were sent to the Mediterranean and Roman
Catholic countries for fasting purposes.

352 THB RISK OF PLYMOUTH AS A NAVAL PORT.

the copy of this "Plat" photographed at Hatfield, Lord Salis-
bury's country house, the seat of the Cecils, where so many
of die Privy Council's papers must have been kept Some-
thing similar occurred at Widey Court, the seat of a former
Mayor of Plymouth, the depository of an important
document — the Receiver's Book. The writing of Secretary
Cecil would obviously not have appeared on the ** Plat " or
plan of the leat had the leat been a private and not a
national gift. The Mayor and Corporation would be glad,
also, to bear a band and lead the water in pipes through the
town for the inhabitants. We must not omit to notice that
*'conduit" means gutters or conducts for water. ''Conduit"
comes from the French conduire to conduct When the
channels were open they were gutters, and when ''clome,"
%,€,, earthenware pipes, they were conduits. Plymothians
have been somewhat misled by the name of conduit being
applied to Drake's square stone block in Old Town (is it not
in Tavistock Road, near the Reservoir?) to which the front of
the old block has been removed. But as regards the fortifi-
cations of Plymouth, as already noticed, Elizabeth expected
private persons to subscribe to public works, and said so. For
such was the condition of their land tenure, and the homage
so specified it It was her well-known habit to condemn
openly and encourage the same thing secretly. It is easy
to see how this would be. The Spanish Ambassador
was always prying about, and he had spies in every
quarter, and Roman Catholic Englishmen among them.
Had the Queen openly encouraged the cutting of the
leat And made a grant from her treasury, her object in
supplying her fleets would have been patent to alL Drake,
therefore, would have been led to undertake the heaviest
part of the expense in providing water for the shipping
— national or mercantile — as well as in helping forward the
fortifications, to which he subscribed liberally, in addition
to the proceeds of the tax on pilchards. From the subse-
quent demands of the grist millers^ for some £6,000
compensation, owing to the failure of one of the tinners
to give a consent not asked for by mischance, it is now
evident that Drake must have laid out large sums in
compensations, and that the sum alleged to have passed
between him and the Corporation of Plymouth of £300 was
simply a blind by way of composition — perhaps to escape
the keen eyes of Spanish spies. Drake's agreement with
the town simply related to the pilchards. The document

» "Griat Millers," Trans, Plynu Inst,, yiil 894. See Plymouth Leat
MUU Removal BiU.

JHE RISE OF PLYMOUTH AS A NAVAL PORT. 353

which Hele's man copied could not have been the composi-
tion which was between the Mayor and Corporation and
Draka^ This composition, simply by the fiction of a sum of
£300 being mentioned which was not paid,^ made over the
property to the Mayor and Corporation, who thereupon
became entitled to charge for the water. The supply of
water through the leat would therefore not appear to Spanish
spies to have any connection with the formation of a naval
port. Such formation they would at once regard as a
menace to Spain. But if the townsfolk wanted water and
entered into a composition, this even Spain could not but
consider to be a private affair. And, moreover, if the towns-
men at their own expense fortified their town, and the local
gentry gave their guns, it was still a local affair. But the
very same thing, done by Elizabeth and Cecil, would be
regarded as a quasi casus belli.

We now give a few extracts from the several documents of
the time, which serve to substantiate the foregoing statements.

* The record of the copying out of articles of agreement between the
town and Sir Francis Drake bj Hele*8 man in 1591 specifies that the
sum of 6s. 8d. — a comparativelj small sum (legallj speaking) — was paid to
the man and not to his master, Hele. If the composition and not the copy
of agreement were the thing in question, the payment would have been
to the Recorder, Hele; but being '* independent of Hele," the price of
copying would be the perquisite of the clerk who copied it — Q.E.D.

^ Ou the question of payment of the £300, we find in Trans, Plym, Inst.,
yii. 467, the assertion that to make up the agreed-on £300 the town had to
"rate, beg, borrow, and go into debt," and ibid,, p. 480, "confidence
is expressed that the Records can bear no other meaning." But we
find, nevertheless, the proofs of non-payment actually of the fictitious
"composition" for the £300 in certain entries in the Receiver's Book.
Thus, fo. 90 b. (A.D. 1592), "Rec^ of Sir F. Drake for rent of Mills £30";
fo. 93 b., " Itm. paied to Sir Frauncis Drake, knt , towards the bringing in of
the water which the Receiver allowed hym in the rent dewe for the Mills for
one year at Michaelmns." From the double entry D' and C^ we see how
the £30 was written off; fo. 94 b., 1593, "Rec<i of Sir Fras. Drake, kt., for
rent of town Mills and two closes of land this year £34 3s. 4d." Fo. 96b,
1593, <* Itm. paid to Sir F. D. in full payment of the £300 that the Mayor
and Corporation were to paye hym for bringing in of the River and
purchas of the land over which the same is brought, which he is allowed
oute of the Mille rent— £22 16s. 8d.— which wss payable this yere." This
again was paid bj writing off, only this time Drake paid the balance — £11
6s. 8d. — so making up the £34 3s. 4d. as before. In contradistinction
to these genuine entries in Receiver's Book, we must also remark that in
the Black Book or ** Towne Ligger," on the blank spaces left, there were
scribbled in some unauthorized entries (obviously so) — manv of the town
archives having been burnt in 1548, or after (I) — in three different hand-
writings and different inks, under the year 1589 (!!) "This yere the com-
posytyon was made between the towne and Sir Frauncis Drake for the bringing
in of the River of Meve to the towne, for wh** the towne have paied hym ii^li
and more c" for wh^ he is to compound with the Id* of the land over wh^ it
runneth."

N.B. — Dates and payments wrong. I myself pointed out the difficulties
when the Black Book was exhibits on the table of Plymouth Institution.

354 THE RISE OF PLYMOUTH AS A NAVAL PORT.

And first, with regard to the pilchard tax and the means taken
towards levying it, we find in the Domestic State Papers, voL
ccxxxix., Elizabeth, under date 17 July, 1591 : "Thos. Cely,
once Mayor, to the Lord Treasurer," a long letter. An
order had been given for no more cellars to be erected at
Cawsand Bay. Reference to the offer of Cely himself, who
would give £300 a year for 21 years to Her Majesty for fish
transported by sea. Pilchards yield £16 a ton in the
Straits to the merchants.® Second, 1592, vol. xxiv., Elizabeth,
No. 77: ** Considering the walling and fortifying of Plymouth,
and cost about £5000, to be raised by impost on Pilchards,
2s. 6d. exported by strangers, Is. by Englishmen [to be
delivered to the Mayor of Plymouth, No. 78], also 6d. a cwt. on
Hake "; endorsed in Cecil's writing, with names Sir F. Gilbert
and Sir F. Drake, Carew (written "Care") of Antony, Chris-
topher Harris, Piers Edgcumbe, Eic. Champernowne. Further,
No. 78, 1592: In declaration of assent of Queen as to fortifying
of Plymouth, she allows £100 a year out of increased customs
of Plymouth, and hopes neighbouring gentry will subscribe,
as indeed they were bound to do by feudal tenure. 1592,
No. 79) : Draft like preceding, in same hand, but corrected
by Cecil, Lord Burghley, recites : " Forasmuch as the town of
Plymouth, being an ancient town of this realm, and a fl&ce
of frequent resort, as well, for our Navy Royal, upon all
occasions and resource of trade and merchandise to and from
the Westwards, and is not so well fortified as is needful for
defence against outward enemies in all dangerous tymes, &c."
And so again for pilchard tax for foreigners and English.^
Again, No. 80, 15 February, 1591-2: ** Plymouth is a very
fit place to be walled and fortified for the withstanding a
foreign attempt to surprise the same and to force the
Haven." No. 116, 5 April, 1592 : Plymouth— John Sparkes,
Mayor of Plymouth, has taken Robert Adams* and Arthur
Champernon's opinion on fortifying Plymouth, and asks a

' Probably it was owing to tbis offer tbat Lord Burgbley wrote tbe Major
for a copy of tbe agreement between tbe town and Sir Francis DraJce, and
Hele's man engrossed tbe copy requested.

^ In 1591 we bave : — *'Itm. paid to Mr. Hele's man for wrytinge owts of
tbe articles of agreement between tbe towne and Sr ffrauuces Drake, 6s. 8d. '*
If tbis related to tbe composition Mr. Hele was tbe proper person to be paid ;
if to a document independent of Hele, tbe payment would bave been tbe
man's perquisite. Mr. Wortb insisted tbat tbis agreement was a contract —
in fact, tbe Yory composition in question ; but, seeing tbat tbe word '* com-
position " was invariably used by Receiver, Mayor, and historian, in allusion,
tbere was strong reason for believing tbat tbe novel word ** agreement *'
applied to someuiing else, and it became him straightway to search among
the documents, copied into the Book of Constitutions, for an agreement. He
would not find tne fictitious composition, for Drake probably thrust bia
credentids into the fire when done with. I found an agreement at fo. 18,

THE RISE OF PLYMOUTH AS A NAVAL PORT. 355

loan in addition to the impost on pilchards (116). We
next find Robert Adams to Council mentions having received
from Sir F. Drake a plan of Plymouth. And in State
Papers, Dom., Elizabeth, ccxlv., No. 20, there is reference to
" Plan of Fortifications on the Hoe," ** The fort on the Hoe "
(? photo, Map 2) from Hatfield, drawn by Robert Adams;
another, 31 May, 1593, enclosing the chapel (S. Eatharine*s).
On 1 December, 1588, there was an order in Council
settling the controversy relative to the fishing of pilchards
in Devon and CornwalL N.B. — Carew (Care) and other
Cornishmen were placed on the committee in behalf of
Cornish interests. There was a controversy at one time
whether fish caught in Cornish waters should be sold else-
where to others. If we now turn to an entry of 9 June,

which Mr. Worth also foQDd eventnallj, and so disguised it that it is
necessary to quote the original together with his version, viz. : —

**ziij tie die Oetohris, Anno xxiij tio, Elizabethe Regne Anglis, etc. (1581).
By the meere assents and agreements of Sr ffranncee Drake, Knighte, maid
and the most parte of the xij. and xxiij ti in the Guildhalde assemhlede, it
was agreede and conclndede upon that if anie person or persons inhabiting
wthin this burghe, doe make or save anie quantitie of pilchards, wherebie
suspition shall grows that he or they have either solde or promiside the same
pilchards before they be savede or that have receivede any roonie beforehande
of any person or persons not inhabitinge wthin the towne directlie or in-
directlye to make the same pilcherds. Then he shalbe callede before the
Maior for the time beinge, in open Courte, to be holden wthin the saide
burghe, to answere the same, and if he refuse to answere it upon his Oathe,
he snalbe for that vere barrede to make any pilcherdes, and that no woman,
either weifife or widowe, or mans servaunte shall at any tyme hereafter sell
or make price for or upon any pilcherds brought to this Towne upon peine,
to incurre such a fyne or poninhmente as by the discretion of Mr. Maior and
his brethren shalbe though te good."

Sir Francis Drake was Mayor in 1581, and much as they respected him, it
seems that the fair sex, being no party to the agreement, evaded it. There-
fore one more stringent was made 80 July, 1584, with John Sparke, Mayor,
by which the husbands were to answer for their wives' disobedience. It also
began, "By the meere assents and axemen ts." So there did exist an
"ain^ement" with Sir Francis Drake, distinct from the "composition.**

Mr. Worth's version (Municipal Records, p. 52) : —

** Order that any person suspected of selling or promising to deliver pilchards
before they were saved or of having received money beforehand from any non>
inhabitant to cure the same, should be called before the Ma^or and questioned
thereon on oath, and if guilty, not allowed to make any mlchards that year.
No woman, whether wife, widow, or servant, to set or make price for or upon
any pilchards brought into the town, under penalty of ten shillings fine (to
be paid by the husband or master, if no widow), and personal punishment at
the Mayor'a discretion, 28 and 26 Eliz."

Here Drake's and Sparke's agreements are intermixed, the word "agree-
ment " is suppressed, and the name of Drake conspicuous by its absence.
Pilchards played an important rdle in Plymouth history. Thus at fo. 17 of
the Constitutions is a aecrte, a.d. 1566, concerning them. In 1588 Drake
and Hawkins inspected certain caves for curing pUchards at Cawsand, and
recommended the Council to transfer the curing ana exportation to Plymouth.
In 1591 Mr. Carew, of Antony, was instructed by the Council to go to
Plymouth on behalf of the Cornish fishermen "to settle with Sir Francis
Drake and others about pilchards*' (Receivers' Act, fo. 85), when he also

356 THE RISE OF PLYMOUTH AS ▲ NAVAL PORT,

1593,® we find: John Gayer, Mayor of Plymouth, for self
and brethren, to Lord Burghley, writes : Keceived Council's
letter, and are glad the Queen has left the fortifications just
begun to the town's government. The inhabitants will
subscribe; the chief help will be the impost on pilchards,
and they understand, " by our good friend Sir Francis Drake
that exception is taken to the insignificance of the grant,
and that it may be made greater, and surrender the old
letters patent of 19 July, 1590." (ccxlix., August, 1594,
No. 57.) The Queen refers the Earl of Bath to Sir Francis
Drake, to whom she has declared her pleasure respecting
fortifying Plymouth. The complaint of Drake as to in-
sufficiency of the grant has some light thrown upon it from
the entry in Seceiver's Book (old audit), not noticed in
Municipal (printed) Records, under the year 1576, fo. 25:
"Item, rec** of Ffrauncis Drake for the New Quay (then
building), 40s., gevyn ffrely." This, taken in connection

inspected the leat, not merely out of coriositj. As with the Water Act, the
importance of Plymouth to the navy, and the urgent necessity for fortifyinf(
the town, were strongly represented to the Queen and Council, who empowered
the Mayor to levy an impost on pilchards to provide the means, which the
neighbouring gentry were expected to supplement, and £100 a year was to
be fulded from the anticipated increase of toe Customs. Numerous documents
on the subject are among the National Records, as well as entries in the
Receiver's accounts. John Gayer, the Mayor, wrote 19 June, 1593, thank-
ing the Queen and Council for leaving the fortifications, just begun, to the
town's government, and requested a further grant by advice of Drake.

Returning to the agreement. 17 July, 1591, Thomas Ceoly (a leading
roan in Plymouth —the name occurs amongst the Mayors) offered Lord
Burghley, the Minister, £300 a year for 21 years for permission to farm an
impost of lOs. a ton on pilchards, and probably his lordship, requiring full
information on the subject, ordered the Mayor to forward a copy of " the
articles of the agreement between the town and Sir Francis Drake," and
Hele's man was employed to engross it. However, composition or agreement
matters little. The main question is, Who paid for the leat? and the
Receiver's accounts confirm the people's tradition. By the light of these
accounts and the Public Records we learn that Water Act, mills, castle
repairs, and fortifications were so many parts of Drake's grand scheme of
making Plymouth a strong naval station towards the entrance of the Channel,
and when the leat was in danger the Mayor pleaded the adaptation of
Drake's mills to that purpose. As Bishop Lloyd said, the leat was Drake's
" contrivance." His name was terrible to the Spaniaid, and so was that of
Plymouth ''great among nations" by an association fraught with danger.
Yet why should Drake and the town specially pay the costs of a national
scheme ? Plymouth, we know, was specially benefited. Not so with Drake.
Mr. Worth points to the six mills. A bagatelle ; one Spanbh prize was
worth twenty mills. Estates in six counties were grantea to him by the
Queen (Pat. 24, Eliz., p. 13), and he died seized, with a trifling exception,
only of those in Devon which he had acquired for himself. — From ''Ter-
centenary " Article in IF, M, News,

To this account of Drake's property is added this farther statement by
the same authority: "The Cecil family name was Sitselt. Their old
property had fallen away ; Drake procured a grant of it for himself from
the Queen, and restored it to the family." Hence we are called on to con-
clude what he did for Plymouth. s s.P., Dom., Eliz., ccxlv.

THE RISE OF PLYMOUTH AS A NAVAL PORT. 357

with Drake's complaint and the Queen's hint to neighbour-
ing gentry, shows how the cost was made up.^ In the
Eeceiver's Book, 1585, fo. 61b, we have "item pd to Sprie
the Painter for plot carried to the Council (xs.) of town parish
& therefore Leat." As the plan was carried to the Council,
and, as we have seen, endorsed by Cecil with the words
*• Lypson Hyll," the undertaking whereby the shipping were
to be provided with the leat-water must have been not a
simple town undertaking, but quite national, as providing
for the Queen's Nav^e ! The leat, like the fortifications, was
insufficiently provided for by town or royal grants, and
therefore the real burden of the expenditure must have
fallen on private shoulders. And had it not been so, the
Queen made it clearly understood that if private munifi-
cence was not sufficient, she would take good care that they
should not have the wherewithal to give to anything. We
further find, in the State Papers, Dom., Eliz., ccxix., Nos. 1
and 2, that the Council thought it very reasonable to have
regard to the trade of the town and port of Plymouth, being
a principal haven town, no merchants dwelling in London or
parts of Devon and Cornwall shall have cellars in Causan
cliff.^ "Sir Jno. Gilbert, Peter Edgcumb, John Fitz, and
Christopher Harris, Esq. [Drake's friends] are to look to it."
No. 2. The Cornishmen pray for some modification of the
committee, all the former being Devonshire men, and ask to
have Sir Bicbard Granville and Mr. Bichard Carew, two J.P.'s
and Deputy-Lieutenants of Cornwall, added. Tytler's Lift
of Baleigh (p. 94) records an address from the Queen E.

* Eliz., ccxviii., 10 Nov., 1588. Opinion of Sir F. Drake and Sir J.
Hawkins about pilcbarda stored in *'Cawsan" Bay. 1. No reason why fish
taken by Cornbnmen should be therefore saved by them, but that all other
subjects should as well deal for the same. 2. Of their true knowledge the
fish only of late salted and saved in Cawsan Bay, and those out places.
They knew when there were no cellars there, but houses to keep nets in,
and now it is a place for pirates and a place subject to be spoiled by the
enemy and to receive them. 4. The fish can be saved at all times of the
year, as well in town as there. Also : 1. For the haven serve th both Devon
and Cornwall/ especially Devon. 2. What the law alloweth to the fisher-
men we know not, but there is no place for forestalling. 5. Seldom or never
too great quantities taken for saving in town. 6. The same wind that will
suffer boats to come round the point to Cawsan Bay will suffer them to come
to the town (Plymouth). 7. There were as many mariners belonging to
Millbrook before the erection of the cellars as there are now, and it is not
meant that any town as, namely, Saltash, Millbrook, or Stonehouse be for-
bidden to receive pilchards. 8. Long conclusion, but sav it would be
better no more cellars be built for saving pilchards in the cliffs within the
haven of Plymouth. — Signed by Sir F. Drake and Sir J. Hawkins. N.B. —
Here evidence that Sutton Pool is not the Haven of Plymouth, as has been
msintained.

' N.B. — Cawsan cliffs within the Haven of Plymouth. Therefore the
Haven was evidently not Sutton Pool.

358 THE RISE OF PLYMOUTH AS A NAVAL PORT.

per her Minister: "Wherefore, Mr. Speaker, Her Majesty's
l)leasure is, that if you perceive any idle heads, which will
not stick to hazard their own estates," etc. The mills which
Drake biiilt were not required by the population of Ply-
mouth, who had their own mills already, but Drake was
expected "to hazard his own estate," and the Mayor and
Corporation to subscribe. These entries, supplemented by
the more important State Papers, show how Plymouth
became the naval port^ rather than Falmouth, which re-
quired no breakwater to be built Thus Drake and Hawkins
made Plymouth, owing to local associations with Plymouth
and Tavistock. And as to the great charges to which the
Corporation were put along with Drake, in providing for the
town and shipping, this is at once further accounted for by
the town having, in addition to bringing in the water, to lay
down lead pipes to convey the water to the inhabitants
within the town. In this way the water cost the Corporation
and Drake a great sum of money, as the Mayor said in bis
letter. The new measures were, therefore, for the supply of
food as well as water for the shipping, ie,, Drake's new com
mills for the flour, and pilchards from the Sound for their
food in foreign seas. The Act was not only for "Haven
Preservation," but for water close at hand and for driving
power for the new mills. The silting alone would be great,
for even recently it is computed, on Clementine authority
(Captain Clements'), that 1000 tons of silt mud a week go
down the Laira from Lee Moor! Of course with many
more tons of water to carry them. The tinners, moreover,
as the chartered representatives of the Crown, had absolute
right over land wherever lying which might contain "the
Koyal Metal," the King being the assumed owner of all
land in the country in the first instance, and all others
holding under him. Bichard Drake, Sir F. Drake's cousin,
was a tinner. So also was Crymes a tinner, who was able
afterwards to foil the Corporation through the oversight of a
tinner in Buckland Monachorum not having been asked for
his consent. Hence special arrangements with places near the
leat, like Warleigh, had consequently to be made, which have
been in some cases subsequently modified. Mr. Micklewood
pooh-poohs the asserted difiSculty of liners being navigated
into Cattewater owing to the fishing fleet ! What about the
Thames and its shipping ?

And now as to the rise of Plymouth as a naval port in
the reign of Elizabeth this is the sum. Comishmen may
now and formerly suggest that Falmouth, judged on its own

THE KISB OF PLYMOUTH AS A NAVAL PORT. 359

merits, would seem to have been more in the way of
commerce and protection of the Channel ports. But even
judged on its own merits Falmouth could not offer the same
advantages as Plymouth. True, there would be the reaches
of the lovely Fal in which a whole navy might lurk, and
there would be no need to build a breakwater, as the sea
entrance would be through a narrow channel, and the
harbour itself up to Truro with its different inlets was
almost as landlocked as Sydney or the Cove of Cork, now
Queenstown. But against these advantages for the time
being must be set the fact that most of the West country
sea-dogs, and nearly all their leaders, would hail from Devon.
The leaders of the Queen's navy (such as Drake and
Hawkins, not to mention Frobisber, a Yorkshire man, I
think) were closely connected with Plymouth (and
Tavistock), and Sir F. Drake's great circumnavigation
voyage started from Plymouth. It is also evident that the
Spaniards in the Armada considered Plymouth to be the
great naval port, for, ail-but avoiding FfiJmouth, their first
endeavour was to shut Drake and his ships in the Ply-
mouth haven, ie,, between Penlee and Bovisand points,
though foiled in this attempt by Drake's remarkable seaman-
ship. And this is all the more to be noted, because all ships
that came in would have to shelter up by Sutton and
Cattewater on the one side, and up the Hamoaze by Saltash
on the other. And it was doubtless because of the many
wrecks which strewed the rocks below the Hoe, before the
Breakwater was built, that a private shipping-yard (Escott's),
continuing up to 1780, was for many generations established,
first at Saltash; and afterwards a regular naval Dock was
built, on the land side opposite Cremyll, and that the founda-
tion of Plymouth Dock was laid in the reign of William III.,
the predecessor of our modern Devonport and Keyham,
where even now such huge additional docks are being built
as a national necessity.' Nor can we omit to notice that

• In Qiieen Elizabeth's time the only real Dockyards were far east — at
Chatham, Woolwich, and Deptford. Properly speaking, there were only
places of naval rendezvous^ either by Sutton and Cattewater on the one side,
or up the Hamoaze by Saltash on the other. The private shipping-yards
would, of course, in cases of necessity, be resorted to on either side, east or
west, in the Plymouth Haven. Hawkins, it is true, desired ** places of
accommodation ' westwards, which would not make necessary recourse to the
"River" {i.e., the Thames) or "the Downs." (Hasted's Kent, p. 281.)
Besides this, Drake took his prizes, including the San Filipe, up the Tamar
by Saltash, perhaps near the mouth of the Tavy, to be near Buckland
Abbey. But Frobisher was defeated in a similar attempt by the intervention
of the civil authority. There was, however, no naval station at Saltash.
And no more was there at Cattewater, though Hawkins fired at the Spaniards
there for not saluting the English flag.

360 THE RISE OF PLYMOUTH AS A NAVAL PORT.

on the other side of the haven there is a project, only to a
certain extent successful, being pushed forward for obtaining
at Cattewater a still greater depth of water, sufficient to float
our huge ships of modern tonnage alongside of our Plymouth
warehouses. Well then, we look back to Elizabeth as the
founder of our Colonial Empire, and to Drake, Hawkins, and
the rest as the agents in the inauguration of that mighty
scheme. We have seen how the Privy Council acknow-
ledged the claims of Plymouth as an important haven, to
which so much merchant shipping and the vessels of Her
Majesty's navy did continually resort All seafaring men
are conscious of the necessity of water and provisions for
their shipping. And doubtless it was in Drake's own
voyages — in some of which he had to provision some 3000
men — that these necessities forcibly impressed themselves
upon him. Before the leat was laid— as the Plymouth
Haven and Water Act declared — men had to go some mile
inland for water (perhaps to '* Lypson Hyll "), and when so
doing had often lost a fair wind, and had to wait for the
next. Drake and Hawkins, therefore, were as much
interested in the question of water for Her Majesty's ships
as they could be for the supply of the town, and hence we
cannot doubt that they freely gave of their prize-money
to enable them to start with a prompt and speedy supply
of water. They did this for their own benefit^ and not
merely because the Queen expected them ''to hazard their
estates." And then there was the food supply for shipping
to be thought of, and that they had in the hogsheads of
salted pilchards they took to sea. Aud it was by the tax on
pilchards that another project of Elizabeth and her Council
was promoted. If the shipping in harbour had to be
provisioned, there was every need for fortifications to be
raised for the protection of the ships which might be lying
there. Plymouth as an important port was to be fortified,
but in such a way as not to attract the attention of the
hostile prying Spaniard. The burgesses of a seaside town
could not be blamed for providing out of the means they
could raise for their own protection, while any national
attempt to effect the same object might look like a menace
to Spain. These fortifications would cost £5000, and the
money had to be raised and was raised. I have finally to
remark that it is in the State Domestic Papers of Elizabeth
that these points, as we have seen, were more fully brought
out than in the black and white books of the Plymouth
Corporation (constitutions). The Plymouth town supply of

THE RISE OF PLYMOUTH AS A NAVAL PORT. 361

water from their own wells was sufficient for the working of
the town miUs. As to the town wells, just remember the
names of Finewell Street, Ladywell Terrace, Gilwell Street,
Buckwell Street, Westwell Street, and Well Street. The
last street, though very modern, testifies by its name to
the existence of a well on the Elliot estate. Drake's mills,
therefore, were really tidal miUs, worked by the back flow
from Sourpool,' which he afterwards left to the town, and
were built for the supply of the shipping. The town wells,
too, we must remember, became unfit for use as the town grew
and increased. To Plymouth, therefore, and to Plymouth
heroes, we owe the origin of our colonial empire under
Elizabeth, and we cannot err in coming to the conclusion that
the rise of Plymouth as a naval port laid the foundations of
Britain's empire of the seas. All over the world, wherever a
British ship floats there is a piece of British ground, and that
dominion first took its beginniugs in the rise of Plymouth as
a naval port in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Esto perpetwa!
should be the cry of every Briton, whether in the lesser or
the greater Britain. And even in the great Bepublic which,
notwithstanding the admixture of foreign but assimilating
elements, owns Great Britain for its mother, there are not a
few traces left that " blood is thicker than water " (as many
of my name can testify in Texas and elsewhere), and that
wherever the Anglo-Saxon aud his related races go there is
the dominion of the future, even if shared in an inferior
degree by the efforts* after empire of the Slav !

' This clearly appears from Hatfield map No. 2, which I exhibited in
public. Mr. Julian Corbett, in his recent work on Drake and the Tudor
Naxy (vol. iL 871, note), says: '* Recently there has been a difference of
opinion amongst local antiquaries, some considerio^ that Drake, so far from
being a benefactor to the town, was guilty of a job by which he greatly
benefited. . . . The charge, however, has not been established clearly
enough to overcome the contrary evidence and the local tradition. The
whole work seems to have been part of Drake's pet project for making
Plymouth a powerful naval station. For this good water and properly-
conducted mills were essential. His persoDal interest was, no doubt, a desire
to regain the favour of the Queen in the way that was always most effective
with her, that is, by undertaking, mainly at his own expense, Imperial work
which she ouffht to have done herself."

* Cf. remark of Russian Count de Lacy to me some years after the Crimean
war : "Ah, monsieur, si nous pouvons agr^r, nous pourrons diviser tout le
monde entre nous ! '' II avait bien raisoo. Arguments on the propriety of
this seem now, after recent doings in China, etc, rather ill-timed and
inconsequent. In an article on **The Englishmen, &c., who made Russia,"
Ice., in a recent monthly, there is mention made of one Lacy, a Limerick
man, having accompanied the Czar Peter to Russia among the 300, in all,
English, Scotch, and Irish, who helped Peter to build up his empire. How
far has this aid been recognised! Was there not a Russian admiral, Greig, of
Scotch descent, at Sebastopol in the Crimean War?

VOL. XXX. 2 A

ON THE CULM CONGLOMERATES OF SOUTH

DEVON, AND THEIR RELATIONS TO AN

APPARENT BREAK IN THE SEQUENCE

OF THAT FORMATION.

BT ALBX. BOmBTAn^

(Rfsad at Honitoo, Aognst, 1896.)

TflERS is a strikiiig contradiction between the results of
the physicists and the geologists with regard to geological
time.

The former, with much good reason perhaps, would curtail
very considerably the length of time demanded by the latter
as an explanation of phenomena presented both from the
physical and vital sides of the past history of our world.

In the study of a geological formation, which often seems
one long unbroken sequence of events, the geologist is not
unfrequently startled to find on further research that the
seeming unbroken sequence is but a mere fiction of his own
creating. Further observation may disclose to him the fact
of a break in the continuity of events which makes an
immense call on *' the bank of time/' that ho was altogether
unprepared for.

Instances of this kind occur throughout the scale of the
geological formations, and further investigations only tend to
increase their number.

An example of this kind forms a portion of the subject of
the present paper: a subject which has certainly not received
the attention from local observers that it merits.

The Culm or Carboniferous formation, as it is developed
in Devonshire, is provisionally divisible into a lower and
upper group.

The lower group consists of a series of slates, cherts, and
limestones. The upper, as developed in the northern portion

THE CULM CONGLOMERATES OF SOUTH DEVON. 363

of the county, of sandstones, carbonaceous shales, and beds
of anthracitic coals, such as occur near Bideford.

A portion of this upper group seems to be absent from the
South Devon area ; or at least the beds of anthracite coals
which occur in the north are not represented.

There is, however, developed very locally in South Devon
a series of grits and conglomerates, which are apparently
still higher in the system than the upper groups of North
Devon, to which reference will immediately be made.

The lower group has of late received close attention from
Messrs. Hinde and Fox^ in a valuable memoir dealing
specially with the radiolarian chert beds associated there-
with.

These radiolarian cherts and the beds immediately con-
nected therewith have been shown to have been the result of
deposition which must have taken place in a very deep sea,
far removed from the ordinary sediments derived from the
waste of the land; in fact, they are the product of a still
deep sea of profound depth.

In the South Devon area, in the neighbourhood of Newton
Abbot, Kingsteignton, and Chudleigh, there occur a series of
sandstones, grits, fine and coarse conglomerates, which indicate
conditions the very reverse of the above; conditions which
clearly indicate not only shallow seas, but even areas that
had been raised above the level of the water.

In the conglomerates referred to are indubitable fragments
of the radiolarian cherts derived from the waste of these beds.
These fragments are plentifully distributed throughout the
conglomerates in all the localities where they occur.

The inference from these facts is at once obvious. It
plainly means that these Lower Culm beds have been con-
solidated; slowly elevated from the bottom of a sea of
great depth, and subsequently wasted and worn down into
fragments to enter into the composition of the said con-
glomerates.

It has been suggested that the fragments of the cherts
found in the conglomerates might be explained on the
grounds of volcanic activity ; the fragments of chert having
been blown from beneath by explosions which took place
under submarine conditions.

There are, however, no good grounds for this supposition,
as the fragments of chert are most frequently well rounded
and water-worn, as are also most of the other constituents

* Quar, Joum, Oeol, Soc., Nor., 1895, voL li. p. 609.

2 A 2

364 THE CULM CONGLOMERATES OF SOUTH DEVON.

which make up the conglomerates. Neither is there any
appearance of any true tuff-like matter in their contents
which would lead one to support this view of their origin.

The only intelligible solution of the difficulty, then, is the
granting of sufficient time to account for the great physical
changes implied by the phenomena as stated.

That such-like changes were also taking place over other
areas at no great distance during the same period, it is most
interesting to note : for instance, in the Pennant sandstone
group of South Wales there are beds of conglomerate con-
taining pebbles of coal sometimes of four inches in diameter.
Another instance is from the Bristol coalfield, where, in cer-
tain beds of grit of the same age, pebbles of anthracite
belonging to the lower coal-measure group have also been
found.*

These two instances clearly prove that these conditions
were by no means confined to the limited area of South
Devon alone.

The occurrence of the fragments of chert in the South
Devon conglomerates was distinctly noted by Grodwin-
Austen and De la Beche. Both of these observers also
drew attention to the unconformable position of the con-
glomerates to the underlying Devonian beds, a point of
much importance, as will be seen in the sequel of this
paper.

The conglomerate group is naturally divisible into a triple
series, consisting of sandstones, grits, and conglomerates.
There are fine and coarse grits, and also conglomerates
ranging through grades of fine, medium, and coarse.

These rocks may be studied at many different localities,
all within a short distance of each other, as at Bradley
Woods, near Combe Farm, Hestow Farm, Whiteway Farm,
Ugbrook Park, etc.

The most important questions now arise. What is the
true age of the conglomerate series? and what are the
relations they hold to the rest of the Culm series ?

Messrs. Hinde and Fox, in their paper already referred to,
incidentally and briefly note the former question, and remark
that "it is hardly possible that the Radiolarian beds are
directly succeeded by beds of coarse clastic materials," t.e.,
the Ugbrook Park and other conglomerates. This is one
of the points that really requii'e further elucidation from
observation in the field.

* Woodward's QeoL of Eng. and Wales, p. 196.

THE CULM CONGLOMERATES OF SOUTH DEVON. 365

The most of the sectioDS, however, exposed in the localities
where the Lower Culm, with its chert beds, comes into close
juxtaposition with the conglomerate series, are, unfortunately,
rather obscure in the order of their sequence. Both are
found close together at Bradley Woods, Roydon, west of
Abbotskerswell, fioydon, north of Kingsteignton, and at
Ugbrook Park ; but in none of these localities are the
relations of the superimposed conglomerates clear to the
underlying chert series. Sometimes the conglomerates, as
at Ugbrook Park, seem to rest directly on the Devonian
limestones.

My inference from this, and from other appearances in
the field, is that there is an unconformability, or an overlap,
in the succession between the Lower Culm and the con-
glomerate series.

This opinion is strengthened by the fact that in all the
localities mentioned the conglomerate series rests at a
comparatively low angle. On the other hand the chert
series is frequently very highly inclined, and the beds
much contorted and affected by cleavage. Indeed the
Lower Culm series seems to have been powerfully affected
by earth-crust movements, which had ceased before the
deposition of the conglomerates.

In strict connection with this point we know from clear
evidence that contemporaneous volcanic action exhibited
itself in the area of South Devon during the formation
of the Lower Culm, of which there is no trace in the
upper or conglomerate series.

Grodwin- Austen and De la Beche, as already pointed out,
distinctly noted the unconformability between the Culm and
Devonian systems of South Devon. It^ however, seems clear
to me that the conglomerate series is really the unconform-
able member, resting so on the Lower Culm, which latter,
however, is quite conformable to the Devonian in South
Devon, as it is also known to be so in the north of the
county.

If I am correct on this point, the break, overlap, or un-
conformability is then between the lower members of the
Culm and this upper conglomerate series, and, of course,
an equal unconformability will also occur wherever the
latter rests on the Devonian in South Devon.

Proofs as to the exact age of the conglomerate series are
not altogether as clear as could be desired, consequently
much is left to inference.

There can be no doubt, however, from the reasons urged,

366 THE CULM CONGLOMERATES OF SOUTH DEVON.

that they are high ia the series of the Culm deposits,
and that they are certainly separated from the chert beds
by an enormous interval of time. It seems to me that
it is only a fair and just inference to regard this con-
glomerate series of South Devon as the true equivalents
of the Pennant grit series of the Bristol and South Wales
coalfields, which present similar phenomena already referred
to.

Neither is it quite clear as to whether or not these South
Devon conglomerates are really represented even by equiva-
lents of the same age, if less coarse in texture, in the north
of the county, as near Bideford.

The development of the conglomerate series in the south*
may have been of a local nature only, so much so that they
may not have spread very much beyond the various areas
referred to. At all events, in the numerous sections of the
Culm formation exposed further north in the direction of
the Teign valley, and also by way of Exeter, as far as I am
aware of, they are not again met with in any of the
numerous sections there exposed.

ON THE DENUDATION OF THE CULM ROCKS
FfiOM THE AREA OF SOUTH DEVON.

BY ALBX. 80MERVAIL,
Torquay,

(R«ad At Honiton, August, 1898.)

In the short paper just read I have placed before you
conclusive evidences in proof of a period of inter-denuda-
tion which occurred in the Culm or Carboniferous system of
South Devon.

During that period there had been considerable waste and
removal of the rocks forming that extensive formation,
especially of that portion of it lying between the radiolarian
cherts near its base, and the conglomerates just described,
forming its upper or higher beds.

The present very brief paper is confined to a long subse-
quent period of denudation, which took place on a far larger
scale during one or more geological periods of time ; but
notably to that interval which preceded the deposition of the
Permian breccias and sandstones, which cover a large area in
South Devon.

It is singular that the late Mr. Pengelly, in his paper on
" The Denudation of Rocks in Devonshire," ^ and in other
papers, had so little to say on the proofs of the enormous
removal of the Culm rocks from the South Devon area, as it
presents perhaps the most striking instance of denudation to
be found in our county.

In dealing with this subject I will not dwell on, but
merely mention in passing, the great mass and thickness of
the Culm beds, which must have been removed from over the
area of the Dartmoor granite, but pass on to deal with its
more extensive denudation from the whole southern surface
of South Devon.

* Trans. Dev. Assoc., 1864, p. 42.

368 THE DENUDATION OF THE CULM ROCKS.

This area is embraced in an east and west line cutting
through the centre of the Dartmoor granite and extending
therefrom southwards to the coast.

Whether the whole combined thickness of the Lower
and Upper Culm system was once spread over this ex-
tensive area may not be altogether certain, as the con-
glomerate series was essentially a shallow water deposit, and
might have been local in its formation. It is, however,
certain that the lower members, ¥dth which the radiolarian
cherts are associated, covered the whole area referred to.

These members of the system were laid down in a deep,
abysmal sea, for the most part far removed from inshore
conditions and the immediate waste of the land.

That sea, in the deep waters of which were formed the
cherts and other associated rocks, must have covered an area
very much greater than the very circumscribed one referred
to. Indeed, there are evidences which would connect these,
our lower members of the Culm, with those of the Continent,
of Belgium and North Germany, where the same radiolarian
deep-sea beds occur.

Altogether apart from this line of argument, however, are
the clear and decisive proofs furnished by the physical
features of the Culm beds as they now exist in our county.

On reference to the Geological Survey maps of North and
South Devon, you will observe that the beds of the Culm are
so disposed in their arrangement as to form a line of strike
from west to east with a persistent dip to the north. This
northern dip is steadily maintained so as to form the
edge or rim of a great basin or synclinal trough, until the
opposite edge or rim of the basin is gradually brought up
along the long line of strike extending from Bideford Bay
inland by way of Bampton.

The southern lip of this great basin presents its truncated
ends to the south, which ends are simply their denuded or
wasted edges; or the remaining portions of another great fold
of the strata, which once passed southwards, but now almost
completely removed by denudation.

Similar proofs of the extensive removal of different
members of the Culm system are afforded by a study of
the area of the east side of Dartmoor.

In this district the Culm is continued far southward of the
line of strike of the beds on the west side of the moor,
reaching near the margin of the granite, possibly as far south
as Ivybridge (?) or at least beyond Skeriton. This fact is
sufficient of itself to show that at one time on the west side

THE DENUDATION OF THE CULM BOCKS. 369

of Dartmoor the Calm beds were prolonged far southwards
to the termination of their present line of strike; a fact
which will be immediately referred to and proved.

The more or less isolated masses of the sandstone, grit,
and conglomerate series of this same eastern area are also
proof positive of their former much wider distribution As
mentioned in the preceding paper, these members of the
Upper Culm system occupy a number of detached and semi-
detached areas.

The combined thickness of these is very considerable, and
the whole point to the fact that they are the mere scraps of
more extensive beds, which have escaped entire removaL

The proofs of this enormous denudation of Culm rocks
from the area of South Devon do not stop here, but can
even be applied to the area of South Cornwall, or even to the
whole of the county.

Bearing directly on this point, my friend Mr. Howard
Fox, F.G.S., of Falmouth, has lately called attention to a
remarkable outlier of Culm chert at Pillaton, five miles
N.N.W. of Saltash.- These radiolarian cherts form a whole
hill quite isolated from the rest of the main body of the
Culm rocks on the north. The isolated position of this
outlier forms an indisputable, monumental proof of its
separation from the main mass by denudation, while the
outlier itself as clearly points to the still further extension
of these same beds far to the south.

The geological period of time at which most of this vast
removal of the Culm, and even of the underlying Devonian
rocks, took place seems, as already stated, to have been post-
Culm and pre-Permian.

This interval between these two formations doubtless marks
a period of very considerable duration. During this pro-
longed interval of waste the southern portion of our county
had not only stripped from its surface a great thickness of
Culm strata, but also much of the underlying Devonian
rocks, before the lowest of the Permian breccias and sand-
stones had begun to be deposited. That such was the case
is perfectly clear from the fact of these Permian rocks
resting directly on the upturned and eroded edges, or on
denuded surfaces of the Middle and Lower Devonian, as
may be observed at Goodrington, and other localities near
Torquay.

At later periods of geological time further denudation of

^ Trans. Dev, Assoc ^ 1896, toI. zzTiii. p. 786.

370 THE DENUDATION OF THE CULM ROCKS.

the Culm rocks has also taken place. In post-Permian and
Triassic times both of these formations were in certain areas
in part removed down to their very basement beds, and even
below, down to the Culm beneath. There are also traces of
this denudation as late as the drifts of the Bovey basin
periods, in which are found numerous fragments of Culm
rocks removed from the adjoining areas.

The combined effect of all these periods of denudation
has been to sweep from the area of South Devon nearly the
whole extent and thickness of a formation which at one time
assuredly covered its entire surface.

DEVONSHIEE IN PARLIAMENT,

1660-1832.

BT THB BEV. J. B. PEABSOX, D.D.
(Read at Honiton, Angust, 1808.)

Ik the Transactions of the Devonshire Association for 1896,
vol. xxviii will be found a paper which I read at the
meeting at Ashburton, on the Bepresentatives for the
borough in olden times. I had wished to add a few remarks
on the franchise prevailing there, termed in the law books
''burgage tenure," but time was wanting to examine it
properly ; and since then I have thought it best to enlarge
my design, and to-day I offer an account of the entire
representation of the county, including the city of Exeter,
as it existed prior to the Beform Act of 1832. Our wood,
as I may term it, was then rather severely cut, but it has
renewed itself as well as could be expected, and the voice
of the county is now very well heard at Westminster.

Devon was represented, from the Bestoration in 1660 to
1832, by, first, two county members; secondly, by two
members for the city and county of Exeter, the city having
been declared a county of itself by grant from Henry YIII.
in 1537, confirmed by statute in 1550; and, thirdly, by
eleven boroughs, close or open ; and their circumstances and
franchises will appear in the course of my paper. They
returned in all twenty-two members, so that the entire area
of Devon had as many as twenty-six, or about one-twentieth
of the entire representation of England and Wales. The
entire land tax, as assessed in 1692, was about £2,000,000,
at 4s. in the pound on the annual value of all kinds of
property at that time; while that for Devon, including
Exeter, was fixed at £82,583, or, as near as may be, one
twenty-fourth part of the whole tax; so it may be said
that 200 years ago taxation and representation were not

372 DEVONSHIRE IK PARLIAMENT, 1660-1832.

much out of proportion, as far as Devonshire was concerned,
a point of some importance, if we consider how sharply the
Commons in those bygone times insisted on their sole right
to fix the taxes payable to the Crown. At the same time
the midland and home counties, which paid very heavily,
were not nearly so well represented.

I reserve for the conclusion of my paper an account of
the representation of the city of Exeter and the county at
large, and will now take in alphabetical order the eleven
other boroughs — for none of them were cities proper — and
explain how their members were elected prior to 1832.
There had never been any definite legislation on the subject^
though the right had sometimes enured by custom, some-
times been defined by royal charter, and in more cases than
one determined by resolution of the House of Commons on
the report of an Election Committee. I may add that
Ashburton, Honiton, and Okehampton had only returned
members since November, 1641, when their privilege was
revived by order of the House.

Ashburton. By a resolution of the House of Commons,
February 26, 1707-8, founded on the indentures of election
sent up since 1660, the right of voting was declared to be
vested in this borough "in freeholders having lands and
tenements holden of the said borough only." An amend-
ment to omit the word only was rejected on a ballot; and
it is interesting to see from the proceedings, as recorded
in the journals of the House, that at that time the House
voted by secret ballot, not as now, by an open record of
namea

Burgage tenure, thus confirmed by a formal decision, is
a very ancient tenure in England, of which the Parlia-
mentary franchise is, of course, only an incident. Whether
it is still recognized in conveyances of property I cannot
say, but it is described by Blackstone as implying that the
tenements were held of the king or the lord of the manor
at a fixed rent ; and in some cases I think the borough as
a whole answered for the entire rent to the lord; it is
expressly said to be one of the cases in which the lex loci
prevailed, the customs varying extremely in different places.
The franchise of burgage tenure existed at Beer Alston, in
this county, and in several of the ancient boroughs which
were reduced or extinguished by the first Reform Act of
1832 ; and a few of my readers may be interested if I sub-
join their names : — Saltash, Cornwall ; Cockermouth, Cumber-
land; Castle Rising, Norfolk; Bletchingley and Eeigate»

DEVONSHIRE IN PARUAMENT, 1660-1832. 373

Surrey; East Grinstead, Horsham, and Midhurst, Sussex;
Appleby, Westmorelaud ; Downtou, Heytesbury, and Old
Sarum, Wiltshire; Droitwich, Worcestershire; Borough
Bridge, Northallerton, Bichmond, Bipon, and Thirsk, York-
shire. Burgage tenure was reckoned to be a free or freehold
tenure, not a base or servile tenure like that of the copy-
holders in the home counties, who before 1832 had no vote
in Parliamentary elections.

I have had some conversation with a friend of much
experience in law, whom I need not name, as to the way
in which the joint lords of the manor, who evidently were
proprietors of the borough at Ashburton, employed their
*' screw" to secure the election of their nominees. They
certainly had no right of eviction, and it was his opinion
that it could only have been their moral influence which
determined the votes in their favour, unless, indeed, they
had acquired the ownership of the tenements in some in*
direct way which would not be generally known or public.
When Colonel Torrens captured the borough in 1831, the
independent electors supported him, and thus ousted Sir L.
Palk, the owner of one moiety of the manor; Mr. Poyntz,
who represented Lord Clinton's share, easily retaining his
seat, as he was in favour of the Beform Bill. In a news-
paper of the time it is said that the votes on the third day
were 79, 47, and 41 : so long it took to poll so few ; and
Ashburtonians may like to know that the impartiality of
Mr. Henry Gervis, who filled the office of Portreeve, was
much commended.

Barnstaple seems always to have been an open con*
stituency, the freemen, as at Exeter, being very numerous.
Freedom was acquired by servitude of seven years, and also
by inheritance, ail sons succeeding, and not only the eldest
son, as usual in many boroughs. The capital burgesses, or
common council, had also votes. In 1832 the constituency
in all numbered about 260.

Beer Alston, or Albeston, is a small town, now of about
1000 inhabitants, in the parish of Beer Ferrers, near Ply-
mouth. The borough itself was small, extending over only
about 30 acres, with a population of 400 and about thirty
electors in 1831. The franchise was burgage tenure, the
same as at Ashburton, but the seats were never contested.
The town is said by Bisdon to have taken its name from one
Alenson, to whom it was given by William the Conqueror ;
but I cannot identify the place in the Devonshire Domesday,
The lord of the borough, whatever that might mean, was the

374 DKTOKSHISB IK PAKUAMEXT, 1600-1832.

Earl of Beveriey, and the memben connected with the
Northumberland Ceunily.

At Dartmouth, or properly speaking, Clifton Dartmouth
Hardness, denoting different parts of the town which Was
incorporated by Edward II L, Uie election of members rested
with the Corporation, which consisted of a mayor, twelve
masters, as at Totnes, and an indefinite number of burgesses,
actually seventy-one at the time of the Keform Bill, of
whom fifty-three are said to have been resident, though only
twenty-two appeared in the new Register of 1832. It seems
to have been a very close affair ; the only contests in recent
years had been in 1791 and 1830, and the place was much
under the influence of a family named Houldsworth, whose
name I do not now see in the Directory. Alternately with
Poole, in Dorsetshire, the Corporation had the curious
privilege of nominating the collector of customs in New-
foundland, which they are said to have sold on one occasion
for £300. I am afraid their standard of conduct in public
life was not much above that of Chaucer's shipman :

" For ongbt I wot, he was of Dert^month,
And certainly he was a good fellow.
Full many a draught of wine he had draw
From Burdeaox ward, while that the chapman sleep.
Of nice conscience took he no keep,
Bat of his craft to reckon well his tides.
His streams and his strondes him besides.
There was none such from Hull unto Cartage."

The original borough of Honiton consisted only of the
town, about 100 acres in extent, with 3,509 inhabitants in
1831. The electors were, scot and lot, those who paid their
scot and bore their lot, i.e., served the parish offices in their
turn ; or Potwallers or Potwallopers, as they are sometimes
called, most likely meaning any person who could boil a pot
against a walL The value they set on their votes comes out
very clearly in what I have said in my paper on Ashburton,
of Sir Wm. Yonge ; and in the many small boroughs where
this form of franchise existed, I fear they were very often
accessible to undue influences. Mustard, for example, I
have seen mentioned as the local name for the value of
a vote at Uchester, a small town not far distant ; and yet
it was added that on an enquiry by the House, it was im-
possible to extract any explanation of the term from any
inhabitant of the place, man, woman, or child, so safely
were they educated. The right of franchise in the city of
Westminster was of this character, and it may be imagined

DBV0K8HIKS IN PARUAMEMT, 1660-1832. 375

who the electors would have been in the eighteenth century.
In Westminster no doubt they were entirely free, and,
generally speaking, inaccessible to bribery ; and most of us
know the story of the blacksmith: of the shoemaker who
asked leave *'to light his pipe at her ladyship's eyes,'' and
the chairmaker who, most likely in 1741, declined to sup-
port the candidate favoured by the Prince's friends, ^ even
if His Boyal Highness should give him an order for a
throne " ; but their influence in an election was entirely out
of proportion to their interest in the Government, and the
ten-pound householders were a very good substitute. They
died hard. Their rights were reserved for life, as long as
they occupied the same tenement as in 1832; and about
1881 half a dozen perhaps survived at the head of the list
of voters for the parish of St. Margaret's, Westminster — one
of them a gentleman residing in the pleasant locality of
Queen Anne's Gate ; and in another constituency of about
1,500 electors in 1830, the last name of the old set, I was
told, disappeared in 1890.

Much light is thrown on the situation of the borough of
Okehampton by the report of the Commissioners who
enquired into the Municipal Corporations of England and
Wales in 1835. The governing charter was one granted by
Charles II. in 1684, and under it all places in the borough
were at the disposal of the patron, Albany Savile, Esq., who
had purchased his rights from Lord Clive ; he in his time
having secured the different shares into which the lordship
or manor itself had become split. There were a mayor,
recorder, sixteen capital burgesses, and a number of free-
men, who with the freeholders of the parish, in all about
230, elected the members of Parliament; but everything
seems practically to have been in the hands of Mr. Savile,
who had been himself recorder. Mr. Savile and the
Corporation had outstanding accounts against each other of
a considerable amount, but they were not forthcoming at
the enquiry, and there seemed no prospect whatever of a
settlement; in fact, the whole affair, after the place lost its
representatives in 1832, had lapsed into a moribund phase of
existence, from which it has recently revived under the
influence of a new charter granted in 1886. I am not aware
that the seats had been contested for a long time.

Plymouth, the next town in my list, is too important a
place for any thorough consideration in this paper. It was
originally a place in the parish of Sutton, now represented
only by the name of Sutton Pool, one of the creeks in which

376 DIVOKSHISI IK PAfiUAMXKT, 16G0-1832.

trading Teasels can load or diachaige. It was
by cbaiter and statute in 18 Henry YL (1439), and no
doubt increased rapidly ; its first membeis were returned in
1441. They were elected by the mayor and commonalty
or freemen, who seem to have forced for themselves a con-
siderable amount of corporate authority, beyond what they
were entitled to by their charter, in 1812 ; and in 1830 they
admitted as many as 200 new members, who each paid an
admission fine of £20 towards the erection of a new town
hall. Their legal powers may have been somewhat
precarious, but they exemplify the saying that the spirit
of a nation is stronger than a hundred statutes; and no
party in the state would have wished to afiront the men who
were always willing to brave the battle or the breeze. After
the Keform Act of 1832, 115 only were qualified to vote as
freemen, so that many of the 200 new men must have lived
at some distance.

Plympton Earle was a borough of 540 acres, with 183
houses and 1,251 inhabitants, presumably the modem town
of Plympton ; it had fifty-four electors, who in ooe way or
another formed a practically close constituency. They were
a mayor, nine aldermen, and forty-three free buigesses, the
latter being chosen by the mayor and aldermen. Very few
were resident, and they were mostly gentlemen of Devon
or ComwalL Individually they may have been not ill-
qualified to elect the members, but that they represented
the town of Plympton does not appear.

At Tavistock the electors, thirty-seven in number in 1832,
were the freeholders resident within the borough, which
otherwise had no kind of corporate existence. The influence
of the Russell family before and after the Act of 1832 seems
to have been predominant

Tiverton is not well spoken of by the Municipal Com-
mission, but the patronage of the borough belonged to the
Earl of Harrowby, and the high character which the Byder
family have always enjoyed forbids my supposing they used
it improperly, though their views of political duty may not
have been my own. Though they have long parted with
their interest in the place, they have left in the Town Hall
two small portraits of George I. and George II., which it
is not easy to find away from London. The electors wei^
a mayor, twelve capital burgesses, and twelve assistants : in
all twenty-one were present and voted at the election of
May, 1831, and in a report of the time they are called
corporators. I have no reason to suppose that they voted

DEVONSHIRE IN PARLIAMENT, 1660-1832. 377

otherwise than in accordance with the wishes of their noble
patron, but what powers of control he may have had at
a critical time I cannot undertake to say.

At Totnes the right of election rested with the mayor,
fourteen masters and counsellors, and an indefinite number
of free burgesses, actually ninety-four in all in 1831. The
financial affairs of the unreformed corporation of this town
were in a very unsatisfactory state, but this may not have
affected the politics of the place. Anyhow, the influence
of a few families seems to have governed the elections
to Parliament, and this may very well have been exercised
in a fair and legitimate way.

Altogether we see that of the smaller boroughs in Devon,
one had the scot and lot franchise, two had burgage tenure,
and in the eight others the members were chosen by the
Corporation or freemen in various ways.

I conclude with a few remarks on the elections for the city
of Exeter and the county of Devon, which will be seen to have
stood on a footing rather different from that of the various
small towns which I have hitherto been describing. In
Exeter itself the election of members of Parliament rested
with the freemen and freeholders, in all about 1,500 in 1831.
They were evidently too large a constituency to be under
any control or tutelage, and I have no doubt that they would
have rejected a man as soon as they would have seated him.
They were often poor men, and, we may assume, were no
better and no worse than the Nottingham '* lambs/' or some
other constituencies that might be named; but they were
too numerous, and the city itself was too strong a cor-
poration, to be nursed or coerced, and we may take it for
granted that they did their duty to their country to the
best of their knowledge.

In the county at large there were about 11,000 freeholders,
at least so it was stated on the hustings in 1831, and the
number agrees fairly well with that of the ownership votes
in a return of 1837. But at the election of August, 1830,
when Mr. Bastard lost his seat, whose family had represented
the county since 1780, not nearly so many put in an appear*
ance, he having only polled 2,100 against 2,900 and 2,700
in favour of his opponents. I suspect there were many
trimmers among those qualified to vote, and the expense
of coming to Exeter from distant parts of the county would
have been something, local polling -places being a novelty
of the Act of 1832.

VOL. XXX. 2 B

EVIDENCES OF GLACIATION IN DEVONSHIRE.

BT R. HANSFORD WORTH, O.B.
(Read at Honiton, Aognit, 1896.)

A. THE FORMS OF THE YALLETa

B. BOULDER CLAY.

Fabhion appears to rule in geological as well as in other
matters, the text -books being the authorities. With no
sufficient reason, as it appears to the author, a very general
opinion has arisen that the last glacial period was limited
in action, and bounded as regards area by a line drawn east-
ward from the head of the Bristol Channel. No attempt, or
at least no serious attempt, has ever been made to assign a
reason for this southern limit of glaciation, and on inquiry it
would appear that the matter is one of theory, formed in the
absence of sufficient data. Of the reasons which may be
assigned for the supposed absence of glacial action in Devon*
shire, two only, if seriously advanced, might be considered to
be adequate. It must either be argued that the land of Devon-
shire was at the time of the last glacial period submerged,
and hence freed from the action of the ice planes, or else
that the climate obtaining in Devonshire during the glacial
period differed so ¥ddely from that obtaining on the opposite
coast of Wales, that glaciers, while possible in the one case,
were rendered by climatic influence impossible in the other.
So far as the author is aware neither of these arguments has
been seriously put forward, but it is necessary none the less
to deal shortly with them.

In the first place, had the county of Devonshire as a whole
been submerged during the glacial period there must have
been remaining evidence of drift ice having passed over the
sea which covered it. Such evidence is practically non-
existent, and where it could be found is restricted solely to
the lower levels of the land. It will be seen, too, in the

BVIDENCES OF GLACIATION IN DKVONSHIKE. 379

course of this paper that there is evidence, and very full
evidence, that the land constituting the present county of
Devonshire oscillated in level contemporaneously and
coincidently with the land now known as Wales, the
physical conditions in hoth localities being identica]. As
to the question of climate, it is difiScult or almost impossible
to imagine that this argument could be seriously upheld.
The actual distance between the land in Wales, which by
common consent has been subject to glacial action, and the
land in Devonshire is so slight as to afford no scope for a
great change in temperature. Besides that, the relative
elevations of the lower portions of Wales and of the surface
of land in Devonshire are materially coincident, so that the
question of temperature as dependent on elevation cannot
be argued. If then there appear no sufficient reason for a
difference of conditions on either side of the imaginary line
before referred to, it might seem that the truest attempt to
arrive at accurate conclusions would lie in the investigation
of the present physical characteristics of Devonshire and its
comparison with the conditions known to obtain in Wales.

For many years past the author has had exceptional
advantages in studying the form assumed by the rock
valleys in the south of Devonshire, and has not only obtained
a fairly full knowledge of the present sub-aerial valleys, but
has been enabled to accumulate a large amount of informa-
tion as to the submerged valleys which form the estuaries
of the southern rivers of Devonshire. In considering the
facts from time to time brought before his notice, he has
been driven to the conclusion that ice action has had great if
not preponderating influence on the formation of Devonshire
9cenery.

It will be necessary to enter somewhat fully into the
consideration of the physical differences between water
erosion and ice erosion. Water in the course of its flow over
the earth's surface undoubtedly exerts an erosive action, but
this action directly depends, not on the primary force derived
from the actual motion of the particles of water, but on the
secondary motion of solid matters transported by the water
flow. Thus it will be observed that at any place where even
a considerable flow of water passes over a comparatively soft
rock surface, the actual channel worn by the water itself is but
slight, unless on its course the stream is fed with a sufficient
amount of rock material in the form of sand, pebbles,
and shingle. The power of a stream as an agent in
excavation depends, first, on the volume of water ; secondly,

2 B 2

380 KVIDENCBS OF GLACIATION IK DEVOXSHllUL

on the gradient of the bed of the stream and the conse^
qnent velocity of flow ; thirdly, on the quantity of detrital
matter finding its way into the bed of the stream, and the
lelative hardness of this matter ; so that the actual erosive
power of water is compounded of its velocity and quantity,
and consequent power of transporting solid particles, and the
supply of solid particles for such transport. Another feature
of water action is that however large the watershed, the
actual flow of the stream is always confined to a relatively
small section occupying the base of the valley only, beyoud
which, it is at the bottom of even this small section that the
greatest cutting action is exerted, since solid matters trans-^
ported by water occupy of necessity and in consequence of their
gravity the lowest portion of the bed of the stream. Another
feature of water action is that however great the initial
erosive capacity of any stream, that power lessens from time
to time, and continuously, as the stream itself, deepening its
valley, reduces its own gradient, and consequently its velocity
and its power of transporting solid matter.

In comparison with the motion of water the efiect of
glacier ice is very difierent In the first place, ice in itself
as a hard mineral substance is quite capable of wearing
some rock surfaces by direct friction. In the second place,
ice is to a great extent independent of velocity in its
erosive action, inasmuch as however slowly it moves, it still
transports rocks, boulders, and gravel with equally absolute
certainty. Then again, ice, by reason of its weight, drags
not only its own material, but transported detrital matter
with greater pressure over the surface on which it moves. In
the third place, there must be noted an even more important
difierence between the action of water and the action of ice.
From a given watershed a glacier transporting a given quantity
of water in the solid form will necessarily occupy a greater
section in its valley than will a stream transporting an equal
quantity of water in liquid form. Assuming, for instance —
and the assumption is as well-founded as can be any general
statement of varying figures — assuming that the average
motion of a glacier is at the rate of one foot per day, and the
average motion of a stream is at the rate of one foot per
second, allowance being made in this latter case for retarda*
tion at points where the stream passes through pools, we
obtain the fact that a stream which would require to occupy
one foot in sectional area of a valley would in the solid form
require to occupy 86,400 square feet of sectional area in the
same valley. This in itself necessitates that the erosion,

EVIDENCES OF GLACIATION IN DEVONSHIRE, 381

instead of being confined to a narrow channel in the valley's
base, must be distributed over a considerable width of base
and a considerable height of the valley's sides. A slight
correction of these figures is necessary in consequence of the
fact that each glacier carries with it certain streams conse*
quent on the melting of the ice ; but against this correction
we have to set by way of compensation the fact that whereas
the stream conveys away the greater part of the rainfall each
year in sudden and abnormal floods of short continuation, the
glacier, fed by snow, distributes the flow from the catchment
area almost equally over the whole period of any year.

There remains another feature of contrast to be considered,
and that is that while the solid matter conveyed by a stream
finds its way at once to the bottom of the channel, the
boulders and gravel conveyed by a glacier are almost equally
distributed over the whole surface of contact between the
glacier and its valley.

The result of these considerations, as a whole, leads us
to the belief that we should always find a valley, the
existence of which is due to water erosion, would have
a section comparable to the letter Y. The sides of such
valley would in many cases be perpendicular, were it not
that sub-aerial denudation breaks and frets away the rock-
surfaces left by water erosion. But this action of sub-aerial
denudation has its limits, since in the course of its continu-
ance the rock ultimately arrives at its angle of rest, after
which the denudation is mainly confined to action on the
summit of the hill, and when once the surface is covered
by soil, such denudation practically ceases; beyond which,
in all cases in which the rock forming the valley is of
fairly hard nature, the actual flow of the river erodes and
creates new vertical surfaces more rapidly than sub-aerial
denudation can break down and modify them. In the case
of a valley eroded by a glacier the physical conditions are
such that the cross-section of such valley tends to take the
form of the letter U. More strictly speaking, such form is
approximately parabolic. The base of a valley due to glacial
action should be of considerable width, and should not present
any definite channel cut beneath the general surface curve.

Without entering into debatable ground of the molecular
action of ice in a glacier, the following facts may be taken as
universally conceded. In the first place, that ice under
pressure behaves as a plastic mass, as evidenced by the
manner in which branch glaciers joining the main stream are
frequently contracted to only a small proportion of their.

382 EVIDENCES OF GLACUTION IN DEVONSHIRE.

original width. In the second place, that a glacier as a
whole conforms in its flow to the laws of semi-fluid motion,
as evidenced by the fact that the greatest velocity of flow
along a straight portion of a glacier occurs at its centre and
along a curved portion at a point nearer the concave side of
its valley. A glacier exerts considerable active pressure on
the sides of its valley in addition to the pressure of its
weight on the base. Evidence of this may be found in the
laminated structure of glacier ice. The whole of the con-
ditions, therefore, of glacial erosion are in favour of action
over a considerable depth of the valley; of active erosion
exerted on its sides, and of the general contour formed of
easy curves, without approach except in especial instances
to the vertical Ice being to some extent independent
of gradient, will at places erode its valley in pits, followed
by subsequent ridges or high places on the valley bed. It
will also, where the rock is relatively soft, widen out and
excavate a broad and shallow valley, followed at a point where
the rock is relatively hard by a contraction of the glacier and
the excavation of a narrow and deep channel. These theo-
retical considerations have the absolute assent of observed
facts. Generally speaking, our sub-aerial valleys in Devon-
shire present no marked features of water erosion; broad
swelling hills and broad undulating depressions are common.
Four sections here figured have been purposely selected at
narrow and steep portions of the valley of the Erme, Yealm,
Plym, and Tavy. (Plate 1.) The vertical scale is slightly over
twice the horizontal, as otherwise the slopes would appear
too insignificant Even after thus doubling the inclination of
the sides of the valleys, the sections yet appear to have fairly
easy curves and graceful sweeps. It is not attempted to
say that water erosion has not exercised a slight influence on
the formation of these valleys, but the eflect it has accom-
plished since their original excavation still leaves the slopes
with the undulating form characteristic of ice action. Such
sections might be indefinitely multiplied, and in nearly all
cases with similar results. The exceptions which exist
add weight to the evidence. Undoubted cases of water
erosion occur in Devonshire, as for example at Lydford
Gorga Here the contrast is striking. The portion of the
valley eroded by water shows absolutely precipitous sides,
and at the bottom a channel, which just serves to accom-
modate the normal flow of the river. Here and there, in
passing through the gorge, there may be observed points
at which sub-aerial denudation, aided by the jointing of the

2 .
h u

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! JU

0 i^
[Q 0

• <

< I

«i It •

z m I-

, ^ 0

EVIDENCES OF GLACIATION IN DEVONSHIRE. 383

slate rock, has modified the original form left by the stream ;
but the extent to which this has occurred is by its compara-
tive insignificance good evidence in itself of the necessity of
looking to another cause than water erosion for the excavation
of our Devonshire valleys.

It is an interesting point in connection with the channel
of the Lyd that vertically above the portion exhibiting
undoubted water action may be seen a broad and shallow
valley eroded by ice. Here then, we have a case in which
the ice, having left a valley of considerable gradient, the
subsequent flow of the stream has been enabled by its
velocity and by the supply of granitic materials to so
modify the original form as to create a practically uniform
gradient from the moors to the point at which the glacial
valley widens out near Lydford Waterfall. The whole con-
comitant action of sub-aerial denudation has entirely failed
to materially modify the forms created by water erosion.

Now, were the greater number of our valleys to owe their
formation to the erosive power of water, such examples as
Lydford Gorge must be extremely common, whereas no
similarly important case can be quoted, at least in the south
of Devonshire. Although the beds of many streams, such
as the Plym in Bickleigh Vale, give evidence of genuine
water erosion, this is absolutely insignificant as compared
with the depth of the whole valley. It is a fair statement
that since the time when the ice planes melted and receded
the whole flow of our streams has but sufficed to slightly
modify the mere base of the valleys formed by glacial action.
Moreover, in many instances the rivers having failed to fill
the channels left by the ice action, and finding the gradient
too slight to enable them to exercise erosive action, have
actually deposited material in the beds of the ancient valleys,
filling and reconstructing in place of removing and destroy-
ing. If it be said that the present streams are degenerates
from their predecessors, it must also be said that whatever
the flow which passed down our valleys at and after the
close of the last glacial period, it has never been sufficient to
materially modify the characteristic forms due to glacial
action. Thus from the sources whence, in consequence of
subsequent disturbance, least direct evidence might be
expected, proof in itself of great strength may be obtained
of the general statement that ice has been the principal
factor in shaping our hills and valleys. This fact (if fact it
be), involves as a corollary that during the last glacial period
the land surface must have been above sea level, and the

384 |CVIDBNC£S OF GLACIATION IN DBVONSUIRE.

absence of erratic boulders, which would otherwise have beea
deposited by floating ice, supports this theory.

So far as to the evidence at present before the eya The
conduct however of various engineering works has placed at
our disposal a mass of information, the great value of which is
that it has reference to valleys now and long since submarine,
and from their depth uninfluenced by subsequent erosion.

The depth of the valleys constituting our harbours and
estuaries is hidden by the deposit of silt, which has filled the
most of them to within comparatively a few feet of low
water mark. At Plymouth, however, fairly full information
as to the actual form and depth of the rock beds of the
estuaries is available. The new railway bridge at Laira is
founded on iron cylinders, each and all of which were sunk
until they reached the limestone rock. The distance between
the piers is uniformly 106 feet, and the first pier, at the west
or Plymouth end, is founded upon rock at a height of three
feet above low water spring tides. The next or second pier
reaches a depth of 30 feet below low water, giving a fall at
the rate of 1 in 3^. The third pier reaches a depth of 80 feet
below low water, giving a gradient of practically 1 in 2.
The fourth pier reaches 87 feet 6 inches, and the fifth 86 feet
6 inches below low water spring tides, thus showing that for
a breadth of 212 feet at the centre the channel of the rock is
practically level at 87 feet below low water. Between the i

fifth and sixth piers there is a rise of 50 feet at the rate of
1 in 2, and the slope to the bottom from this point to the
masonry abutment on the east bank is about 1 in 3^, again
corresponding with the other side. (Plate II.) This deep trough
is not really the full extent of the matter we have to consider,
for we must add the height of the adjoining clifls in order to
obtain the full excavation which has here been executed.
From present appearances these clifls must have risen to a
height of at least 60 feet above low water spring tides,
fiecent borings in the silt of Cattewater Harbour confirm the
result obtained at Laira Bridge. The depths reached are as
great or greater, and the channel immediately below the
bridge is very much wider than at the bridge itself, contract-
ing again at Tumchapel Bock, and again expanding in the
lower ]*eaches of the harbour. The whole of this channel
from Deadman's Bay to Laira Bridge is excavated in the
Devonian limestone, and at no place is there traceable any
distinctive depression which might have been occupied by
water, or might be due to water action ; further than which
the gradients are such that the water would only have a

SYIDSNCES OF GLACIATION IN DSYONSHIKB, 385

tendency to deposit material, and could have no tendency to
erode.

Oif the west pier at Sutton Pool, on the outside, a depth
of 60 feet below low water failed to find rock, and this
within 120 feet of the shore ; while within the piers a depth
of about 65 feet from low water to rock surface has been
recorded. At the Great Western Docks there is a depth of
60 feet of silt on the line of the quay, forming the dam
between the floating and the outer basin. In Firestone Bay,
off Eastern King, soundings of 150 feet at low water are

j obtained. The bottom is rocky, and probably represents the
actual rock bed of the harbour. Similarly, between Barn-

I pool and Devil's Point, there is a pit of 132 feet of water.
To the westward of the Hubble Bank there is yet another
deep sounding of 102 feet. Through the kindness of the late
Mr. Margary, the author was enabled to obtain fiill informa*
tion as to the sections of all creeks crossed by the Cornwall
Bailway in the neighbourhood of Plymouth. Diagrams of
these sections are attached to this paper. It is hardly
necessary to deal at great length with these figures. It will
be noticed that, as at Laira Bridge, so in these cases no
definite channel for the normal flow of the stream has been
found. The sections present at their centres, or at least at
the centres of flow of the presumed glaciers, a considerable
width, which in each case is practically level The slopes
leading to this central portion are in each case of compara-
tively easy gradient, and of fair curves. A few of the greatest
depths obtained may possibly be quoted. Thus, at Weston
Mill Lake (Plate II.), a section of which is singularly regular,
the depth below low water is 66 feet; at Saltasb Bridge
(Plate II.) the depth is 75 feet ; at Coombe Lake (Plate III.),
near Saltash, the depth is 36 feet ; at Ford Lake (Plate III.)
67 feet; at Wivelscombe Lake (Plate III.) 46 feet; the
Notter Eiver (Plate III.) occupies a channel the rocky
bottom of which is 44 feet below low water, and the Lynher
(Plate III.) occupies a similar channel lying 41 feet below
low water. As regards a section taken at the new railway
bridge of the London and South- Western Junction Railway
at Tamerton, the deepest point reached was 15 feet 6 inches
below low water, but this did not coincide with the deepest
point of the channel. At the Tavy (Plate IL) the new
viaduct on the same railway is founded on cylinders, and
the information both as regards depth of rock surface and
material overlying it is accordingly absolute. Starting at
the Plymouth end, there are first seven spans of masonry

386 EVIDBNCSS OF GLACIATIOK IN DBVONSHIRK.

covering a length of 390 feet. In this length the rock
surface falls from 5 feet to 24 feet below high water in a
gradual incline. Then follow eight iron spans of 120 feet
each. Where the masonry ends the depth of the rock below
low water springs is 9 feet In the first span of 120 feet
this increases to 33 feet, or at the rate of 1 in 5 ; in the next
to 43 feet, at the rate of 1 in 12 ; then to 52 feet^ at the rate
of 1 in 13 J ; then 62 feet, or 1 in 12 ; at the fiah pier 67
feet, at the rate of 1 in 24 ; at the sixth pier 68 feet ; at the
seventh pier 67 feet The valley for a width of 240 feet is
therefore practically level at a depth of 67 feet, which is
below low water. Then follows a rapid rise to 3 feet, at the
rate of 1 to 1^. Two more spans of masonry complete the
bridge, which obtains a total length of 1,440 feet At the
abutment on the north end the rock reaches the high water
mark. It is interesting to note that the greatest depth of
this valley and its steepest side are alike obtained near its
concave shore, which in itself coincides absolutely with the
known fact of glacial flow — that the highest velocity should
also be obtained at this point in the same section.

Turning now to the longitudinal gradient of the Tamar
estuary with a view of estimating whether it be possible that
water action could have been responsible for the erosion of
this valley, we find from the figures previously given that in
the Hamoaze the depth of the centre rock bed below low
water varies from at least 150 feet in Firestone Bay to 132
feet and over at Devil's Point, and 102 feet and over off the
Rubble Bank. Between this last point and Saltash Bridge
it is reduced to 75 feet, and at the Tavy Viaduct 68 feet
is found. Absolute information is not available as to the
depth midway between Tavy Viaduct and Saltash Bridge,
but it is extremely probable that at this point the rock bed
is deeper than either at Saltash or the Tavy. At any rate, on
the known figures, the channel in the rock above Saltash is
almost level for over two miles, the gradient being 1 in
1,508, and this at once disposes of the idea that any
water action can have assisted in its erosion, and for three
miles below Saltash the incline is only 1 in 515 — evidence
again that no stream of considerable velocity can have
flowed over this portion of the valley since it assumed its
present form. From the Bubble Bank to Firestone Bay
it continues at the rate of 1 in 150. Coincident with this
level portion before referred to as existing between Tavy and
Saltash, is a great widening of the estuary into a lacustrine
expanse, which is at its widest part five times the width of

BVIDENCKS OF GLACIATIOK IN DEVONSHIRE. 387

the channel at Saltash Bridge. The contraction at Saltash
may be readily explained by the presence of a number of
dykes of intrusive igneous rock lying in a direction at right
angles to the course of the valley. This feature of alternate
contraction and expansion, which is so prominent in our
estuaries, may also be trsu^ed in the sub-aerial valleys of
Devonshire, and there are at present, notwithstanding the
erosion due to water, which must be allowed to have had a
restricted local influence, existing expanses of the valleys of
Dartmoor having a greater width relative to their lower
entrance than the Hamoaze has relative to Saltash, and of
which the rocky beds are at the lower level at their widest
points, the higher at the constrictions, which occur further
down the courses of the streams. The fact that these valleys
have been filled in by detrital matter from the rivers has
hidden the undoubted existence of ancient lakes or tarns.

Although the author has restricted himself to the estuaries
in the immediate neighbourhood of Plymouth, it may be
stated that precisely similar conditions occur elsewhere in
Devonshire and in Cornwall; notably the Dart, which coincides
in all details, both of longitudinal gradient, of cross-section,
and of alternate expansion and contraction, with the facts as
set forth above. At one point a depth of 110 feet below low
water has been recorded. I am enabled, by the kindness of
Mr. T. Codrington, F.G.S., to give sections of Waterhead Creek
and the Dart at Kingswear. (Plate III.) Mr. Codrington also
kindly supplied me with a section of the Tamar at Saltash.

Summing up the evidence in favour of glacial action as
derived from the present physical forms of our valleys, we
have, in the first place, the absence of a defined channel of
narrow area as compared with the whole depression, such as
is invariably formed by water. In its place we find broad
valleys, the lowest portion of which is the flattest, as com*
pared with the narrow valleys, the lowest portion of which is
the steepest. We have, too, the alternative expansion and
contraction of these valleys coincident with the expansion
and contraction of the level portion forming the lowest point
thereof. The longitudinal gradients are such that the velocity
obtained by even most considerable streams would not suffice
for erosive action in such materials as our local rocks.
Further than this, the streams, indeed, have only been
enabled in many cases to fill in the beds of the valleys
rather than conduct the excavations yet further. And again,
as regards these longitudinal sections, at places, points
further removed from the sea are more deeply excavated

388 SVIDENCES OF GLACIATIOK IN DEVOXSHIRK.

than points nearer to the sea. All these considerations, in
the author's opinion, are absolute evidence in favour of
glacial action, and it is interesting to note that precisely
the same features occur in the harbours and estuaries of
Wales, where by universal consent glacial action has been
the material cause of the present form of the land.

BOULDER CLAY.

Such evidence in itself as has been previously given may
be thought to leave room for argument When, however,
correlate with the undoubted existence of glacial deposits,
it assumes an importance which might not otherwise be
attributed to it. Assuming that our valleys have been
occupied by glaciers, some evidence of their existence in
the form of transported material should be available, and
remnants of this transported material may yet be found.
For instance, at the mouth of our estuaries granitic pebbles
are of constant occurrence, and in the case of the Yealm we
have a river incapable of bringing down any granite boulders
or pebbles to its estuary; yet on the beaches outside the
estuary a notable proportion of granitic matter is found — a
remnant, as the author suggests, of great quantities of
material originally transported by the glacier which occupied
the Yealm valley. And here it may be well to introduce
a caution — that in the consideration of the submarine
geology of the English Channel the possibility of boulders
of considerable size having been transmitted direct from the
high lands of Dartmoor, has in the past been largely over-
looked. Erratic boulders should be common, although for
the most part the glacier detritus is probably covered by
subsequent marine deposits. Hence the presence of granitic
or felsitic boulders on the Channel bed is not necessary
evidence of an outlier of granitic rock. Any such boulders
bearing a family likeness to our Dartmoor granites may
very possibly have had their origin on Dartmoor itsel£
The case for glaciation, however, is not dependent on stray
dredging or trawling in the Channel for evidence of genuine
glacial detritus. At the Tavy Viaduct the rock surface was
found covered to a depth of from 2 feet 6 inches to 4 feet
by a bed of hard yellow clay associated with granite boulders.
The deposits above this contained no granite boulders, nor
even, so far as could be ascertained, granite pebbles. Evi*
dently, therefore, the clay was deposited under conditions
differing from those governing the subsequent infilling of
the valley. This deposit had every characteristic of genuine

KVIDKNCES OF GLACIATION IK DEVONSHIRE. 38S

boulder clay. Similar deposits exist over a large area of
the bed of the Cattewater, and are similarly covered by
silt containing neither granitic pebbles nor boulders.
And similar deposits are aJso reported by Mr. Codrington
as existing at Coombe Lake and also on the Dart Much
more prominent, but hitherto entirely ignored, are the
sub-aerial glacial deposits of the Tamar valley. At Bum-
leigh, on the Tamar, a bed of clay occurs resting on the
rocky bed of the valley and containing a height of over
twenty feet above present high water mark. The materials
are unstratified, many are dissimilar to those now derivable
from the river bed, considerable boulders of Gunnislake
granite occur, and some at least of these give evidence by
their. form that they have not been water-borne. The*
characteristics are those of genuine glacial deposit, and the
similarity between this clay and the boulder clays of the
Mersey and of Wales are, the author is informed, very
striking.

A very similar deposit occurs at the Weir Head on the
Tamar. As conjoint evidence, it may be mentioned that
the estuaries of the Welsh rivers exhibit similar patches
and remnants of deposits of boulder clay.

Adding this evidence to the considerations previously
advanced, the author is of opinion that a strong case in
favour of glacial action in Devonshire must be admitted.
Further considerations pointing to the same conclusion
might be adduced, and such may possibly form the subject
of another communication.

This paper would be incomplete without a reference to the
terrestrial movements which have assisted in the causation
of the present relations of land and sea. Passing over the
period at which the land surfaces were sufiSciently varied
to enable the coral reefs to rise and grow in the shallow
Devonian sea, and the period also at which the great mass
of Dartmoor granite was elevated and intruded between
the masses of earlier rock, we come to a much later time.
There is evidence that the land level was once such that
fluviatile deposits were formed on the crests of what are
now the Hoe and Gattedown. In order that any stream
might flow over these isolated headlands, we must assume
that the surface of the land differed widely from its present
contour. Between this stage and the next there exists a long
interval, the details of wbich may not yet be filled in,
although future discoveries may render this possible. And
here the author would disclaim any intention of exactitude

390 EVIDKNCBS OF GLACUTION IN DEVONSHIRB.

in figures as to the extent of elevation attributed to the land
surfaces. The heights and depths of such elevation as men-
tioned herein are merely minimum values which may have
been exceeded, but must have been attained.

From the period of the raised beach on the Hoe the
record is probably continuous. The Hoe raised beach is
40 feet above the present beach level Hence the land
lay 40 feet lower when it was formed. It largely consists
of deposits derived by littoral drift from the shores of
Cawsand Bay, or from rock surfaces now removed, but which
then occupied the area of Cawsand Bay. In order that these
materials might pass northward to the Hoe, it must neces-
sarily be conceded that there existed a continuous shore-line,
or, at least, that there was but an inconsiderable break. At
present a chasm of about 170 feet in depth presents an
impassable obstacle across which not even light pebbles,
much less boulders weighing several hundredweight, could
pass. This chasm cannot have existed when the raised
beach of the Hoe was forming. Next follows a period of
elevation during which the glaciers are engaged in eroding
and sculpturing the land surfaces on the lines of the present
estuaries. During this period the land rose to a height of at
least 180 feet above its present levels. Before the close of
the glacial period the land had again fallen to a level of
30 feet below the present, and the glacial clays, of which
patches are still to be found in our valleys, were then
deposited in the channels of our present estuaries. A series
of beaches were formed round the coasts which constitute
the majority of the present raised beaches. The glacial
conditions slowly passed, and the land ultimately resumed
an upward movement. Meantime, the deposits in the
bone caves were probably formed. This upward movement
extended to at least 80 feet above the present levels.
Probably it was even more considerable. The deposits of
boulder clay were slowly removed by water action, but the
streams did not reach the level of the rock beds of the
lower valleys. To this period of elevation we may attribute
the forests which are now submerged. Following this came
another period of depression, and the surface attained its
present level. There is evidence that for a considerable time
it has now been comparatively stable. The valleys from
which the boulder clay had been almost entirely removed
are now full of alluvial deposits. Periods of rest occurred
during this last subsidence, as evidenced by successive layers
of sand and oyster beds in the channel of the Laira.

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

VI.

THE HUNDRED OF WITHERIDQB.

BT THE REV. OSWALD J. REICHEL, ILA. A B.O.L., F.8.A.
(RMd At HonltoD, Augnat, 1898.)

The Hundred of Witheridge^ is before all other Hundreds
the Hundred of small thanes. It contains not a single
ancient Crown lordship, not a single borough. The
Hundreds of Blacktorington, Shebbear, Braunton, and
Plymton contain each of them many thanes' lands, but the
Hundred of Witheridge seems almost exclusively made up
of them. With the exception of Bishop's Nymton and
King's Nymton, Chulmleigh and Cruwys Morchard, there
is hardly an estate which can have held the position of
what is now termed a manor. Nearly all are the cotlifs or
quillets of small thanes ranging from 50 to 150 acres, and
where several thanes held them together the several thanes
are not manorially subordinated, but held in peerage. Two
thanes' lands are enumerated as added to the royal estate of
Witheridge, one to that of King's Nymton, one to Thel-
bridge, one to Creacombe. Madescame had been added to
Horescombe, Milton to Asworthy, Thorn Farm to Bradford
Tracy. One estate at Worlington (No. 760) was made up of
the land of two thanes; another. West Worlington, with
Aston (No. 1137), the AflTetone of episcopal registers, had
formerly been the land of twelve thanes; yet another

1 The Hundred itself was held by Robert Fitz-Paine in 27 Hen. III., i,e„
A.D. 1242, and in 80 £d. IIL, a.d. 1356, by Roger Marohant under Sir
Robert Fitz-Payne. In 15 Ric. II., A.D. 1391, it was held by William Lord
Botreaoz jointly with his wife Elizabeth, and descended in his family. (Pole,
442.)

392 THB " DOJIESDAT '^ HUKDREDS OF DZVOK.

Worlington (No. 787) represented the land of three thanes.
To Washford Pyoe (No. 837) a thane's land had been added.
Three of the estates in little Washford, the oatlier of
Wltheridge, consisted of the land of six thanes. Cheldon
(No. 1104) was the land of two thanes. East Cheldon (No.
560) of yet another. Worthy, Little Backenford or Side*
down, Nedcot, Edison, Bulworthy, and Backatone in the
present parish of Backenford, Grindon, Rowdon, Ashbear,
Bradford Tracy, Queen Dart, Hill Farm, Westcot, Hele,
Stewarton, Woodingtoo, and Upcot in Witheridt;e pariah and
its ontlier; Middlewick and Woodford in Thelbridge, what are
they but small thanes' lands ? It looks as though the greet
Down Wood (Donewold), which formerly stretched away
from Exmoor south-westwards as far as Dartmoor, like a
wedge dividing the county into two portions, was at do very
distant date before Domesday an almost wholly uninhabited
waste, partly moor, partly wood, with only here and there a
small settler's clearance, and that the four great Intakes of
King's Nymton, Bishop's Nymton, Chulmleigh, and Crawys
Morchard were of comparatively recent origin. The legend,
therefore, which tells of Chulmleigh as having once been
King Aedelstan's park is no doubt substantially correct, if
only it is understood as conveying that King Aedelstan was
wont to bunt over Chulmleigh or ever it was "towned,"
when it was as yet part of the forest unenclosed.

There seem good reasons for believing that the present
Hundred of Witheridge has been augmented at the expense
of Bampton Hundred. I propose, therefore, in dealing with
it to proceed from the known to the unknown, first giving
the materials which are extant to illustrate the bouadaries of
the Hundred in more recent times, and then reconstructing
the Dimiesday Hundred upon the supposition that it is
identical with it. If this reconstructioa leads to unsatis-
factory results, it will be time to consider what inferences
may be thence drawn as to its former extent

I. The Poat" Dometday " Hundred of Witheridge.
1. Hooker's list of contributories to tenths and fifleentha
1 Queen Elizabeth's time may first be called into requisi-
lon. It will be found on p. 131 of his MS,, No. 5827, in
lie British Museum. The ^rst column contains a number
)r convenience of reference; the second gives the place-
ame. The next three columns state the amounte due, the
eductions allowed, and the amounte payable. The two

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 393

remaining columns contain references to the corresponding
DoTTusday holdings and to Burton's list Under each place
Hooker gives the names of the principal gentry residing
there in Queen Elizabeth's time.

Amoant Dednc* Araonnt Dom^day Barton'i list

[Hookbr] Dae. tions. payable. Reference. BeferoDce.

[668] Morchard Crayee 16/- ... 4/- ... 12/- ... D. 740, 741, ... B. 867,862,

(Crawys Morchard) 761, 1195 920

In this parish dwelleth Crewes.

[669] RadKenford . 22/- ... 4/- ... 18/- ... D. 568, 561, ... B. 865,897,

562,746,845, 898

840,917,1234

[670] Byshope Nymet 45/4 ... 8/- ... 37/4 ... D. 124 ... B. 888-894

In this parish dwelleth Pollard.

[671] Witheridge . 56/4 ...12/- ... 44/4 ... D. 48,49,559, ... B. 856,872,

746,789,836- 899, 909,

839,1066-1068, 910, 914-

1136, 1136, 919

1196, 1197

In this parish dweleth MoUhuyshe

[672] Moushmoagh . 10/6 ... 3/4 ... 7/2 ... D. 553 ... B. 887

(lieshaw) In this parish dwelleth Clatworthie.

[673] Puddington . 14/- ... 3/4 ... 10/8 ... D. 744 ... B. 858

In this parish dwelleth Hayes.

[674] Marleagh . 18/- ... nil ... 18/- ... D. 1209

(Mariansleigh)

[675] Okeforde . 27/4 ... nil ... 27/4 ... D. 217, 568, ... B. 900-904,

564,742,743, 924(?)

816, 908

[676] Stoodleigh • 26/4 ... nU ... 26/4 ... D. 221, 988, ... B. 905-908

1069, 1070,

1171, 1255

In this parish dwelleth Carewe, Oroke, and Branghton.

[677] Washford [Pyne] 10/- ... 3/- ... 7/- ... D. 837, 838 ... B. 864

[678] Wolfursworth . 33/4 ... 10/- ... 23/4 ... D. 843, 762, ... B. 859

(Woolfardisworthy) 788

[679] Kinges Nymet. 24/- ... 5/- ... 19/- ... D. 74, 75

[680] Westworlington 20/- ... nil ... 20if- ... D. 1137-1139 ... R 869, 870

In this parish dwelleth Stnckley of Afton.

[681] Eastworlington 4/8 ... nil ... 4/8 ... D. 226, 241, ... B. 860,861,

760, 785-787 868

[682] Thelbridge . 15/- ... 8/- ... 12/- ... D. 224,225, ... B. 866,867,

990 871

[683] Astranfe. . 26/- ... 4/- ... 22/- ... D. 554, 655 ... B. 896, 896

(Ash-Ralph Ash Ranf in After-death Inquest of Hogh de Conrteney,

1 Ric II., No. 12, p. 2.)

Alias Rostriche (Roseash)

[684] Chediton . 8/6 ... nil ... 8/6 ... D. 560,1037, ... B. 873,875,

(Cheldon) 1104, 1105 883

[686] Roraansleigh . 14/- ... nil ... 14/- ... D. 270 ... B. 884-886

[686] Ohinnesleigh . 41/- ... 7/8 ... 33/4 ... D. 552 .. B. 874,876-

(Chulmleigh) 882, 928

In this parish dwelleth Berrye of Collyton, Moleford, and Pollard.

In this parishe was Hubba the dean slayne.

[21.12.4] [3.7.4] [18.5.0]
[687] Creecombe . — ... — ... — ... D. 556, 557
[688] Ashevase • — ... — ... — ... — ... —

VOL. XXX. 2 C

394 THE "DOMESDAY" HUKDREDS OF DEVON.

Amonnt Dedoe* Amount Domesday Barton's liit

due. tions. payable. Reference. Refervsee.

[689] Templeton . ^ ... — ... — ... D. 218, 219, ... B.911,912,

220, 222 922

[690] Haghleigh . — ... — ... — ... D. 989

(H^htleighSt Mary)

[691] Mewshatte • — ... — ... — ... — ... —

Sum 22 2 4

Deduction 47 4

Bemaineth 18 15 0

[These sums do not afn^e with the totals of the above columns. It seems

probable that in No. 679, King's Nymet, the figures should be 34/-, 5/-, mod

29/- respectiyely, as in Bisdon's list, which will make the first and tliird

columns work out ri^ht ; and that xlyii. shillings in the sum of dednctiona m

an error for Ixyii. shillings. *]

It will be observed that here as in other cases Hooker
appears to have had two lists before him, and failed to see
the identity between Astraufe [No. 683] and Ashevase* [No.
688], or between Moushmough [No. 672] and Mewshatte [Na
691]. Why nothing is set down against Creecombe [No. 687]
I cannot say.

2. The Nomina VUlarum, which dates from Edward IL'a
reign,^ enumerates ten townships in the Hundred of
Witheridge, viz. : —

Hundr. de Wythr* i ^^^* fitz-Pj^n, by reason of the

Ti«^n«w>»«J^ i««n«n { minonty of Roger, son and heir

Borough there IS none | of Robert le MSchant, lord.

1) The township of Morcestre Cruwes and Po^yngton ; Alexander de Cruwea,
lord.

2) The township of Witheridge with Wolferdisworthe and Wayahford;
Wm. PoUeyn, lord.

3) The township of Cuhlmeleghe with Bomondisleghe ; Alianore de
Corteney, lady.

4) The township of Meughagthe with Chedeldon, Bakemford, and Kortha-
cot ; Herbert de Msreys, lord.

5) The township of Ayshe Baudewyn with Badeford Tracy and Boleworthe;
Balph de Esse, lord.

6) The township of Okford with Westspreweye, Bykcumb, and Wodebonie ;
Balph de Montehermeri, lord.

7) The township of Stodlegh with Warbrightesleg)i, Westodlegh, and
Derta ; John fitz-Pagan, lord.

8) The township of Westwolryngton with Stordeton, Hulle Dacastre, and
Baggeston ; Math, de Bukyngton, lord.

9) The township of Nymetone Episa with Marynelegh, Worthy, and Little
Waysheford ; Walter Epiis. Ezon.

(10) The township of Nymetone Begis ; Galfrid de Comub., lord.

' Bisdon's list assesses Stoodleigh at 26/8 instead of 26/4, i.e., 4d. mote,
and Bishop's Nymet at £2.5/- instead of £2.5.4, i.e., 4(i. less. It also gives
the assessment of East Worlington at 8/4 instead of 4/8, i.e., 3/8 more, and
the assessments of Witheridge at 20/- less, that of Chulmlei^h at 20/- less,
and that of Meshaw at 6d. less. It omits Backenford altogeuer, but names
Crecombe assessed at 8/8 instead.

' The long 8 and /are often indistinguishable. No doubt this was '< raft^
in the MS. which Hooker imperfectly copied.

* In Sir F. Palgeave's Parliamentary Writs, vol. ii, div. 3, p. 388.

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON, 395

3. The Hundred Rolls of 3 Edward I. (a.d. 1274, No. 45,
p. 87) contain the following : —

"Verdict of Witheridge Hundred by the oath of Richard le
Dispenser [of Woolfardisworthy, Drayford and Hill], Thomas de
Horton [of Woodington, Stretchtown, Westcot, and Upcot], Robert
de HimeJegh, Nicolas de Acastre [of Combe Templer and Wars-
brightly], Thomas de Tyderesdon, Kichard le Copener [of Romans-
leigh], Henry de Hyurde [of Yaird in Roseash — Testa^ No. 407,
writes him Yerde], Andrew de Thomdon [middle-lord of Poltimore
and Hill], Ellas de la Byare, John of the same, Roger de Middeldon
[of Milton in Okefoid], Reginald de Wadeton and John de
Grinedon [of Grindon in Witheridge, tenant under the prior of
Barnstaple], who present as follows : —

[Article L] "Kingsnymton was formerly an ancient crown-
lordship of King John. King John gave the manor to a certain
Joel de Mayne, a Norman, and afterwards Joel was driven out of
England together with the rest, and the aforesaid manor again fell
into the King's hands as an escheat After a time the King gave it
to Roger de la Zusch [to hold] for homage and service. Roger held
it for a long time of the King in chief, and then gave it to his son
William la Suche to hold to himself and his heirs. William [la
Zusch] held it all the days of his life, and after his death [another]
Roger de la Zusch, son and heir of Alan de la Zusch, entered upon
it and now [a.d. 1274] holds it, and claims to hold it of the King
in chief, by what warrant they know not and for how many fees
they know not; and the manor is worth £10 per annum. Of
whom the said manor is now held they are ignorant.

[Article 3.] " The bishop of Exeter holds his manor of [Bishop's]
Nymeton of the King in chief as he holds the other manors of his
barony ; by what warrant they know not, for how many fees they
know not ; who alienated it [from the Crown] and when, they are
also Ignorant of.

*' Combe used aforetime to be a tithing and to come to the
sheriffs toum, and twice a year at Wytherigge to the King's peace
and to share in all matters with the Hundred, and then it was in
the hands of Nicolas de Acastre and Regin® de Reigni. Then the
Templars brought a writ super[seding] them, and by their [viz.,
Nicolas and Regin^'s] default obtained the benefit of the land of
Combe, and ever afterwards withdrew the aforesaid services, by
what warrant they know not ; since when, they say since the time
of the late King Henry [HI.]; and they have appropriated to
themselves the said services, by what warrant they cannot say.

"Kylmesworth [Ken worthy (I) in Rackenford] used (xxv. yeara)
to come to the tourn, and to the King's peace, (to the King's loss
of ij pence,) like other tithings^; and a certain Richard Stretcha

^ As is usual in such records, the finding or amercement of the court is
written above the presentment (See Trans, xxh, 246.)

2 c 2

396 THB "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

[spelt Streiiha in Hundred RoUb of 4 Ed. I.] sold it to a certain
Thomas le Palmer, and Thomas sold it to the Hoiipitallers in the
late Ring Henry [lliys time, who have ever since withheld from
thA King the aforesaid services, by what warrant they know not

[Article 8.] '* Hugh de Cnrtenay at Cholmeleg, the bishop at
[Bidhop's] Nymeton, Robert son of Pagan at Wyrugg (t.«.. Wither-
idge), Robert de P>es (sc. CrD[w]e8) at Morchester {i.e., Morchard
Cruwys), Anselm Basset at Hatford [probably Hakeford, Le,^
Okeford], Roger la Zosche at King's Nymton, have gallows and
assize of bread and beer, by what warrant they know not The
aforesaid Hugh [de Curtenay] has assize of br^id and beer and a
market (nundtnas), and a warren at Chulmeleg; and Ralph de
Esse at Esse [i,e,, Roseash] has gallows and assize of bread and
beer ; Robert son of Pagan has likewise at Wymgg a market, hot
not a warren ; also Philip de Sideham has a market at Rakeneford,
by what warrant they know not."

It will be seen from this account that Templeton formerly
bore the name of Combe Dacastre and Reygni, and it becomes
clear why neither Templeton nor Kylmesworth appear in the
list of fees. After the dissolution of the Templars in 1311
Templeton was granted to the Master of the Hospitallers of
St. John. (Pole, 441.)

Witheridge is one of the six Hundreds of which Testa de
NevU gives a full list as well of knight's fees as of yeoman
fees and serjeanties. By the kindness of Mr. Whale I am
also able to give extracts from Kirby's Quest, which is
specially valuable because it gives the names of all the
middle lords. If, as is usually stated, Testa de NeviTs list
dates from 27 Hen. III., t.c, a.d. 1243 ; Kirby's Quest, as the
After-death Inquest of Robert de Dynan proves, dates be-
fore 5 Edward I., i.e., a.d. 1276 ; and Burton's list, as it states
itself, dates from 31 Edward I., i.e., a.d. 1302 ; these ought
to be most useful in determining the descent of the pro-
perties to which they refer. It should, however, be borne
in mind that since the documents before us are copies and
not originals, the names of the persons liable to services
may have been changed in the records kept in the public
offices as heir succeeded ancestor. Otherwise how explain
why in one place in Testa de Nevil (No. 831, p. 183 a) Ivo
de Servinton is stated to hold Spreweye, and in another
place (No. 1133, p. 189 b) the heirs of Ivo de Servinton are
said to hold Spreweye? Why, in two places (No. 1344,
p. 194 a, and No. 1445, p. 196 b), Philip de Furnellis is
said to hold Fenottery, and in another (No. 1210, p. 191 b)
John de Furneus to hold the same ? Moreover, such mistakes

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 397

as are found in Kirby's Quest — Tewe for itewe (No. 71),
Conebe for Couele ( = Cowley, No. 72), Zeclaund for 5oc-
laund (No. 99), iarun for ^arun (No. 28), iStermoun for
O^termoun (No. 148), Orchanton (No. 151), Hothamton
(No. 334), and Chamton (No. 541) for Okhamton, Ny;?ereyse
for Ni/Aereyse (No. 196), Jf'luteworth for Clotworth (No.
293), ^amhard Wyke for PankhaTdes now Pancras Week
(No. 323), Polecombe for (7oIecombe (No. 354), Combedam
for Combe David (No. 521), and ^istone for Zistone— are not
only evidence of a copyist, but of a copyist who was wholly
ignorant of the geography of the county.

The names of the sworn men who are responsible for
Testa's list are given on p. 189 a as the following : Bobert de
Sideham [lord of Backenford], Bobert de Campellis [alias
Champeaux, lord of Stoodleigh], Bobert le Coroner [perhaps
of Woodford, Thelbridge], William Vassal [of Westyeo,
Witheridge], Balph de Derth [of Dert Balph, Witheridge],
GeofiFrey de Fayreby [of Turkeridge, Bishop's Nymton],
Lucy de la Bere [Bar in East Worlington], Boger Fromond
[of Shitilisbeare, Chulmleigh], Thomas de Tidderedun, John
le Despenser [of Woolfardisworthy], Peter de Pillefenne
[Pilliwin], and Bobert le Marchant [of East Stoodleigh].

Burton's list is as follows : —

[Burton]. The sworn men say upon oath : —

[856J WiTHERiGGB 14 held by Bobert fitz-Payne for ^ fee, of the
honour of Pljmton.

[Testa (No. 670, p. 181 », and No. 1096, p. 189 a): The heir of
Roger JUz- Payne holds in Wyring \ + \\y/« of the heirs of William
Briwerre and they of the Earl of Devon of the honour of Plymton.}

[Kirby's Quest (No. 608) : Bobert fitz-Payne holds the manor of
Wycherigge for i + -j\f fee of Isabella Countess of Albamara and the
same Countess of the King.]

[857] MoRCBARD, held by Bobert de Cm was; 1 fee, of the

honour of Braneys.

[Testa (No. 821, p. 183 a, and No. 1097, p. 189 a) : The heirs of
Alexander de Crues hold in Morcoth {JHorceth, No. 821) 1 fee of the
lordship and honour of Braneys.]

[Kirby (No. 601) : Robert de Crues holds the manor of Mortest Crues
for one fee of the Earl of CormDaZl and the same Earl of the King.]

[858] PoTiNGTOK (Puddington), held by the King of the heirs of
Bobert Wallerond ; ^ fee, of the honour of Braneys.

[Testa (No. 822 and No. 1098) : Balph de Satehvil holds ^ fee in
PtUtingthon {Putitan^ No. 822) qjfthe same lordship and lionour.]

[Testa (No. 954, p. 184 b) : Bobert de Satehvil holds i fee in
Scotteswyk of Ralph de Satehvil^ but of wliat h&iiour is not knoum.]

[Kirby (No«. 602, 603) : Matilda Walraund holds Petintun in
dower for | and J fee together with Cumb of the Earl of Cornwall
a'nd the same Earl of the King.]

398 THE " DOJIISDAT BCSDBKDS OP DBTOS.

[859] WoLPKRUwoKTHi (WooUudu- .
worthy),

[860] F£2'----- <pi«i«K hLif,/t?t':f^th':

£ut Woriington), j^^ ^j Plymton.

[861] Blakoroti (BlaekgimTe, Eart '
Woriington),

I fee of the Earl of Dexoit of lilt honour of Flumlon. ]

[Eirby (So. 60»-ll): Jtuhnrd U Dtaprnctr holds fFolforda-
*BOTthe and PidiUltglf and Blaitgrme \ fa of ItabeOa CminUn
Albemtira.]

[862] Comb and n

[863] Hodebton, in tbe fanndnd I I ^«. l>«'d «* **"> *"»"«" ^^
Of Eoddal^h (YarflMton, ( Bianeys.
Tiverton), /

[Tola {^0. 119, p. 183 b u>d No. 1100) : Hmry de Faldalaiu
holds 111 CtimA (No. 779, Bmry and Tho)aaa hold), U>_Klher tcith Ike
land of Thoinas de Fo/datanf, i fee of the lordthip and honour of
Braneyt. Id. (No*. 820 ud 1198) u to ViltbnUna.]
[la thb the Cambof Eirby's Quest held with FuddingtoD t]
[864] Wafford (Washford^

Pyne) and ( held by Robert Pin ; 1 fee, of

[865] SiDHAii {Sidedown, ( *^^ *">"«"' »' Glouceeter.
KackeDfbid), ^

[Tola (Noa. S25, 226, p. 177 b, nd No. 1101) ; Berbert de Piun
hoCdi in Woiaiford (No. B25, Waffmd) and in ijideham i fte of (At
Earl and honovr of Glaueeaier,}

[Kirby (No. 648) ; Herbert de Fyn holds Watford for 1 /« V
Thomtu de Merton and the lame Thomas of the King.'\

[866] TmLBRiGOE and j held by John de Chartemy ; 1

[8671 CHATHABae (Chapmoor ^ *■«*•*»' ^^ ^'>^°^' «f B*™-
Fann, Tbelbridge), ' "*"P'«-

[Tfita (Nos. 66, 57, p. 175 b, Aud No. 1102, p. 139 a): Simimdt
ChanHer^ holdt in Thelbrig and in the prior of Sarmtaple's
Clialmrrt 1 fa of Henry Tracy of the ftoiiotir of BaTTutapie.'\

[Kirby (No. 633): John CharUray holds Thtlebridge for 1 fee of
Oalfrid Oamvill and the same Oaifrid of the £injr.]

8] Est Wolrington (East Woriington), beld by Robert de
Cranthom ; } fee, of the honour of Bimetaple.

ITcsIa (No. 68. p. 175 b, tnd No. 1103): Biduird FitzBtmard
holds in ifolurington ^ fee ijf lAe same Jienry and hoamiT,]

[Kirby (No. 634): Boberi de Crowthom holds Bsimiilriggton for
4 a Knight's fee of John de Tracy and John of Oalfrid de Camvilt
and the same Oalfrid of the King.]

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 399

held by William de Wolring-
ton; 1^ fees, of the honour
of Toriton.

[869] West Wolrinoton (West
Worlington), and

[870] WovKSDKSDON, (Aston,
West Worlington),

[Testa (Nos. 95, 96, p. 176 a, and No. 1104): WiUiam de
Wolurington holds in fVolurington and Weveston (No. 96, Webez-
ston), H/ees of the heirs and honour of ToriUm,}

[Kirby (No. 647) : McUkew de WolrigUm holds Wevedstonfor one
Knight* s fee of Walter de Sully and the same Walter of the King,]

[871] B [1 D]ratpord (Drayford, Thelbridge), held by Eobert de
Cranthom ; ^ fee, of the honour of Gloucester. (Accord-
ing to the Exchequer Bolls, f of ^.)

[Testa (No. 227, p. 177b, and No. 1106) : John le Despencer holds
in Drayford % of \ fee of William de Clavil of the humour of
Gloucester,]

[Kirhy (Nos. 612, 613) : The same Richard (le Despencer, Nos. 609-
611) holds Drayford together with Hille next Upeot (Ip*chote) for i
Knight*s fee of John de Clatill And the same John of the Karl of
Oloucester and the Karl of the King,]

[872] Fremaniboot (Westyeo, Witheridge), held by Willitm
Polleyn ; \ fee, of the honour of Gloucester.

[Testa (No. 228 and No. 1105) r William Vassal holds Fremannes-
cote (No. 228 Fremanescoth) for ifee of the same William de Clavil
and honour of Oloucester.]

[Kirhy (No. 614) : William Wassel holds Westaya f or i fee of
John de Clavil. And the same John of the Karl of Oloucester And
the Karl of the King.]

[873] Chbdeldon (Gheldon) and^
Indriscot [in North Taw-
ton Hundred] (Iddlecot,
Doulton),

held by John de Keleway;
^ fee, of the honour of
Gloucester.

[Testa (Nos. 229, 230, and No. 1107) : William Calleweye (No. 229,
Dalleweye) holds in Chedeldon in the aforesaid Hundred and in
Yedescoth i fee of the honour of Gloucester through mesne lords.]

[Kirby (No. 606) : John de Bacckevnll holds Chedeledon for J
Knights fee of the Karl of Oloucester And the Karl of the King.]

[874] Hanteford (Elson next Ford, 1 Chulmleigh, called Korth-
amptesford in After-death Inquests of Hugo de Courteney,
1 Eic. II., No. 12, p. 2), held by John de Eashleghe ;
^ fee, of the honour of Oloucester. [This must be an
error for Okhamton.]

[Testa (Nos. 396, 397, p. 179b, and No. 1109, p. 189a) : William,
de Hospitali (No. 1109, del Ospital) holds in le Ospital and in Roger
Cole's Hamtenfsford J fee within the manor of Chaumelegh of John
de Curtenay of the honour of Okhamton.]

400 THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

[875] Est Chkldon (East Cbeldoo, Cheldon with Isenworthi
(WiDgswood*]), according to After Death Inquests of
Hugo de Courteney, 1 Ric. II., No. 12, p. 2), held by
John de Eeloway ; ^\^ fee, of the honour of Okhamton.

[Testa (No. 896 and No. 1108) : Richard de Chedeldm (No. 395,
Chedetdune) holds in Est-ChedeUion iV /<f« of William CalUweye and
he of John de Curtenay of the honour of Okhamton.}

[Kirby (No. 631): WaUer de Cheledon holds Est Chedeledon for
iV Knighisfee of John de Caleway And the same John of Hugo
de Curtenay And Hugo of the King,}

[876] BoNViLESTON (Buntston, Chulmleigh), held by John de
Bonvilston ; ^ fee, of the honour of Okhamton.

[Testa (No. 399 and No. 1111) : Oaliena de Bonevileston holds in
B<mevileston ifeebf the same (i.e., John de Curtenay of the honour
of Okhamton).]

[877] Shitisbt (Shittisbeer,^
Chulmleigh),

[878] Worth (Worthy,
Kakenford), and

held by William Fromond ; | fee,
of the honour of Okhamton.
(According to the Exchequer
Rolls, I of ^ fea)

[879] Matford, in Hun-
dred of Exmynstre,
whereof Matford is

IS iee,

[Testa (Nos. 401, 402, and No. 1113) : Soger Frommd and Robert
de Wenelegh hold in Swytelesbere {Shitelesbere, No. 401) and in
Worthy f of ifee of the same through a middle-lord,']

[880] Blaeeworth (Bailick worthy, Chulmleigh), held by Walter
de Blokworth ; \ fee, of the honour of Okhamton.

[Testa (No. 403 and No. 1114): Hugo de Baylekeworth holds \fee
in Baylekeworih of Robert del Estane of the sam^ manor and honour,}

[881] Stone (Stone, Chulmleigh), held by William de la Stone;
1^ fee, of the honour of Okhamton.

[Testa (No. 404) : RobeH de la Estane holds in Stayne \fee of the
hmour of Okhamton,}

[882] Hauntipford, held by Roger Cole [of ChawJey Wick];
^j^ fee, of the honour of Okhamton (Ford, Chulmleigh,
called Hantesford ; parva j\^ fee in Aftei' Death Inquests
of Hugo Courteney, 1 Ric. II., No. 12, p. 2).

[Testa (No. 405 and No. 1115): Roger Cole holds in Hamptenerford
t\j/c« through a middle-lord {probably John de RashUigh) of the same
manor and honour.}

[Testa (No. 1 116) : John de Curtenay holds the rest of the o^bresaid
manor [of Chulmleigh} in lordship pertaining to his barony of
Okhamton.}

[Kirby (Nos. 623-628) : Hugh de Curtenay holds Chulmleigh with
members to wit La Stone, Coletone, Benelegh, Chettitbeare^ Worthy but
it is not staled in tlie aforesaid Returns by what service,}

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 401

[883] DoGKSWORTH (Dockworthy, Cheldoo), held by Adam and

Joanna de B[t D]oke worth ; ^ fee, of the honour of

Plymton.

[Testa (No. 674, p. 181 a, and No. 1117, p. 189 a): Soger dt
Dockevrorth arid Martin Faher hold in Dockeworth together with the
land of Robert del Estane i fee of Richard le Breth, and he through
a middle lord of the Earl of Devon and the honour of Flymton.]

[884] EoMANDBSLEGH (Romanaleigh), held by Thomas de Cham-
peaux ; ^ fee, of the honour of Tavistock.

[Testa (No. 304, p. 178 b, and No. 1118): Richard le Copener
holds in Romundeslegh (No. 804, Romundeylegh) j fee of the Abbot
of Tavistock through a middle-lord. ]

[Kirby (No. 662) : Richard le Copener holds in Rominndeslegh
ifee of the Abbot of Tavistock And the same Abbot of the King ]

[885] WoDBNHAM ( Wodham, \ j^ , ^ ^ j^ ^ Wodenham ;

Eomansleigb) and v i r « «u u i

p««^-i ^, \J r i '«®> ^* ^"® honour of

[886] NiTHKRooT (Kitcot, I Tavistock.

Komanaleigh), J

[Testa (No. 805 and No. 1119) : Oalfrid de Northeeote holds ifee
in Wauddon (No. 305, Wodham) of the same Abbot through middU-
lords.]

[887] Meushah (Meshaw), held by Simon Fitz-Bogo ; ^ fee, of
the honour of Okhamton.

[Testa (No. 406, p. 179 b, and No. 1120) : Nicolas Avenell holds
in Mansard I fee of John de Curtenay through middle-lords of the
humour of Okhamton.]

[Kirby (No. 621) : The aforesaid Simon Fitz-Rego holds Mausard
for 1 KnighCsfee ; and he holds one moiety of Richard de Flanmosh
and the same Richard of Bugh de Curtenay and Hugh of the King,
And the other moiety he holds of Maihew de Fumeus and the same
Mathew of Hugh de Curtenay, Hugh holds the fee of the King in
chief]

[888] Bkaudbport (Port, Bishop's '
Nymton) and

[889] Upcot (Overcot, Bishop's

Nymton)

[Testa (No. 1121, p. 1891)) : William le Brun and Gilbert BvJte-
porth hold in Uppeeoth and in Buteporth, -ft fee of WcUter de Nymeth
through a middle-lord^ and he of the bishop of .^ceter.]

[890] Chapbl (Whitechapel, \

Bishop's Nymton), and f held by William Basset; 1 fee,

Heghen (£[ayne, Bishop's i of the Bishop.

Nymton), )

[Testa (No. 1122): Alan Basseth holds in La Chapele together
with the land of Robert de Horthon, 1 fee of Hugh Peverel of Sanford
and he of the bishop of Exeter of his manor of Nymton {Nunethon).]

[Kirby (Nos. 640, 641) : The aforesaid Thomas [de Horton] holds
La Heghin for ^ fee of Laurence Basset And the same Laurence
holds \ fee at Whitechapel (apud Albam (Dapellam) of Hugh Peverel
and Hugh of Peter bishop of Exeter And the same bishop of the
King,

held by Reginald de Balegh ;
^ fee, of the Bishop.

402 THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

[891] Thorkbrioob (Veraby and Kerscot, Bishop's NymtoD), held
by William Fayrby ; ^ fee, of the Bishop.

[Testa (No. 1123) : Oalfrid Fayreby holds in Turkertg i fee of the
same bishop and manor.]

[Kirby (Nos. 644, 645) : William de la Fayrebie holds la FayrebU
together with Kirsthotefor ^ Knight^ s fee of the aforesaid bisfiop, and
the bishop of the King J]

[892] GiRLESTOK (Griston and Sheepwash, Bishop's Nymton), held
by Henry de Girleston ; \ fee, of the Bishop.

{Testa (No. 1124): Simxm de Oerardeston holds in Gerardeston
through a middle-lord ^fee of the name bishop and manor,]

[Kirby (Nos. 642, 643) : WUliam de Gerelleston holds Oerelleston
together with Sheepwash for ^ fee of William de Botriaus And the
same WUliam of the aforesaid bishop.]

[893] Baubntton (Rawston, Bishop's Nymton), held by Joanna
de Doddescumb ; ^s ^^^> ^^ ^^® ^ shop.
[Testa (No. 1125): Ralph de Doddescumb holds in Haweston ^
fee of the same^ through middle-lords.]

[894] EiPPiNsooTB (Kipecot, Bishop's Nymton), held by Kobert
de Horb[? t]on ; ^ fee, of the Bishop.

[Testa (No. 1126): Walter de Nymeth holds in Kuppingescoth |
fee of the same bishop and wianor.]

[Kirby (No. 639) : Thomas de HorUm holds } Knights fee in
Kippinischote of Mathew de Wolrinton And the same Malhew of
the heirs of Patrick de Chaworth And the same heirs of the afore-
said bishop And the bisJwp of the King.]

[Testa (No. 1127) : The bishop holds the rest of the manor of
liymton (Nun[? Nira]ethon) in lordship pertaining to his bishopric.]

[Kirby (No. 638) : PeUr (Quivil) bishop of Exeter (A.D. 1280-
1291) holds the manor of Nuneton of the King in chief together with
his other manors belonging to his barony.]

[895] La Yurdb (Yard, Roseash), held by heiis of Richard de la
Yurde; ^ fee, of the Bishop. [Clearly an error for
Okhamtoa]

[Testa (No. 407, p. 179 b, and No. 1128) : Henry de Terde holds
in Verde ifee of John de Curtenay of the honour of OkhanUon.]

[896] Esse (Roseash), held by heirs of Alan de Esse ; ^ fee, of the
honour of Okhamton.

[Testa (No. 408 and No. 1129) : JRalph de Esse holds i fee of the
same John (de Curtenay) and honour.]

[Kirby (No. 629) : Ealph de Esse Knight holds the manor of Esse
for ^fee of Hugh de Curtenay And Hugh of the King.]

[897] Rakbnbford, held by Stephen of London; \ fee, of the
honour of Okhamton.

[Testa (No. 409 and No. 1130): RobeH de Sideham holds in
Bakeneford 1 fee of the aforesaid John and honour whereof one
moiety he holds through a middle-lord.]

[Kirby (No. 622) : Philip de Sydeham holds Eakemeford, to wit,
one moiety of a KnighCs fee of Henry Tyrel^ and the same Henry of
Hugh de Curtenay And the other moiety of the same Hugh (directly)
And Hugh of the King.]

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 403

[898] Baogbton (Backston, Rakenford), held by Peter de Bag-
geston ; ^ fee, of the honour of Plymtoo.

[Testa (No. 576, p. 181 a, No. 1131, p. 189 b) : The heirs of
Oshert de Baggestane hold in Baggestane | fee of Nicolas le Bastardy
and Nicolas of the honour of Plyinton. ]

[Kirhy (No. 616) : Peter de Baggeston holds Baggeston for J
Knight's fee of Baldwin le Bastard And the same Baldwin of
lady Isabella Countess of Albemara And the same Countess of the
King in chief]

[899] Bradford (Bradford Tracy, Witberidge), held by Alice de
Mutegr[o8] ; ^ fee, of the honour of Okhamton [error for
Braneys.]

[Testa (No. 780, p. 182 b, and No. 1182) : William de Tracy holds
in Bradeford through middle-lords \fee of the honour of Braneys,]

[Kirhy (No. 604) : John fitz-Oaxifrid holds Northecote for \fee of
Sarra de Afutcgros And the same Sarra of John Tracy And the
same John of Thomas de Rakelegh And the saine Thomas of John
de Legh And the same John of the Earl of Cornwall Aiid the
Earl of the King.]

[Kirhy (No. 605) : Sarra de Mutegros holds Bradeford for \ fu in
free marriage of John de Tracy And the sam^ John of Thomas de
Ralegh And the same Thomas of John de Legh And the sam^ John
of the Earl of Cornwall And the Earl of the King.]

[900] Sprewey (West Spurway, Okeford), h«ld by W[illiam] de
Servington ; ^ fee, of the honour of Marshwood. (Accord-
ing to the Exchequer Kolls | fee.)

[Testa (No. 831, p. 183 a, and No. 1133) : Ivo de Servinion (No.
1133, The heirs of Ivo de Servinton) hold in Spretoeye J fee of
Galfrid de MandevUl.]

[Kirhy (No. 630) : William de Serinnton holds Westesp^ujey for
J fee of John de Maundevill of Coker And the same John of Hugh
de Curtenay And Hugh of the King in chief]

[901] Sprewey (East Spurway alias Okeford), held by Eobert
Gredeten; \ fee, of the honour of Braneys [error for
Barnstaple.]

[Testa (No. 59, p. 175 b, and No. 1134) : The heir qf BobeH
Chrede holds in Spreweye J fee of William de Tracy and William
of Henry de Tracy of his honour of Bamestapol.]

[Kirhy (Nos. 635-637) : Richard de Estspaty holds Estspetcy
with members to wit Challevnlle and Falwarigge for J Knighfs
fee of John de Tracy And the same John de Tracy of Thomas de
Ralegh And the same Thomas of Oalfrid de Camvill And Oalfrid
of the King.]

[902] WooDBORN and ) held by heirs of Holcomb ; 1 fee, of the
903] West Apse j honour of Okhamton.

(West Tappp, Okeford, written West Appese in After-
death Inquests of Hugo de Courteney, 1 Ric. II., No. 12, p. 2.)

[Testa (Nos. 410, 411, p. 179 b, and No. 1135, p. 189 b): Jordan
fitZ'Rogo holds in Wodehurne and Westapse I fee of John de Curtenay
of his honoicr of OJchamtcn.]

[Kirhy (Nos. 619, 620): Simon fitz-Rego (filins Regenis) holds
Apse arid Wodehumfor 1 Knight^ s fee And the same Simon (holds)
of Hugh de Curtenay And the same Hugo of the King in chief]

404 XHB "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

[904] MiDKLDON (Milton, Okeford), held by Roger de Mideld^m;
^ fee, of the honour of Braneys.

[Testa (No. 781, p. 182 b, and No. 1136): Boffer de MieidelUm
(No. 781, MiddeldoD) holds in MidddUm IfuofOu heirs of WiUiam,
Briwerre of the honour of Braneys,]

[Kirby (No. 658) : Boger de MiddiUon holds MiddiUcnfor i fee of
McUhevD fitz-John of the Earl of Cornwall And the Earl <^ ike
King.]

[905] Westleoh (West Stoodleigh), held by Robert fitz-Payne
(Jiliua Pagani) ; \ fee, of the honour of Biry.

[Testa (No. 780, p. 182 a, aod No. 1138): BobeH de CampeUis
junior, holds in Westodlegh \ fee of Bobert de CampelliSf aid ke
through a middle-lord of the honour of Berry.]

[Kirby (No. 646) : Boger fitz- Payne Iwlds the manor of West"
sordelegh for i Knights fee of Bobert Champiaus And the same
Bobert of Balph Champiaus And the same Balph of John de
Punchardun And the same John of Henry de la Fomeray And
the same Henry of the King,]

[906] Reston (Rifton, Stoodleigh), held by John de Doddeecomb ;
4 fee, of the honour of Toriton. (According to the
Exchequer Rolls | fee.)

[Testa (No. 97, p. 176 a, and No. 1139, p. 190 a): Balph de
Doddescumb holds in Befthon (No. 97, Befton) ^ fee of BobeH de
Edingthon, and he of the heirs and honour of Torington.]

[907] EsTOODLEQH (East Stoodleigh), held by Robert le Marchant;
1 fee, of the honour of Barnstaple.

[Testa (No. 61, p. 175 b, and No. 1187, p. 189 b) : Bobert de
Campellis holds in Estodlegh 1 fee of Henry de Tracy of the
honour of Barnstaple.]

Kirby (No. 632) : Balph Champiaus holds Estcodleghfor 1 Knighfs
fee of Galfrid de Camvill And Oalfrid of the King according to the
law of England.]

[908] Warbrighteslegh (Wars- \

brightly, Stoodleigh),
BLA.K WORTH (Blatch Worthy,

Stoodleigh),
WiTEKNOLL (Whitenhole,

Stoodleigh),

[Testa (Nos. 576-8, p. 181 a, and No. 1140, p. 190 a): Boger
Dacastre holds in Warebrigthelegh, Blakesworth, and in WhytetnoUe
(No. 576, Warebrigtelegh, Blakworth, and in Whyteinolle) i fee of
Oalfrid de Mandevill And he of Balph de Doddescumb of the honour
of Plymton.]

[Kirby (No. 615) : Thomas de Acastre holds Warbitisleghfor \fee
of John de Mandevill And the same John of the King.]

[909] Dert (Dart Tracy, Witheridge), held by Alexander Carlon;
^ fee, of the honour of Toriton.

[Testa (No. 98, p. 176 a, and No. 1141): Henry de Dune holdt
^fee of the heirs and honour of Toriton,]

[Kirby (No. 660) : Thomas de Merton holds Derte Tracy for ifee
of the barony of Toriton of the King in chief]

Thomas de Alabaster ; \ fee,
of the honour of Plymton.

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 405

[910] Debt Ralph (Dart Ralph), ; | f ee, of

the honour of Plymton^

[Testa (No. 581, p. 181 a, and No. 1142) : Ealph de Dertk holds
i fee of Joel de FalUtorta and Joel of the honour of Plymton,]

E911] NORTHCOTB,
912]

Wmiam I fee
le fitz- +
Jeffrey ; yV ^^

of the honour
of Barn-
staple.

held by Prior of Barnstaple
and Robert Horton ; 2 fees,
of the honour of Toriton).

912] CoLSTONB (Coolson, Temple-
too), and

[913] Bradleghe (West Bradleigb,
Tiverton),

[Testa (No. 63-75, p. 175 b, and No. 1143, p. 190 a) : RobeH de
Edingthone holds in Norihcoth and in Kolteston (No. 64, Goltescotb)
and in 1 ferlina of land in Bradeleghe which is in the Hundred of
Twyverton J + -^fee of Henry de Tracy through several middle-lords
of the honour of BamestapoL]

[914] Stordbton (Stewarton, Little Washford, an outlier of

Witheridge), held by the heirs of Ralph de Holbrok;

i fee, of the honour of Toriton.

[Testa (No. 99, p. 176a, and No. 1144) : Balph de HoUbrok holds
in Stordeton i fee of Richard Hereward and he through a middle-
lord of the heirs and honour of Toriton,]

[915] Washford (Upcot in Little^

Washford, an outlier of

Witheridge),
Strech (Stretchtown, Thel-

bridge),
[916] Wbstcot (Westcot, in Little

Washford, an outlier of

Witheridge),
[917] Debt, J

[Testa (Noa. 100-102, and No. 1145): The Prior of Barnstaple
and Robert de Horton hold in Wasford (No. 100, Walford) ; and
Westccoth and in Derth 2 fees of the same heirs and honour (i.e., of
the honour of Toriton).]

[Kirby (Nos. 649-651) : Thomas de Horton holds Stretehe, Derte,
UppecotCf and Westcote for \\ Knight* s fee of the Prior of Barn-
staple And the saine Prior of Humuu de Merton And the same
Thomas of the King,]

[Kirby (Nos. 652-654) : The Prior of Barnstaple holds {Ash)
Beare, Rowedon, Orencdon^ for i Knights fee of Thomas de Merton
And Thomas of the King,]

[918] Oddetok (Woodington, in Little Washford, an outlier of
Witheridge), held by John Tracy and his fellows ; ^ fee,
of the honour of Plymton.

[Testa (No. 579, p. 181a, and No. 1148): Walter Herewy (No.
579, Hereby), Roger and Hugh de Odethon hold in Odeton (No. 579,
Hodethon) i fee of Robert de Horthon And Robert through a
middle-lord of the honour of Plymton,]

[Kirby (Nos. 617, 618) : Thomas de Horton holds Odeton and
Hegsteford [Henceford in Chawleigh] /w J Knight* s fee of the heirs
of John de Moun And the same heirs of the Countess of Albemara
And the said Countess qf the King.]

406 THl "DOMESDAY" HUia)BIDS OF DEVON.

[919] Hill (ffill, Witheridge)

[920] Thorncomb (Rackham,
Crawys Moichard)

[921 £Mt] Bradlegh, in

Tiyerton Hundred

held hj Bobert de Kn^htcm ; }
fee, of the honour of Toriton.

[Tata (Nos. 108, 104, p. 176 a, and No. 1150) : John U Dapeuttr
holds in Hille and Throucombf uriih one ferling of land in BradtUgh
(No. 104, Estbredelegh), uhich ia in Uu Hundred of TivtrUm^ I fee
of Roger Dacastre And Eager through several middle-lords of the
heirs and honour of Toriton.]

Under Wonford Hundred we find also

[24] Poltemore with

(Poltimore)
[25] Hyll in Witheridge

Htindredy

held by William de Pantindon; 1
fee [apparently of the honour
of PJymton].

[For Kirhy (No. 23 under Wonford Hundred ) sayi: Ridiafd de
PoUimor holds the tovmship (rillem) of PoUiinor for \ fee of ihe
heirs of William de Thornton And the same heirs of the aforesaid
Countess [of Albemara] And the same Countess of the King.]

[Kirbp (No. 655 nnder Witheridge Hundred) says: Robert ds
Pyrrichwarth holds Hille with menwers for J fee of Richard de
Pultune [can this be Paltime ?] And the same Richard of Isabella
Countess of Albemara And the Countess of the King.]

There is also another entry which may have some beariog on
this under Tiverton Hundred.

[1153] Est Bradlegh, held by Richard de Bradleeh; :^ fee, of
the honour of Plymton. In another Jiandwriting is
written -j^ fee.

[Kirby (No. 133) : Richard de EsOrradele holds \ fee there of the
heirs of Hille And (he same heirs of Richard de Poltingmore And
the same Richard of Isabella Countess of Albemara And the same
Countess of the King,]

[922] Combe Moncbaux, held by Alericus le Marchant ; \ fee, of
the honour of Braneys [an evident error for Barnstaple].

[Ttsla (No. 67, p. 175b, and No. 1151): WiUiam de Moncellis
(No. 67, Montellia) holds in Cumhe (No. 67, Cumb Munceria) I fee of
Henry de Tracy of his honour of Barnstaple.]

[Kirby (No. 656) : William de Afonteaus holds Cumbe Monteaus
for J knight's fte of OcUfrid de Camvill And the same Oalfrid of
the King!]

[923] Cadbiry Copiner (Cadbury, Chulmleigh), held by H.
Copiner ; \ fee, of the honour of Okhamton. (According
to the Exchequer Rolls \ fee.)

[Testa (No. 898, p. 179 b, and No. 1110, p. 189 a): lU^H de
Sioddune holds in Kadebyre of Uie same manor (Chulmleigh, which it
follows) i fee of Ivo de Servinthon And he of the same John
(de Ourtenay) and honour.]

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 407

[924] WooDBUBN, held by Thomas de Woodbom ; ^ fee [of the
honour of Plymton].

[Testa (No. 681, p. 181a, and No. 1149, p. 190 a): Peter fitz-
Baldwin holds in Woddum i fee of Robert de Legh of the same
honour (of Plimton. It follows Odeton).]

[Kirhy (No. 661) : Peter de Wodebum holds Wodehum for J
KnighCs fu of Thomas de Legh And the same Thomas of the
heirs of John de Mohun And the sam/e heirs of Isabella Countess
of Albemara And the same Countess of the King.]

In testimony whereof, ko.

5. Burton's list may be supplemented by the following from
Testa de NevU : —

[Testa.]

[Qoreland] ((Garland, King's Nymton) (No. 400, p. 160 b, and
No. 1112, p. 189 a) : Henry de Goreland holds in Qoreland \
fee, of William Fauvell and William of the same [t.e., of the
manor of Chulmleigh of John de Curtenay of the honour of
Okhamton.]

[CuMB Daoastre] (No. 66, p. 175 b, and No. 1146, p. 190 a):
Eoger Dacastre holds in Cumb ^ fee, of Galfrid de Mandevill
and Galfrid of Henry de Tracy of the honour of Barnstaple.

[CuMBE Eetont] (Templeton) (No. 1147) : John de Reygni holds
in the same township {villa) ^ fee, of the same Galfrid and the
same honour.

[Dbnewoldbsham] (Densham, Woolfardis worthy) (No. 1152,
p. 190 a): Boger de Praulle holds Denewoldesham in socage
of the heirs of Tikeenbraz in Cornwall for lib. of cummin
per annum, rendering no scutage.

[Munbtheneland] (Minikinland, Woolfardisworthy) (No. 1153):
Eoger de Munetbeneland holds Munetheneland of the Prioress of
Polsloe (PoUesle) for 10s. per annum in socage in pure alms
of old time.

[Bradeford] (Bradford, Cruwys Morchard) (No. 1154) : The same
Prioress holds Bradeford in lordship also in alms.

[Wyk] (Chawley Wick) (No. 1155) : Roger Cole holds Wyk in
the manor of Chawley (Chademelegh) of the Prior of Christ
Church for 60/- per annum and the Prior holds it in alms of
Ito Martel and it is [held] of the honour of Okhamton and
was aforetime ^ fee.

408 THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

[Colbton] (Coleton, Gbnlmleigh) (No. 1156) : Roger Cole holds
Coleton in socage of John de Cartenay for 208. per annum and
it is [held] of the aforesaid honour [Okhamton].

[See Kirby (No. 625) quoted above.]

[Nimbton] (King's Nymton) (No. 1157): William la Zuch holds
NuD[1im]eton of Alan la Zuch in lordship rendering no service
and Alan of our lord the King in chief.

[Kirby (No. 659) : Hobert de Morton holds King*s Nimel of Roger
de la Sothe ( = Soche) And Roger of our lord the King in chief,}

[Marineleoh] (Mariansleigh) (No. 1 1 58) : William de Mohan holds
the manor of Marinelegh of Begin [aid] de Mohan rendering no
scatage and it is [held] of the honour of Plymton.

[Little Rakenbpord] (Itackenford Farm) (No. 1159) : Rohert de
Sideham holds Little Rakeneford of the Hospital of Bothemes-
cumh for 2s. per annum in socage and it is [held] of the honour
of Gloucester.

[Hakkpord] (Ash worthy, Okeford) (No. 1160): Herbert fitz-

Mathew holds the manor of Hakeford of Reginald de Mohun for

£7 per annum in socage and it is [held] of the honour of

Braneys.

[Kirby (No. 667): Mathew fUz-John holds iror[?k>/orrf of the
heirs of John de Mount of the honour of Dunstore, ]

[Sbtntbmarilboh] (Highleigh St. Mary) (No. 1161) : The Prior of
Pilton holds Seyntemarilegh in pure alms by gift of the pre-
decessors of Henry de la Pomeray of the honour of Berry.

[Littlb Wassefbld] (No. 1162) : Robert de Bikelegh holds Little
Wassefeld of the heirs of William Briwerre in socage for one
ebony bow and two arrows per annum and it is [held] of the
honour of Plymton.

{Rinostanesdunb] (Rowsedon, aliaa Russen, East Worlington) No.
1 163, p. 190 b) : Robert de Ringstanesdune holds Ringstanesdone
of John fitz-Richard in socage for 5s. per annum of the honour
of Gunnardeston in Cornwall.

[Oddbworth] (Woodford, Thelbridge) (No. 1164): The same
Robert holds Oddeworth through a mesne lord of Robert Peytevin
in socage paying to Richard Prueth who is the middle-lord 2d.
per annum in discharge of all services and it is [held] of the
honour of Berry.

Burton's list may be further supplemented from entries
under Haytor and Ermyngton Hundreds.

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

409

held by Egidioa de Fish-
acre for 1 fee, of the
Bishop of Exeter.

held by John Damarel ;
2 fees, of the honour
of Plymtoiu

Under Haytor Hundred.
[Burton.]

[142] Dunnineton, in South Molton'

Hundred, and
[143] Raulbston (Rowlston, Mor-

chard Bishop), in Wither-

idge Hundred, together with

Alebum (Yalberton, Paign-
ton), and Wadeton (Wotton,

Stoke Gabriel),^ [in Haytor

Hundred], and Morvayl^ in

ComwaD,

[Testa (No. 1268, p. 192b): MaHin de Fiaaere holds 1 fu in
Alebum, Wadeton (in Haytor Hundred) and in Dyntnthon which is
in the Hundred of MauJOwn (South Molton) and in Jiauleston which
is in the Hundred of Wyring and in Morewale in Cornwall which
is ifee, of the same bishop (of Exeter).]

Under Ermyngton Hundred.

[292] Fluit Damarell
(Fleet, in Hol-
beton),
[293] BioooMBE I

(Bickham,Stood-i in the Hundred
leigh), and [ of Witheridge,
[294] in Wardlbgh, )

[Testa (No. 1319, p. 198 b) : John de Albamara holds in Flethe,
and in Bikecumb and in Wardeslegh, which are (quae sunt) in the
Hundred of Wyring ^ \ fee of Halph de Albamara of the honour of
Flymton, and aforetiTne they were 2 fees,}

There is also another entry in Kirby's Quest which is not
mentioned in Testa or Burton.

[Kirby.]

[BoLBwoRTHi] (Bulworthy, Rackenford) (No. 607): Kalph de
Calwodelegh holds Boleworthi for ^ Knight's fee of the Earl of
Gloucester And the Earl of the King.

I cannot part from these lists without observing : —

(a) That in the case of Washford Pyne (Burton, No.
864) Kirby's Quest suggests the wrong honour, and Burton
does the same in the case of Hanteford (No. 874), La Yurde
(No. 895), Bradford Tracy (No. 899), and East Spurway
(No. 901).

(6) That in some cases there appears to be a difficulty in
harmonizing the lists. Thus, under No. 899, to judge by

' Mr. Studdy, as Prebendary Hingeston-Raudolph informs me, now spells
it Waddetone, improved from Watton.
VOL. XXX. 2 D

410 THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

the middle and superior lords, Northcote must have been
carved out of Bradford. Under No. 919 the various state-
ments seem to show two distinct Hilles — one held with
Poltimore of the honour of Plymton; the other with
Throucomb and East Bradleigh of the honour of Toriton.
But since the 3 ferlings of the assessment of Bouecome,
Hille and Cumbe in Domesdayy are necessary to bring up
the lordship and villagers' assessment of Pultimore — which
by themselves are only 3 hides 3^ ferlings — to the total
assessment of 3 hides, 1 virgate, 3 ferlings, one can hardly
escape the conclusion that the two must be one and the same,
and that Hille, Backham and East Bradleigh must have been
held by the honour of Toriton of the honour of Plymton. In
another case the Red Book of the Exchequer, in a summary of
fees held by "Knights of the County of Devon," has this entry
(p. 558, No. 202) : " John de Torintone 29 fees, whereof 7 are
held of the honour of Gloucester," showing that fees were
sometimes held by one honour of another. In Teignbridge
Hundred {Trans, xxix. 239) Hennock is stated to have been
held of the honour of Berry, but the honour of Berry held
it nevertheless of the honour of Okhamton.

(c) Not one of the lists is exhaustive of places existing
in the Hundred. This may be accounted for in severstl
ways. (1) New names appear by the creation of n^w fees,
or by subdividing old ones, of which Chulmleigh and
Bishop's Nymton afiford many instances. Perhaps Burton
No. 917 is an example of the former, No. 899 of the latter.
(2) Old names disappear by the concentration of estates
through the marriage of heiresses. (3) Names are changed.
Burton No. 872 is a clear instance. (4) The fee lists do not
mention serjeanties. Thus Burton's list of fees in Witheridge
Hundred follows Testa de Nevil almost without variation
from Nos. 1096 to 1151 inclusive in giving the list of
knights* fees; but it has no mention of Nos. 1152 to 1164,
all of which were held in socage or free alms. Similarly
in Wonford Hundred Kirby's Quest and the Hundred Rolls
follow the same order and have exactly the same contents
for the first 61 townships, t.e., as far as Dunsford. The six
places named afterwards in the Hundred Rolls do not appear
in Kirby, although some of them were fees. (5) Serjeanties
were sometimes changed into military holdings. Ttsia de
Nevil, Nos. 1536-1539, names four cases, but apparently
fees substituted for serjeanties do not always appear in the
fee lists afterwards. (6) Estates which fell into the King's
custody by way of escheat or wardship appear to have

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 411

passed out of the jurisdiction of the outland Hundred and
to have been dealt with as part of the inland Hundred or
royal manor. The return of the inland Hundred of Budleigh
in Kirby's Quest contains ten names, but of these one only —
Stockleigh Pomeroy — belonged to the outland Hundred, and
this is entered with the words (No. 259) "because of the
custody of King Henry/* i,e., during the minority of the
owner. (See Testa, Nos. 1436-1466, for examples.)

II. The Domesday Representatives of tlie post-Domesday

Hundred.

Having marshalled the materials which show the extent
of the postrDomesday Hundred of Witheridge, we pass on
to see how they are represented in Domesday, assuming,
Until we have evidence to the contrary, that the Domesday
Hundred is identical with the post-Domesday.

1. In giving the Dom^esday constituents which correspond
with the fost-Domesday Hundred, it has seemed to me
preferable to give them in the order in which they follow
one another in the Exeter Book, and I have accordingly
given Mr. Whale's numbers (marked W.) as well as the
Exchequer, and followed the Exeter sequence, because the
sequence is of great importance for purposes of identifica-
tion, and this is better illustrated in the Exeter than in the
Exchequer Book. The pages, as before, refer to the Associa-
tion's reprint Crown lands which were extra hundredal,
although not ancient Crown lordships, and exempt lordships,
are printed in larger capitals. Assessments.

Whole. Lordships. Villagers*.

I. The Kino's holdiogs : — ^ ▼• '• i»- ▼• »• *»• v. t Acres. VaL

(Githa's land) No. 48 ( W. 64), p. 45 : , [Honour of PlymtoD]

WIRIGE (Witheridge)^ . . 0 1 0 0 0 U 0 0 2i 358 £6

^ The value of Wirige, 358 acres, would under ordinary circum-stances be
from 15/- to 25/-. The additional amoimt must have been derived from the
contributions paid by the various thanes to the King's farm and court fees. Its
amount is evidence of the large number of contributories. From the Kalendar
of Papal JiegisUrSy i p. 309, it appears that Alexander IV. in 1255 gave a
dispensation to Robert de Terry, rector of Wirigge, to hold an additional
benefice. QuiviVs Registers show (Hingeston-Randolph, p. 360) that the
bishop gave Witheridge Church on 4 Nov., 1282, in charge to Thomas de
Gorges, clerk, presented thereto by Robert titz- Payne ; also he granted
letters dismissory for his immediate ordination. A writ of Privy Seal was
issued 25 Aug., 11 Ed. I. (a.d. 1283), to send to the Sheriff of Devon letters
of protection for the said Thomas. {Stapeldon, p. 270.) On 30 April, 1317,
Sir William de Wingrave, presbyter, was admitted in eommendam on the
presentation of Sir Robert fitz-Payne, Knt. {Ibid, p, 270.) In 1288 {Ibid,
p. 462) the rectory was valued at £20. In 1396 William Vexford, rector,
resigned to exchange and John Luffewyk was instituted, the Prioress and
Convent of Cannington, Dio. Bath and Wells, being patrons. {Stafford^ p. 220.)

2 D 2

412 THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

(Githa's Und) No. 49 (W. 65), p. 45 :

(2 Uuuies' UdcI added) Yeatberidge

and Burridge two outlien next

Tbelbridge and Worlington .008 — — 200 5/-

(Harmld's land) No. 74 (W. 88), p. 69:

NIMETONE" (King's Nymton) .300 100 200 5128 £18
(Harald'sland) No. 75 (W. 84), p. 69 :

(1 thane's land added) (Garland,

King's Nymton) .... 0 0 2 — — 160 7/-

11. The Bishop of Exeter's holding :—

Himself No. 124 (W. 121). p. 119 : [Bishop's Barony]

NIMETONE (Bishop's Nymton)* 800 100 200 5690 £16

' In the Red Book of the Exchequer, p. 559, among a list (ad. 1212) of
*' Lands of Normans and of others whose services are not known," appears: —
No. 248: *'Galfrid de Luscy [holds Kings] Nymton (Nnnetone) ana the land
of Isabella de Mayne (Meduana)." Tesia (No. 1362, p. 194 b) says : ^ King
Henry I. gave to the ancestors of Joel de Mayne BlaKetoriton and [King's]
Nimet with appurtenances in exchange for Gorham and Ambr^res it is said,
but Galfrid de Luscy now holds those lands by order of King John." (See
Pipe Rolls, No. 878.) From the Hundred Rolls of 8 Edward I., No. 46,
quoted above, it appears that on the separation of Normandy from England
King John seized King's Nympton ana gave it to Roger de la Zusch. In
Edward III.'s time, according to Pole 435, Sir Jeffrey de Cornwall held it,
and after his death, in 1 Ed. 11. {AfUr-death Inquests, p. 229, No. 59)
Matilda, wife of Hugo de Mortimer, held the advowson.

Sir Simon de Ashleigh (Ashele) is named as rector 24 May, 1309 {Brones-
eombe Meg., p. 419), ana the rectory was returned in the Taxation of Pope
Nicohis in 1288 as worth £6. {Ibid, p. 462.) On 3 Dec., 1809, a commission
was directed to John Wele, archdeacon of Barnstaple, and Roser de Otery to
enquire into the presentation ri^ht of [Sir] Geoffrey de Comubia, Knight, and
empowering them to institute, if found in order, John de Genegrave, clerk.
He occurs as rector 4 Oct., 1312. The same patron. Sir Geoffrey ae Comubia,
on the next vacancy presented Sir Geoffrey de Meristone Meysi, who was
instituted 10 Dec., 1315 {Stapeldon^ p. 226.) In the 15th century John
Haget was presented, who resigned 24 April, 1407, followed by Thomas
Barton, chaplain, who resigned 21 Feb., 1408 (both being canons of Exeter) ;
then John Hagct again, who 30 Nov., 1408, exchanged with William
Southam. Southam died 1412, and on 5 Dec., 1412, Philip Staunton was
instituted. In all these cases Richard Comewayle " domicellus ' and Alice
his wife exercised the patronage. {Stafford, p. 181.)

* It is, perhaps, permissible to surmise that the charter quoted by the late
Mr. King in Trans, viii. 355, if not a forgery, must refer to Bishop's
Nymton. For, apart from the fact that there is no instance in Devon
of a small estate of 160 acres being assessed at 3 hides, it is remarkable that
the estate at Nimet, the lordship of which was conveyed to Crediton
minster in 974, should have the exact assessment — 3 hides — of Bishop's
Nymton. Supposing it to represent the Coplestone estate (which, by tne
way, was held under the bishop), I cannot identify a single landmark.
I can identify the road at Eisandune with the road at Ash Mill, and the road
at Red Flood ^ith the road at Radlev, supposing it to be Bishop's Nymton,
and it may have been less extensive than the present parish.

It appears from BronueovMs Registers^ p. 114, that on 6th June, 1264,
**the Friday next after Pentecost, the lord bishop on the presentation of
Sir Walter fitz-Peter, Treasurer of Exeter [Cathedral] admitted Michael
de Lodeforde, chaplain, to the vicarage of Nemetone void, and, as it is
said, settled {taxatam) by authority of the lord archbishop of Canterbury,
reserving to himself the settlement of the vicarage if it should turn out that

THE "DOMESDAY** HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 413

11. The Bishop op CJoutances* holdings : —

Drogo, under Him, No. tn ( fT. tOS),

p. 199: SPRHWE^^ {East Spur- [Honour of Barnstaple]

foay, alias Oke/ord) . .010 002 002 SSS 101-

Drogo, under Him, No, 218 ( W. 204),

p, 199: COME, North and Suuth

{Combe Templeton) . . .020 010 010 329 lOh
Drogo, under Him, No, 219 { W. 206),

p, 201: CELUERTESBERIE

{Colson, Templetm) . . .033 020 013 721 IS/-
Drogo, under Him, No, 220 { W, 206)^

p, 201 : COME (Combe MiU, Tem-
pleton) Oil — — 200

Drogo, under Him, No. 221 { W, 206),

p, 201: STOLLEn^ {East Stood-

leigh, alias Stoodleigh Court) . 10 0 0 0 1 0 3 3 1058 40',-
Drogo, under Him, No. 222 { W. 207),

p, 203 : COME {Combe Moneeaux,

alias Templecomhe Templeton) .010 — — 105 5/-

the said settlement was not forthcoming, and he had letters [to that
effect]." *• Subsequently, the settlement made by the archbishop of Canter-
bury's authority being forthcoming, the lord bishop for ever released the
vicar who had been temporarily placed in charge, from the payment of 20/-
[by way of cathedraticum to himself] mentioneid in the saia settlement*'
In 12S8 the rectory of Bishop's Nymton, which constituted the endowment
of the Treasurer, was valued at £20. {Ibid, 465.) One Sir William was
vicar on 1st March, 1809 {Ibid p. 412), followed by Sir David, on whose death
Sir Laurence de Nymetone, priest, was instituted 13th Dec., 1819, on
the presentation of Sir Thomas de Hentone, Treasurer of the Cathedral
{Stapeldon, p. 190.)

^<^ In the Taxation of Pope Nicolas, a.d. 1288, the value of the Church of
Okeford, there called Olgenaford, is returned as £6. {Bronescombe, 462.)
Manasser fitz-Mathew was put in charge of the rectory 2l8t March, 1259,
to Michaelmas, 1260, and presented ** Robert de Plymtone, priest, to the
vicarage hereafter to be settled," Robert being instituted 28ra April, 1261.
The same rector afterwards presented Robert de la Sturte, priest, who was
instituted 29th July, 1261, the bishop assigning to the vicar "all the
obventions from the altar, all the gleoe and the rent of demised lands
{assisum redditum), a certain house ^nth a garden, 1 acre of land, 1 acre of
meadow, and 40/- to be paid him by the rector in equal portions on the
4 law days, the vicar discharging the due and accustomed burdens of the
church and saving to the uses of the rector the tithe of hay and com and
the parsonage house.*' {Bronescombe, p. 160.) William de Wilebi appears
as rector 81st Jan., 1310. {Bylton, p. 421; Stapeldon, p. 239.) Matilda
countess of Salisbury presented on 19th Dec., 1409, Nicolas Hertecombe,
but on his death in 1412, and again in 1416, commissions of inquiry were
found necessary to determine with whom the patronage lay. {Stafford, p. 191.)

'^ Roger de Campellis or de Chanceaux held both East ana West
Stoodleigh in Henry II. 's time, according to Pole 443, and they descended
to his son Robert, his grandson Roger, and his great-grandson Kobert, who
held them 1242. {Kirby, Nos. 632 and 646.) Robert's son, called Robert
in Testa No. 1138, before 11 Edward I. granted to Sir Ro^r fitz Payne
\ fee and the advowson of the Church of West Stoodleigh in free socage,
but continued to hold East Stoodleigh. Ralph Champeaux held East
Stoodleigh 24 Edward I. (Pole), Robert Marchant 80 Edward I., Thomas
Marchant 8 Edward II., and Roger Marchant 19 Edward III. {Ibid,)
Robert Marchant ultimately sold Estoodleigh unto Sir John fitz- Payne,
and Roger Marchant released his right 51 Edward III.

414

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

Drogo, nnder him, No. 224 (W. 209),
p. 205 : Talkbriob^ (Thelbridge) . 0 2 2 0 10

Drogo, under do., No. 225 ( W. 209 b),
p. 205 : WicHi (Middlewick, Thel-
bridge) 0 0 2 —

Drogo, under do.. No. 226 (W. 210),
p. 207: Ulvrkdintunk** (East
Worliugton) 0 10 0 0 2

Drogo, under do.. No. 237 (W. 211),

L221 : BiNSSTANBDOXS (Russen,
It Worlington) . . . . 0 0 1 0 0 0} 0 0 0} 106

IV. Tavistock Abbey holdings :— [Tavistock Barony]

Nigel and Bobcrt, under do.. No. i n a ox a i «» 7ii

270 (W. 231), p. 243: LlEOE 1 0 0 J J ^4 0 1 3t 711
(Bomansleigh and Waudam)»* . ) 0 0 If [0 1 OiJ 417

V. The Earl of Mortain's holding : —

Alured, underdo., No. 843 (W. 11.),

E. 323: DoN&voLDKHAHS (Dens
am, Wolfardisworthj) .

0 12 1040 40/'

— 206 5/-

0 0 2 817 7/6

5/.

25/.
15/.

[Out- county Baronies]
011001 010 309 10/-

^' In the Taxation of Pope Nicolas the value of Thelbridge Rectory is
given as 30/- {Brones.^ p. 462), and William de Wytherigge, rector thereof,
was ordained deacon 2l8t Dec, 1308, and priest 22nd Feb., 1309. {Stapeldon,
p. 263.)

^ Robert de Hendevile was instituted rector of East Worlington on 14th
Nov., 1261, on the presentation of Richard fitz-Bernard under pain of the
[4th] Lateran Council [of a.d. 1215] and the Council of Oxford [held b^
Langton A.D. 1222]. The reference is probably to Const. 52 of Langton : We
charge that the Lateran Council celebrated by Innocent [IIL] the Pope be
observed by all as to the payment of tithes and all other matters. Philip
de Bokywis,subdeacon, succeeded. He was instituted 18th Sept., 1277, on the
presentation of Robert de Crouthome, lord of East Worlington . {Bronescombe^
p. 138.) The same patron presented Peter de Wytherigge, presbyter, 11th May,
1284, and again Richard le Peytevin, subdeacon, 30th March, 1286. {QuivU,
342.) In 1288 the rectory was returned as worth 30/-. {Brcneaeambe^ 462.) In
the 15th century Thomas Affeton, "domicellus,'* presented on lOUi March,
1400, John Richard, alicLs Woborn, clerk, and on 3ra April, 1407, Robert Forde,
chaplain, but on his death John Botreaux, Esquire, appears as patron, and
presented William Morys, chaplain, 20th May, 1419. (Staffordy p. 165.)

" According to the After-death J-nquests of 22 Ed. I., p. 122, Galfrid de
Marmerford, tenant of the abbot of Tavistock, died a.d. 1293, seized of one
ploughland and 10/- value of estate in Romonealegh. This appears to be the
estate of Robert in Domesdayy the lordship of which Ib returned as 1 plough-
land, and the whole value as 15/-, and represents presumably Wauaam, or
Odam, in Romansleigh.

Reginald, rector of Romansleigh, died a.d. 1281, when Robert Fromund, of
Chulmlei^h, subdeacon, was instituted on 21st Feb. to the rectory on the
presentation of Richard le Copiner (QuimVa BegisterSy p. 351), and received
licence to study at Paris "in sacra pagina" for 3 years from the Ist April, 1282.
{Ibid. 870.) In 1288 the rectory was returned as worth 20/-. {Ibid. 462.)
The living became vacant on 27th Sept., 1316, and on 6th Dec. Master Adam,
called Marchant, was instituted on the presentation of Thomas de Campelle ;
and again George de Esse on 28th June. 1323 {Stapeldon'a BegisterSy p. 246),
presented by the same patron. In 1416 John, son and heir of Robert Haoche,
was patron, and presented John Dayhyll, chaplain, in succession to Nicolas
Joye, deceased.

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 415

VI. Baldwin the Sheriff's holdings: —

Himself, No. 662 (W. 494), p. 626 : [Honour of Okhamton]
CALMONLEUGE ^<» (ChuloUeigli) . 600 200 800 4190 £18

" Hundred Bolls, 3 Ed. I., No. 46, p. 87 : "Robert de Malleston [of Ogwell],
the King's deputy escheator, seized the manor of Chammeleg into the King's
hand on the death of John de Cortenay, on Friday next after Holy Rood
Finding day [3 May] and held the same manor until the Thursday following
in that year St. John the Baptist's birthday [24 June] in the second year
of King Edward's reign [a.d. 1273 J. And the said Robert took for the service
of our Lord the King in that time by way of acknowledgment and discharge
{exple) 2 marks." The collegiate character of the Church of St. Mary
Magdalen at Chulmleigh proves it to have been a very old foundation. At
the time of the Taxation of Pope Nicolas, a.d. 1288, it consisted of six
prebends {BroTieacombe Heg,^ p. 464), which according to Oliver, Mon^^f. 291,
bore the names of (1) Higher Overhaye, alias Higher Hayne ; (2) Mayden
Provendre, cUi/M Puellae ; (3) Denys, alia^ Dene ; (4) Netherhaye, alias
Lower Hayne ; (6) Penles, alias Penelles ; and (6) Bucklond. From the
fact that, according to Bishop Vesey's return to the royal writ in 1686, there
were then only five prebends and a rector, and the prebends enumerated do
not name Mayden Provendre, it is perhaps permissible to suggest that
Mayden Provendre was part of the endowment of the rectory. Rev. Marsdeu
Gibson informs me that the prebend of Maiden Provender was absorbed into
the rectory in the time of Robert Webber, 1533. Dr. Oliver states that Mayden
Provendre had been united with Dene, but the Taxation of Pope Nicolas is
against him. The value of the prebends is there given as: (1) that of Philip
de Cobbeleghe, 60s. ; (2) that of John de Brocland, 26s. ; (3) that of James
Franceys, 26s. ; (4) that of Adam de Segrave, 248. 6d. ; (6) that of Richard de
Donne, 248. 6d. ; and (6) that of Godfrey de Hengeham, 24s. 6d. Bishop Vesey
gives the values as (1) the rectory, £20 ISs. lid. ; (2) Higher Ha3nie, £6 138. 4d. ;
(3) Lower Hayne, £5 ; (4) Penles, £6 ; (5) Bucklond, £4 Ss. 4d. ; (6) Dean,
£4 6s. 8d.; which shows that if the prebend of Philip de Cobbeleghe is
excepted in the one list and the rectory in the other list the prebends were
very nearly equal in value. It seems, therefore, most probable that the prebend
of Philip de Cobbeleghe, worth double that of any of the others, was the
endowment of the rectory. And this suggestion receives confirmation from
the episcopal registers.

Philip de Cobbeleghe was a vicar in the Church of Chulmleigh in 1282 A.D.
{Quivilf p. 340), and received licence of non-residence from Michaelmas, 1282,
till that day twelve months ; but he was to provide a fit substitute and to
reside personally during Lent (22nd July, 1282). {Ilnd. p. 319.) In 1288 he
held the prebend of Mayden Provendre. His successor in the rectory appears
to have been William Dalbenuy, alias De bello Alneto (Bytton Beg,, 414 ;
Stapeldon^ 201), and then Sir Godfrey de Leynham, who held the prebend up
to the time of his death in 1321 a.d. John de Coliforde, priest, was next
instituted on 1st Nov., 1321, on the presentation of Sir Hugh de Curtenay,
{Bytton, 414 ; Stapeldon, 201 ; Oliver, i/on., 291 ; Lysons, ii. 109.)

It appears from Bronescombes Bigisters thsX, another prebend held by one
Theolmld became void in 1260 a.d. "on the ground that the said Theobald
was a married man, as appears and is sot forth in a sentence of the Official of
Exeter. '* That this prebend was better than the rest, and therefore probably
the prebend of Overhayne, may be inferred from the fact that on the 23ra
April, 1260, Bishop Bronescombe admitted to it John de Broclande, clerk,
who already held one of the prebends on the presentation of Sir John de
Courtenay {Brojies., p. 123), Broclaunde resigning the prebend which he
previously held. Broclaund held it at the time of Pope Nicolas' valuation,
and was succeeded in it by Robert Froraonde, as tne added words now
Fromonde^s prove. Fromonde was a great pluralist and held it in 1310.
{ByUon Beg., 414 ; Stapeldon, 201.) He was no doubt a relative of William
Fromond who then held Shittisbeer and Worth.

416 THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

Gislebert, under do , No. 553 (W.

495), p.525:MAVE88ARTi*(Me8haw) 0 3 0 00 2 0 22 1140 30/-
Ansger, under do., No. 554 (W. 496),

p. 527: HiEKDE (Yard, Roseash) .030 002 022 805 30/-
Anager, under do., No. 555 (W. 497),

p. 527: AIB8B ^MRoaeaah) . .110010100 2040 100/-

James Fraunceya held the third prebend in 1288 and he also held it in 1310.
{ByUtm, p. 414.) In the Taluation fFike Sos is written against it, which may
possibly connect it in some way with Week hamlet in Chulmleigh.

Against the fourth prebend, that of Adam de Segrave, the word " Grane-
soun ** is written in the Taxation, which perhaps someone may be able to
explain. This nrebend was sometime held by John de Broclaunde, and on
his resignation William de Stanford was admitted " custodian " of it upon
the presentation of John de Curtenay on 25th April, 1260, until the following
Michaelmas. {Br<meao(nnbe, p. 124.) William de Stanford appears to have
afterwards qualified and continued to hold it until 1277, in which year, on
21st April, Sir Robert de la Hope, priest, was instituted to it on the pre-
sentation of Sir John de Curtenay. Him succeeded Adam de Segrave, clerk,
instituted 5th Feb., 1280. on the presentation of the same patron {Brofus-
eombe, 124), and was in possession at the time of the Taxation, a.d. 1288.

The fifth prebend appears to have been sometime held by Luke Kent,
whom John le Prouz, clerk, succeeded, instituted 26th April, 1261, on the
presentation of Sir John de Curtenay. [Bnmescombe, 124. ) On John le Prouz's
resignation in 1285. Godfrey de Reyuham succeeded, instituted 6th Oct.,
1285. {Quivil^ p. SlO.) If this was tne prebend held by Richard de Doun at
the time of the Taxation, the words Henry Comb written against it seem to
imply that his successor bore that name.

The sixth and last prebend was sometime held by Rofib de Marcelles,
whom succeeded Walter de Bridewelle, snbdeacon, instituted 1st March,
1285, on the presentation of Sir Oliver de Dynham. Kut. {Quivilf p. 340.)

There is an entry of the institution of Richard de Cyrencestre on 15th
June, 1266, to a prebend of Chulmleg on the presentation of Sir John de
Curtenay {Brones., 124); but I cannot say to which prebend it refers. If
this was the prebend held by Godfrey de Hengeham at the time of the
Taxation, the words B. Hertvjarde written against it seem to convey that
his successor bore that name. The Rev. Marsden Gibson informs me that
Whithalf was the last of the prebends, an aged serving-man living in
London. The rectors began to appoint themselves to prebends in the person
of Richard Hole in 1776, and continued to do so until in Humfrey Adam
Hole 8 time, 1796, they absorbed them all. And on 20th Sept, 1850, the
five prebendaries and the rectory were consolidated into one benefice.

*' According to Broneacombe Beg., p. 155 : ** Richard de Hydone, clerk
[who appears to have already held a portion of the Church of Meshaw], was
on 3rd Sept, 1263, instituted to the whole of the aforesaid Church by
having consolidated with his own portion or parsonship of 2s. , the portion
which Juvenal the presbyter long held in it, on the presentation of Roise,
sometime the wife of Roeo fitz-Simon, and of Simon, son of the said Rogo, the
true patrons thereof." In 1288 the rectory was returned as worth 20& (iMrf.

g. 462), and Master Thomas de Columbrigge was then rector. (QuivU, 349.)
n 27th Sept, 1315, Sir Henry de Sancto Germano, presbyter, was instituted
on the presentation of Sir Mathew de Fomeaux, Knight, " for this turn by
reason of his being guardian of the heir of Sir Simon fitz-Rogo, Knight,
deceased, and of his lands at Meuschathe.*' {Stapeldon, p. 235. ) On 1st April,
1398, however, on the resignation of John Elias, Thomas de Affeton was
patron and presented John Nottecleve, presbyter. {Stafford, p. 187.)

^' Richard de Esse, subdeacon, was instituted to the rectory of Roseash
23rd April, 1261, on the presentation of Ralph de Esse. {Broviescombe, p. 165.)
In 1288 the value of the rectory was returned as 106s. 8d. {Ibid, p. 462.)
Richard de Esse died 8th Feb., 1322 {ByUon, p. 421), and on 25th Feb., 1322,

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 417

Ansger, under do., No. 556 (W. 498),

p. 529: Grawkcomb^^ (Creacombe) 0 0 2{ 0 0 0{ 0 0 2 215 10/-
Do., under do., No. 557 (W. 499), n.

529: Crawecome (West Blatcn-

worthy ? Creacombe) . . . 0 0 IJ 164 5/-

Anschitu, under do., No. 558 (W.

500), p. 581: Obdib (Worthy,

Rackenford) 0 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 2 114 5/-

William, under do.. No. 559 (W. [Honour of Plymton]

501), p. 581 : Welinoedinoe**

(Woodington in Little Washford,

an outlier of Witbendge) . .010002002 122 5/-
Walter, under do.. No. 660 (W. 502), [Honour of Okhamton]

p. 533 : Cbbledone (East Cheldon,

alioi Cheldon Farm, Cheldon *«) . 0 0 8 0 0 8 0 0 0 168 3/-
Oozelin, under do., No. 561 (W. 503),

p. 538 : Raohenefoda (Rackenford) 022 002 012 823 15/-

Adam Marchant, presbyter, was instituted on the presentation of Ralph de
Esse. {Stapeldon, p. 246.) In 1404 the patrons who presented William
Halyett, alias Hamme, were John Bury, William de Wyllemere, Thomas
Colyn, Andrew de Gytfard, and William Langedon ; and on Halyet's death,
two years later, John Bury and Thomas Colyn, '* domicelli,* presented
Richard Reve, chaplain, who was instituted 15th May, 1406. {Stafford,
p. 198.)

'^ William de Oxstone, subdeacon, was instituted to Creacombe 8rd June,
1283, on the presentation of Richard de Hantesforde, a layman {QuiviTa Beg.,
341), and on his death, 7th July, 1311, John de Servyngtone, priest, was
instituted 5th Aug. , on the presentation of William de Hauntenesforde, and
it was eigoined him under pain of deprivation of his aforesaid benefice that
before the festival of All Hallows next [1st Nov.] he should know by heart
[Archbishop Peckham's Constitution, made at Lambeth in 1281, touching
the reverent administration of the Sacraments, and more especially of the
Eucharist, commencing] The most High. {Stapeldon, p. 204.) William
Hautysforde, " domicellus," was patron in the 15th century, and presented
Oliver Radysworthy, presbyter, on the death of John Yeate. 15th Oct., 1399,
and again John Leigh, chaplain, 7th Aug., 1403, on Radysworthy's prefer-
ment to Cheldon.

"It seems probable that this was pronounced Welinshedinge, since it is
written Weliseding in the Exeter Book. For the termination compare Stanlinz
(No. 1129, p. 1071), and Grennelize (No. 1175, p. 1113) in Domesday, and
Malbedenge (Pipe Rolls, note 31). Welishedinge would be contracted into
Widinge, and become Woodinge, just as Widebeare (No 879, p. 849) in
Domesday Woodbeare. {Trans, xxix., p. 252, note 31.) The only objection
to identifying Woodinge with Woodington. the Odeton of Testa and Kirby,
is that Odeton was held of the honour of Plymton. It has, however, been
already pointed out ( Trans, xxix. , p. 266) that several of Baldwin's estates
were held of that honour, contrary to expectations.

^ From Bnmeseombe's Register^ p. 164, we learn that on 3rd Oct., 1267,
that bishop at Clist admitted John de Yertecome to the rectory of Racken-
ford, then vacant, by an instrument worded as follows : — ** To all who shall
view these present letters Walter by the grace of God. bishop of Exeter ever-
lasting greeting in the Lord. Be it known to all men that Whereas Michael
de la Stane, clerk, was presented to the Church of Rackenford then vacant
by Philip de Sideham the true patron of the said Church, whom we did not
admit, as we could not of ri^ht do so, because of defects of age and knowledge
from which he was suffering. We have, however, admitted to the same
Church on the presentation of the said patron Master John de Yertecome
and instituted him rector in the same upon terms that in case of his death or
cession the said Michael, by virtue of the aforementioned presentation which

418 THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

Bainald, under do., No. 562 (W.

504), p. 535: Eltembtonk*^

(Edison, Little Raokenford) . . 0 0 2 0 0 0^ 0 0 1} 346 5/-
RoguSy under do.^ No. 663 (W,

606), p. 635: AUSA ( West Apae,

now Wed Tapps, Okeford) . , 010 00S002 S40 lOj-
Oawic, under do.. No. 604 (W. 606),

p. 6S7: 0DEBUHNE(We5t Wood- .

bum, Okefvrd) . . . . 003 001002 226 61-

VII. William Capra's holdings : — [Honour of Brsneys, alvca
Himself, No. 740 (W. 868), p. 709: Bradninch]

MORCHET*^ (Cruwys MoroWd) . 100 020 020 2270 £6

we would have endure to him, shall he admitted to the same Church provided
that the said or. any other canonical defects do not prevent." The same year,
day, and place Master John granted by his letters patent 5 marks by way of
pension from the aforesaid Church to Michael de la Stane, as a charitable
gift at the behest of the Lord Bishop of Exeter. Michael de la Stane after-
wards appears as rector in 1287. {Quivil, 351.) The rectory was vacant in
1312, when Alexander de Cruwes presented to it Peter de Cruwes, under-
taking (14th Aug., 1312) to supply Peter with the necessary money for his
schooling. Peter was ordained to the rectory as collet 4th Dec., 1313 ; sub-
deacon 23rd March, 1314; deacon 6th April, 1314. {Stapeldon, 245.) On the
resignation of Robert Alkebarowe, 16th June, 1396, Mathew Hordelegh
appears as patron '* for this tura,'' he having married Juliana, sometime the
wife of Alexander Creuwes, and in her rignt he presented John Croke or
Crook, presbyter, in 1396, and on his death Robert Cruwes, chaplain ; the
last-named instituted 19th May, 1413.

'•^ Seemingly this is the 'Only Domesday estate to represent the Little
Raokenford ^ fee which is enumerated besides Rackenfora 1 fee as held of
the honour of Okhamton in the A/ler-death Inquest of Hugo de Courteney.
(1 Rio. II., No. 12, p. 2.) The Litel Racheneford (No. 815, p. 785) of Domes-
day was presumably held of the honour of Marsh wood, like most of the other
estates of Walter de Dowai, and in that case appears to be represented by
Nedcot in Rackenford, the Nutcote of which John de Mohun died seized
(After-death Inquest, 7 Ed. I., No. 13, p. 66), the Nettecote which appears
among the fees of a later John de Mohun. (After-death Inquest, 4 Ed. III.,
No. 35, p. 31.) Ludo held it in Domesday, and all Ludos estates appear
subsequently as Mohun's. (See Trans, xxix. 236.) The Little Rackenford of
Testa de Nevil was held of the honour of Gloucester. It should therefore
naturally be looked for among Clavil's or Ooscelm's estates, and it is
suggested that it is Sideham (No. 840, p. 809) in Rackenford. It seems to
follow that Little Rackenford, like Little Washford, is the name of a district
within which several distinct estates were held — Nedcot of the honour of
Marshwood, Sidedown of the honour of Gloucester, Edison of the honour of
Okhamton. Compare Little Torington, Little Totnes. Similarly Handsford
is the name of a district, part of which, west of the stream, lies in
Ashreigney, part east of the stream in Chulmleigh.

^ Godfrey de Sowy, subdeacon [sometime, viz., in 1242, see Pipe Rolls,
note 25, clerk to the Exeter Moneyers], was instituted to the rectory of this
place, 13th Feb., 1262, on the presentation of Robert de Ones. (Bronescombe,
p. 131.) On 15th March, a d. 1285, William de Yertcome was rector. (Quivil,
p. 342.) In 1288 the rectory was valued at 106/8 (Bronescombe, 462), and in
1312 Sir Richard was rector (Bytton, p. 415 ; Stapeldon, p. 206); in 1408
Walter, who apparently then held or acquired the patronage ; for Walter
Robert, clerk, presented Mathew Doune, cha})lain, 9th March. 1408. Matthew
exchanged Ist Oct, 1418, with John Knight, deacon, of Faringdon, when
Thomas Bratton, John Keynes. Robert Cruwys, clerk, and John Prous of
Doddcryg, appears as patrons. (Stafford, p. 162.)

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 419

Hamon, under do., No. 741 (W. 869),

p. 711 : Madescame" (Woods-
comb, CniwYS Morchard) ..002 100 2/6
Himself, No. 742 (W. 870), p. 711 :

ALFORDE (Asworthy, Okeford) . 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 2 0 1520 £6
Do. No. 743 (W. 871), p. 718:

MiLDEDONE»* (Milton, Okeford) .010 808 10/-

Ralph, under do , No. 744 (W. 873),

p. 715 : PoTiTONE* (Puddington) .100 010 080 845 40/-
Beatrix, under do.. No. 745 (W. 874),

p. 715: Bbabeford (Bradford

Tracy, Witlieridge) . . .010002002 412 20/-
Do., under do., No. 746 (W. 875),

p. 717 : Toredone (Thorn farm,

Kackenford, the Northcot of

Kirby. No. 604) .... 0 0 2 100 3/4

YIII. William de Faleise's holdings : — [Honour of Dartington]
Roger, under him. No. 758 (W. 733),

L727 : Bera (West, Middle and
It Bar in East Worlington" .010 328 15/-

Peter, under him, No. 769 (W.

734), p. 729: Waford (in Little

Washford, the outlier of Withe-

ridgej«7 0 10 0 0 8 0 0 1 219 6/-

Hugo de Dal, under do., No. 760

(W. 735), p. 729 : Olvrintone"

Dendridge(?), East Worlington) .001 102i 10/-

Himself, No. 761 (W. 736), p. 781:

Bradeford (Bradford, Oruwys

Morchard) 0 0 li 102 5/-

® It is suggested that this majr be Woodscomb, in Cruwys Morchard.
The sequence requires it to be in Witheridge Hundred, and the inter-
changeableness of M. and W has been already illustrated under North
Tawton Hundred (in TraiM, xxix. p. 247, n. 9). Domesday states that this
land was united to Orescome, i.e., presumably to the ^ virgate of land (No.
787, p. 707, W. 865), which William Capra held in Horescome, and which
the seauence requires to be looked for in Hairidge or Budleigh Hundred.

** Tne identification of these estates has been discuss^ under lafton
Hundred in Trans. xxviiL p. 476.

* The rectory of Puddington was returned as worth 20/- in 1288. (Bronss-
eombe, p. 462. ) John de Kyugesbury, alicu Kyngestone, clerk, was instituted
10th March, 1809, on the presentation of King Edward II., and on his resig-
nation, 29th Sept., 1317, Sir John de Candevere, presbyter, was instituted
4th November, on the presentation of Sir Robert fitz- Payne. {Stapeldon^
p. 244.) On the death of Gregory Nywelond, William Stockhay, presbyter,
was instituted 25th Feb., 1398, patron King Richard IL, " by reason of the
forfeiture of Sir John Gary, Knight" {Stafford, p. 196.)

*• It appears from After-deaik Inquest of Nicolas Martyn, 1 Edward III.,
No. 40, p. 10, that Martyn, who was the successor in title of William de Faleise,
died in 1327, seized among other estates of the manor of Beare and Wol-
rington.

^ Testa (No. 1162), mentions a Little Wassefeld in Witheridge Hundred
held of the heirs of William Briwerre. Witheridge itself was also held of
ttie heirs of William Briwerre. We may, therefore, suppose that Little
Washfield was a small thane's land, now part of Withenage.

® If this is not Mouseberry in West Worlington, which amoins the Bars,
it is suggested that it may be Dendridge, which lies on the Dart, and has a
mill. The Domesday estate is equivalent to £2 an acre, which seems con-
clusiye against Mouseberry.

420 THK "DOmSDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

An Englishnun, under him. No. 762
(W. 737), p. 781 : Dimbwoldes-
BAU (MinikinUnd, Wool&rdis<
worthj)» 0 0 2 100 5/-

IX. William db Poillbi's holdings : — [Honour of Plimton]
Himaelf, No. 785 (W. 948), p. 751 :

Blachborayb (BUckgrsve, East

Worlington) 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 8 672 20/-

Ralph, under do., No. 786 (W. 919),

p. 753: PiDEUOB (Pidley, Eaat

Worlington) 0 0 2^ 0 0 li 0 0 1 210 10/-

Eldwin. under do., No. 787 (W. 950),

p. 753: Assecotb"* ([Ash] Wood,?

an outlier of East Worlington) . 0 0 0) — — 50 2/6

Himself, No. 788 (W. 951), p. 755:

Ulpaldeshodbs*^ (Woolfardis-
worthy Spenser) . . 0 1 8) 0 0 2 0 1 2 424 15/-

Ralph, under do., Na 789 (W. 952),

p. 755: Dbrtb (Dert Ralph,

Witheridge) 010001003 225 15/-

X Walter db Dowai'b holdings :— [Honour of Marsh wood]
Ludo, under him. No. 815 (W. 712),

p. 785: LiTEL Rachenepord**

(Nedcot, Little Rackenford) ..002 122 5/-

Henner, underdo., No. 816 (W. 718),

S. 785 : EsPREWBi (West Spurwav,
keford) 100010030 650 20/-

* Bradeford and Dimewoldesham appear in 01iver*s if on,, p. 167, as the
property of the religions bouse of Polsloe.

** Wood is an outlier of East Worlington, situated to the south-east,
af^oining Woolfardisworthy. It is possible that it may formerly haye been
called Ashwood. Cann's Mill and Ondge are marked within the included area.

"^ It will be obseryed that the ^ yirgate of lordship and 1^ yirgates of
yillage assessment exceed by ^ ferling the total assessment which is assigned
to Uffaldeshodes. It is sug^ted that Assecote originally formed part of
Ulfaldeshodes, which it adjoins, and that its i ferling is included in the 1|
yirgates of the yillagere' assessment. The Church of Woolfardisworthy
(WTferesworth) was draicated by Bishop Bronescombe 28th July, a.d. 1261.
(BroTUScambe, p. 67.) Wm. de Hethefelde, presbyter, was put in charge of
this parish by the bishop from 27th Jan., 1264, until Easter (20th April),
"William the presbyter asserting that he had been presented on the yigil
of the Epiphany [5th Jan.] at Exeter by his patron in person. On behalf of
the riyal presentee it was alleged that the pabt>n did not present in person."
Eyentually on 5th June, 1264, William, the chaplain of HelSfelde was in-
stituted to the rectory, patron Richaitl le Despenser. {Brones,, p. 191.)
The patron's name shows that the reference is to Woolfardisworthy in
Witheridge Hundred. (See Burton^ 859.) In 1288 the rectory was yalued
at 20/-. ( Brones. , 462. ) William de Crau thorn , clerk [doubtless a relatiye of the
owner of East Worlington, Bttrton, 868], was instituted 10th July, 1810, by his
proxy, Mathew de Crauthom, on the presentation of Sir Robert de Stocknay,
and on 16th October, 1310, Master Richarde de Sancto Leonardo by his proxy
John de Lancesetone, clerk, on the presentation of the same. On 29th April,
1324, the rectory again became yacant, and on 24th May John le Speke, clerk,
was instituted on the presentation of Sir Robert de Stockhay. {StapekUm,

§271. ) When John York on 18th March, 1 404, exchanged Wolferdys worthy
penser with John Rok, John Ufflete, '*domicellus,*' was patron. {Stafford,
p. 221.)
** Reasons for this identification haye been giyen aboye in note 21.

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 421

XI. Waltbr dx Clavil's holdings :~ [Honour of Gloucester]

Walter the Server (dapifer), under do.

No. 886 (W. 804), p. 806: Rat-

DONX (Fremanscot, tuias Westyeo,

Witheridge) . . . 0 0 2} no particulars 102 6/-

Himself, No 837 (W. 805), p. 805 :

WASFORDE» (Washford Pine) .088 018 020 705 40/-
Do., No. 838 (W. 805 b), p. 807

(1 ferling added) : (Hele next Upcot

Squire, in Little Washford, outlier

of Witheridge) . . . .00 1 — — 60 8/-

Do., No. 889 (W. 806). p 807:

DRAHEFORDE (Drayford, Withe-
ridge) 0 2 8i 0 1 0 [0 1 8i] 386 15/.

Osbem. under do., No. 840 (W. 807),

S. 809 : SiDXHAM (Sidham, alias
idedown. Little Rackenford) .010 002002 248 10/-

XXL Robert dk Albkmarle's holding :~. [Honour of Plymton]

Robert de Hereford, under him.
No. 908 (W. 970), p. 877:
BiCHECOMB(Bickham, Okeford) 04 0 012 022 470 16/-

XIIL Robert Bastard's holding : — [Honour of Plymton]

Himself, No. 917 (W. 1121),
p. 887 : Bachrstakx (Back-
stone, Rackenford) . . .008 particulars wanting 190 10/-

XIV. Ralph de Pomerat's holdings : — [Honour of Berry]

JtobeHf wnder him, No. 988
{W, 679), p, 949:ST0DLEI^
( West Stoodhigh) . . .080 010020 1062 40 1 -

" Sir Adam de Morcetre, presbyter, was instituted 2nd May, 1280, to the
rectory of Washford Pyne on the presentation of Sir Herbert de Pyn,
Knight. {Bronesoombe, p. 190.) In 1288 the rectory was returned as worth
&3s. 4d. (IHd, 462.) Robert de Sancto Genesio, clerk, was instituted
19th Dec., 1308, on the presentation of the same ; but apparently the
benefice became vacant through Robert's inability to take holy orders, and
on 7th June, 1309, Symon de Sancto Genesio, deacon, was instituted on the
presentation of John (son of Herbert) de Pyn. Symon appears to have died
or resigned two years later. For *'on 16th January, 1312, bishop Stapeldon
at Clist committed the guardianship of the vacant Church .... as also the
guardianship of Robert (son of John de Sancto Genesio), who had been
presented to the rectory by John de Pyn, the true patron thereof, until the
feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist [24th June], next coming,
to Sir Richard, rector of the Church of Puttforde, who was then present and
agreed to undertake the charge. " The said Robert de Sancto Genesio was,
however, instituted 11th July, 1812, on the presentation of John de Pyn,
and "because it seemed to the bishop that the said Robert had a very poor
knowledffe of letters he a]ipointed Sir Richard, rector of the Church of
Putteforae. to be his guardian until he should be satisfied with the
acquirements of the said Robert and see fit to withdraw the guardianship."
On Robert's resignation Sir Richard de Smallehille, presbyter, was instituted
29th Jan., 1315, patron John Pyn, of Hamme in Cornwall ; and on Smalle-
hulle's resignation Sir Payne, son of Nicolas de Arcubus, presbyter,
was instituted 2nd January, 1319, on the presentation of John de Pyn.
(Stapeldon, p. 268.)

** Geoffrey de Santtone, subdeacon, was instituted 10th June, 1266, to
the rectory of Stoodleigh on the presentation of Sir Roger fitz-Payne,
the owner of West Sto^Ieigh. {Bronescombe, p. 182.) The value of the

422 THE " DOMESDAY " HUNDKEDS OF DEVON.

Bimself, No. 989 (W, 680),

p, 949 : HENLEl » {Saint Mary

Leigh, alias HighUigh SL Mary

{an extra parochial liberty) ,010 0 0 £ 0 0 S 300 lO/-

Williain [Peytevin], under bim,

No. 990 (W. 681), p. 951:

Odbordi** (Woodforde Thel-

bridge) 0 0 1 — — 51 2/6

XV. RuALD Adobed*8 holding : — [Honour of Plymton]

Walter, under. No. 1037 (W. 934),
p. 995: DocHEOROE (Dock-
worthy, Cheldon) . . .010 0 0 1 [0 0 8] 212 5/-

XVI. Tbtbald fitz-Bbrneb\s holdings : — [Honour of Torington]

Himself, No. 1065 (W. 902),

E, 1019 : Wesford (Upcot in
ittle Washford, an outlier of

Withendge) .... 0 1 0 102 10/-

Do., No. 1066 (W. 903), p. 1021 :

Wesford (Stewarton in Little

Washford) .... 0 1 0 151 5/-

Alwold, under do.. No. 1067

(W. 904) p. 1021 : Wesford

(Westcotin Little Washford) .020 0 1 0 [0 1 0] 807 12/6
Do., do. No. 1068 (W. 905),

p. 1023 : Dbrtre*^ (Stretohtown,

Thelbridge with Dart (East

Yeo?) Witheridge) . . .010 0 0 2 [0 0 2] 819 12/6

rectory is given in 1288 as 100s. {Ibid. 462.) According to the Patent Rolls
of Edward I., p. 271, John was parson of Stodleye in 1297, and received
the King's protection. Elinor fitz-Payne was patroness 16th April, 1405,
when Jonn Batyn exchanged with John Iverey, rector of Oake, Dioc of
Bath and Wells. Thomas Horshay, "domicellus,*' and Alice his wife, were
the patrons when Yvery on 7th July, 1405, exchanged with John Blakelake,
rector of Clist St. Laurence. But Eleanora fitz-Payn was again patroness
when Blakelake on 8th July, 1407, exchanged with John Fenton, vicar of
Pitminster, Dioc. Bath and Wells ; also when on Ist Aug., 1410, Fenton
exchanged with John Corbyn, rector of Wittenham Rowley, Dioc.
Salisbury, and again when, 3rd March, 1411, Corbyn exchanged with
Thomas Caux, minister or rector of Eilve, Dioc of Bath and Wells.
{Stafford, p. 211.)

» Held by Pilton Prionr, in Testa (No. 1161) called Bylidleghe, and
de Heleghe in Taxation of Pope Nicolas {Bronescomhe, p. 476), and then
valued at 30s. 8d. Henleigh, or Hightleigh, was a member of the manor of
Pilton at the Dissolution, the members being stated to lie in divers parishes
and Hundreds within the county. (Oliver, Mon., p. 247.) Pilton Priory, or
the Cell of St. Mary, was a dependency of Malmesbury Abbey, and from it
this Henleigh was called Henleigh St. Mary, otherwise St Mary Leigh.
It must not be confounded with St Marineleigh, now corrupted into
Marianesleigh.

•• As advertised for sale in Devon and Exeter Gazette, 31st May, 1897,
Woodford, Thelbridge is described as 119i acres let for £100. The value
agrees with the Domesday value. The additional area is probably land
formerly common, and enclosed after 1240 a.d.

^ According to Kirby and Burton, Washford alias Upcot, Westcot,
Stretch alia$ Stretch town and Dart, were all held by the same military
tenant. It may, therefore, be presumed that they are represented by
Alwold's two estates of Wesford and Dertre, and, possibly, by another

8/.

445

80/.

2/6

647

30/.

800

10/.

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 423

Mbrie, do,, No, 1069 {W. 906),

p, lOtS: RESTONE (RifUm,

Stoodleigh) . . . .0 2 0 0 1 0 [0 1 0] S15 lO/-
Do, . No. 1070 ( fr, 906 b), p. 1025 :

(i virgaU added) {JDipt/ord,

Stoodleigh?) , . . .010 — — 160 41'

XVII. Odo fitzGamblin'b holdings : — [Honour of Torington]

Hu]>ert, under hira, No. 1135 (W.

76S)» p. 1077 : Labbbe (Ashbeare,

Witheridge) 0 10

Himself, No. 1136 (W. 769). p. 1077 :

Dkrtk (Queen Dart, Witheridge) . 012 002 010
Alwi, under do.. No. 1137 (W. 770).

p. 1077: Ulvrintonk* (West

Worlington) 0 0 1

Do, do., No. 1188 (W. 770b),

p. 1079 : (added laud of 9 thanes) -

(Aston, West Worlington)* . . 0 8 0 0 1 OJ 0 1 SJ 647
Do., do., No. 1189 (W. 770c),

p. 1079 : (added land of 2 thanes)

(Roundaiash(?), West Worlington) . 0 2 0

Wesford in Domesday held by Tetbald, leaving the third Wesford, also held
by Tetbald, to represent Stewarton. As Upcot was a very small place,
and Stewarton ranked as i fee, it seems probable that No. 1065 is Upcot
with 102 acres, and No. 1066 is Stewarton with 151 acres. According to
the Dissolution Records (Olivkk, ifoit., p. 202) the manor of Stretton, which
included Upcot, Wcstcot, Stretchtown, and Derte was valued in 1536
at £2 Is. lOd., and was subject to a payment of 2s. to William Hutesfyld
and his heirs, lords of the Hundred of Wytherigge, by way of perpetual
chief rent.

* West Worlington, and Afleton now in West Worlington, were distinct
parishes in 1288. The taxation of Pope Nicolas returns the value of W^est-
wolrington as £1, of Affeton as 10s. {Brotiescotnbe, p. 462.) Presentations
were made to Affeton as late as 1419 {Stafford, p. 141), but Affeton had dis.
appeared before the date of the Vakr EccUsiasticus of Henry YIII. On 4th
March, 1261, John de Girellestone, subdeacon, was instituted to the i*ectory
of West Worlington on the presentation of Mathew de Worlington (Wuf-
frintone). {Bronescombe, p. 190.) The same patron called Sir Mathew de
Wolringtone presented again in 1286, and his presentee, John de West
Wluringtone, subdeacon, was instituted 30th March. {Quivil, p. 859.) Sir
Richard occurs as rector on 1st March, 1310, probably institutea by By t ton.
{Bytton, p. 425.) And on 21st Sept., 1318, Johel de Bukyngtone, clerk,
was instituted on the presentation of Mathew de Bukyngtone. {Stapeldon,
p. 269.)

* John of Exeter, subdeacon. was instituted to Affeton Rectory, 21st Dec,
1278, on the presentation of the Prior and Convent of St. Nicolas, Exeter.
{Bronescombe, p. 106.) A subsequent rector, Sir John de Oxtone, resigned
12th May, 1310 {Bytton, p. 412), whereupon Hugh Norman, collet, was
instituted 12th June on the presentation of the same Prior and Convent, and
was ordained subdeacon the following day, 13th Juno, 1310, and deacon on
19th Sept following ( Stapeldon, p, ISA.) A later rector was Roger Puttenham,
who exchanged 26th Oct., 1400, with John Fyssher, rector of Danbury, Dioc
of London, Thomas Affeton, ** domicellus," being then the patron. Walter
Tokere, presbyter, was instituted 26th Oct., 1409, on the presentation of John
Botriaux ; William Morys, chaplain (on Toker's resignation), ISth Jan., 1417,
on the presentation of John Botreaux, Esq. ; and Thomas Bowryng, chap-
lain (on the resignation of Morys), 25th July, 1419, on the presentation of
the same.

104

6/.

170

8/4

2/6

424 THE "DOMESDAY"' HUNDR&DS OF DEVON.

XVIII. Franklino Knights* holdiDgs : —

(A) Ansoer dk Montacute, alioi [Honour of Gloucester.]

de Senftrpont
Himself, No. 1104 (W. 1000), p.

1051 : Cadklkoonx^ (Cheldou) .012 no particulars 219 50/.
Do., No. 1106 (W. 1000b), p. 105,

(added land) 0 0 2^ no particulars 150 50/-

XIX. Kino's thanes' holdings: —

(A) Godbold's: [Honour of Plymton]

Jachelin^ under do,, No. 1171 {fF,
1042), p. 1109: WUechenolU
( WhUenhoU, Stoodleigh) . . OltOlOOOg 208 10/-

(B) Haimeric's : [Honour of Torington]
Himself, No. 1196 (W. 1043), p.

1131 : RovRCOME (Rackham,

Cruwys Morcbard) . . .002

Do., No. 1196 (W. 1044). p. 1183:

HiLLB (Hill Farm, Witberidge) . 0 0 0)
Do., No. 1197 (W. 1046) p. 1188:

CuMBB (witb Hill Farm, Witberidge) 0 0 0)

XX. Holdings of tbe King's servants : —

William the Seneschal's : [Honour of Plymton]

Himself, No. 1209 (W. 1063), p.
1145 : LEGE«^ (Mariansleigb, alias
Marineslegb) 010001008 1049 40/-

XXI. English THANES* boldings : — [Honour of Gloucester]

Godric, No. 1234 (W. 1102), p. 1165:
BoLEBORDE (Bulwortby, Kacken-
ford) 0 1 1 0 0 1 [0 1 0] 841 10/-

^ Walter de Dourys was rector of Cbeldon in 1310, on wboae death, 11th
July, 1313, Ro^er Kaylleweie, clerk, was instituted. Tbe patron's name is
not given, but it was no doubt John de Keleway, who held Cbeldon in 1802.
{Burtorit p. 873. ) For John Cailleway presented Sir Stephen de Avelee, who
was instituted 26th April, 1314, and also Sir Richard le Bonere, who was
instituted 2nd May, 1316. {Stapeldon, p. 200). Edmund Cayllewaye was
patron and presented Walter atte Hulfe, presbyter (on the resignation of
Thomas Miere), who was instituted 2l8t April, 1896, and on his resignation
the same Edmund Kayleway, domicellus, presented Oliver Radysworthy,
chaplain, who was instituted 16tb July, 1403, and again on his death, John
Rynel, chaplain, who was instituted 22Dd Dec., 1411. {Stafford^ p. 164.)

^ Master Robert de Polamesforde was instituted 6tb Feb., 1260, to the
rectory of Marinelegb ; patrons, tbe Prior and Ck>nvent of Berlincb. He
resigned 6tb Oct, 1261, when the Church was appropriated to tbe Prior and
Convent of Berlincb. {Bronescombe, p. 163.) its value in 12S8 was 20s.
(Ibid, 462.) Tbe settlement of the vicarage, dated 26tb Aug., 1269, assigned
to the vicar all the altar offerings and 3 acres of the glebe in a suitable
situation for erecting a dwelling, and 4/- rent of the land which Galfrid
holds in Oppecot {Ibid, p. 206.) On 28th July, 1812, Sir William de
PradebuUe, presbyter, was instituted to tbe vicarage ; patrons, tbe Prior and
Convent of Berlincb. {Stapeldoti, p. 234.) Rol^rt Trcgaria was vicar in
1396. On his resignation John Wytteney, presbyter, was instituted 15th
May, 1896 ; then John Wyncbestre. On bis resignation Robert Feld was
instituted 22nd Nov., 1401, and on Feld's promotion to Ck>Iridge, William
Hynde, chaplain, was instituted 21st March, 1409 {Staffordf p. 186), all in
the patronage of the Prior and Convent of Berlyncb.

THE •* DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 425

Alric, No. Less {W, 1106), p, 1187:

Wa^berlege^ ( War^ightly^ Stood- [Honour of Plymton]

Uigh) 0 2 0 0 0 iS 0 0 S Ul SOI-

Deducting Crown lands, the
lands of the Earls (Exon.
Domesday t p. 74 ; Trans,
xxix. p. 458, note 10): —
Wirige, No. 48 . .010
Nimetone, No. 74 . .800

39 2 1} 46,118i

8 10 5.486

36 1 1} 40,632i acres

Deducting rating of Washer-
lege in excess of particulars 8^

86 0 2}

In this list it will be observed the sequence is twice
broken, (1) by the insertion of Wipletona (W. 872), t.e.,
Bingswell, Whipton, Heavitree, in Wonford Hundred, be-
tween Ashworthy (Alforde, W. 870) in Okeford and
Puddington; and (2) by the insertion of Nutwell and
Holbrook, both in Budleigh Hundred, between Bulworthy
(W. 1102) in Eackenford and WarsbrighUy (W. 1105) in
Stoodley. The former appears to be merely an omission
on the scribe's part, because William Capra's other estates
in Wonford Hundred have been already enumerated (W.
861-863). The latter may be the result of carelessness;
but supposing Warsbrightly to lie in Bampton Hundred,
the sequence would be regular. Also 3 ferlings are not
accounted for of the assessment of Warsbrightly.

The particulars of the Geldroll are as follows : —

A. Exemption was allowed: hides vir. fer.

(1) to the King in respect of. .830

(2) to bishop Osbern [of Exeter] do. 1 0 0 [Nimetone, No. 124, W. 121]
(8) to Baldwin . . .200 [Calmonleuge,No.562,W.494]

(4) to William Capra . .10 0 [Morchet, No. 740, W. 868 ;

Alforde, No. 742, W. 870]

(5) to Walter de Clavil . .023 [Wasforde, No. 887, W. 806 ;

Draheforde, No. 839, W. 806]

(6) to William the Seneschal .001 [Marians Lege, No. 1209, W.

8 2 0

1068]

B. Estates chargeable :

(1) Claimed by fee-gatherers geld on 10 0

(2) Humfrey de Cartrai, under

Drogo, in arrear on . .012 [Talebrige, No. 224, W. 209]

(3) Heibodo, under Amulf de
Ponteio, in arrear on . .012 [Ulfalde8hodes,No.788,W.961]

(4) Geld recei?ed in respect of . 19 8 0

21 2 0
30 0 0

^ It will be observed that the two ferlings of lordship and 3 ferlings of
the villagers' assessment fall short of the total assessment oy 8 ferlings. ,

VOL. XXX. 2 £

426 THS "DOMESDAT" hundreds of DEVON.

A glance at the two lists by way of comparison shows
a very large difference in the totals, lending coontenance
to the suggestion that some part of the present Hundred
of Witheridge may have formerly belonged elsewhere. It
also shows that the exemptions named are accounted for by
the lordship-assessments of the places set against them.
According to the Black Book of the Exchequer, p. 127,
Philip de Chartrai held a fee of fourteen knights of the
honour of Barnstaple. These knights' fees must therefore
be looked for among the Bishop of Coutances' Domesday
estates, and by the aid of Testa de Nevil (Nos. 56, 57) we
have no difiBculty in seeing that Thelbridge was one of them,
and the villagers' assessment, 1^ virgates, of Talebrige (W.
209) if left unpaid will account for Uumfrey de Ghsirtrai's
arrears. With r^ard to Heibodo's arrears on land held
under Arnulf de Ponteio, I venture to suggest that Ponteio
may be a misreading or mistranscript of Poilleio, and that
Heibodo may stand for the person called Holduinus in the
Exeter Domesday, p. 752, Elduinus in the Exchequer,
p. 753, who is named as holding Assecote under William
de Poilleio. If, as appears likely, his freehold was a portion
of the villagers' land (see note 31) he may well have been
accounted the person responsible for the payment of the
villagers' assessment, and the arrears, 1\ virgates, are exactly
its amount

The principal difficulty seems to be to account for the
3 hides 3 virgates on which the King was allowed exemption;
for the total of the royal assessment does not exceed 3 hides
2 virgates 1 ferling, and of this amount the 1 virgate and
1 ferling of added thanes' lands are hardly likely to have
been exempt Most probably, as we have seen in the case
of Lifton Hundred {Trans, xxviii. p. 480) and Teignbridge
Hundred {Trans, xxix. p. 231), the exemption was allowed
in respect of estates originally Earls' lands,^ which at the
time of Domesday were held by other lords, but really
belonged to the inland Hundred. It will be seen that the
assessments of Tetbald fitz-Berner and Odo fitz-Gamelin,
whose estates make up the honour of Torington in this
Hundred, amount to 3 hides 3 virgates 3 ferlings.

^ Exon. Domesday, p. 74 : Baldwin pays for the lands of the Earlfl £375
yearly to the King by way of food-rent {adfinnam). A list of these lands is
given in Pipe Rolls, note 10. {Trans, xxix. p. 458.) They include the
Domesday estates of Earls Harold, Lewin, and Githa, Harold's mother.
Probably Yeatheridge and Borridge, the two outliers of Witheridge and
Boystock, as being added thanes' lands, ought to be excluded.

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 427

In the list of Terror Occupatce, i,e., lands held by persons
who had not been placed in possession of them by the
sheriif, and whose title might therefore be deemed by the
Normans doubtful, the following entries occur: [No. 86,
W. 1243] The King holds Wirige, to which 2 thanes' lands
have been added. [No. 92, W. 1249] Odo holds Olurintona,
to which 9 have been added and 2 more. [No. 94, W. 1262]
The Earl of Mortain holds Donewoldesham with the honour
of Edmeratorius. [No. 96, W. 1254] William de Faleise
holds Olurintona, to which ^ ferling has been added.
[No. 97, W. 1255] William Capra holds Orescoma, to which
Madescama has been added. [No. 98, W. 1256] Tetbald
holds Wesford, to which 2 Wesfords have been added.
[No. 99, W. 1257] William Capra holds [Cruwys] Morcet;
Alward took this from Aimer. [No. 100, W. 1258] Walter
de Clavil holds Wasforda, to which 1 ferling has been added.
[No. 101, W. 1259] Tetbald holds Reston, to which 1 virgate
has been added. [No. 103, W. 1261] William Capra holds
Alforde, to which Mildedona has been added. [No. 106,
W. 1264] William de Poillei holds Blachegrave, to which
Pideliga and Assacota have been added. [No. 108, W. 1267]
William Capra holds Bradeford, to which Toredona has been
added. [No. 109, W. 1268] Ansger de Senarpont holds
Chadeledon, to which another Chadeledon has been added.
[No. 186, W. 1336] The Bishop of Coutonces holds Tale-
breia.

2. Very few words are necessary in giving the reasons for
including some and excluding other Bombay estates ; for
Testa de NevU gives such a complete list, not merely of
knights' fees, but also of estates held in socage, that in the
case of this Hundred little is left open to conjecture.

A. As to inclusions.

(1) Rinestamdone (No. 241, p. 221, W. 211) has been in-
cluded, because the sequence in the Exeter Book — see Mr.
Whale's Appendix in Trans, xxviii. 410 — shows that it must
be either in Witheridge or Tiverton Hundreds. The entry
in Testa, No. 1163, p. 190 b, quoted before seems to leave
very little doubt that it is Bingstanesdune in Witheridge
Hundred, otherwise Bowsedon in East Worlington, marked
Bussen on the ordnance map.

(2) Liege (No. 270, p. 243) is shown by the entry No.
1118 in Testa, and No. 662 in Kirby, to be Bomansleigh in
Witheridge Hundred, not Bomanslee in Tavistock.

(3) Donewoldeham (No. 343, p. 323) by the entry No. 1152
in Testa to be Densham in Woolfardisworthy.

2 B 2

428 THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

(4) Welingedinge (No. 559, p. 531) the sequence requhes
to be in Witheridge Hundred, and it appears to be mentioned
in Kirby's Quest, No. 617, as Odeton with Henceford. Odeton
and Kentisbeare, both Baldwin's Domesday estates, appear
among Mohun's fees in After - death Inquests, 7 £d. L, Na
13. p. 66, and 4 Ed. III., No. 35, p. 31.

(5) Alf(n'Ae and Mildedane (Nos. 742, 3, p. 711) have been
included for the reasons given under Lifkon Hundred.
(Trans, xxviii. p. 476.) Alforde appears in Kirby's Quest,
No. 657, as Hereford, seemingly an error for Hokeford, in
Testa as Hakeford, t.e., Ashworthy in Okeford. See also
After-death Inquest of Edmund Earl of Cornwall, 28 Ed. L,
No. 44, p. 160.

(6) Madescame (No. 741, p. 711), the sequence also requires
to be looked for in Witheridge Hundred. Domesday states
that Madescame had been added to Horescome alias
Orescome (No. 737, p. 707), and Horescome from the
sequence appears to be either in Budleigh Hundred or in
Hairidge Hundred. Considering that Madescame is im-
mediately followed by Aeidelstan, the Yaldestane (No. 1100,
p. 189 a, and No. 1198, p. 191 a) of Testa de Nevil, does it
not seem reasonable to conclude that Madescame, together
with Horescome, represent the Cumbe of the fee lists which
was held with Yaldestane ? Yaldestane, now Yardleston, is
in the parish of Tiverton, but not far off across the stream
lies Combe, in Cadeleigh, which may possibly represent
Horescome, and is in Hairidge Hundred. If Woodscombe
in Cruwys Morchard is not Madescame, I am at a loss to find
any place in Witheridge Hundred to represent it. (See above,
note 23.) Perhaps someone with local knowledge may be
able to clear up this point.

(7) Bera and Wa/ord (Nos. 758, 759, p. 729), have been
included on the ground that Bera is more probably the
Beare held with Wolrington as one manor by Nicolas
Martyn in 1337 (see note 26) than Beare in Combe Martin,
the latter being probably included in Combe Martin. Waford
must then be some estate in Little Washford, the outlier of
Witheridge parish, which represents the Little Wassefeld of
Testa de Nevil (No. 1162) in Witheridge Hundred. It is
not named in Kirby's Quest.

(8) Bradeford and Dimewoldesham (Nos. 761, 762, p. 731)
on the ground that they represent the Bradeford and Mini-
kinland (Nos. 1153, 1154) of Testa de Nevil.

(9) Bichecome (No. 908, p. 877), on the authority of Testa
de Nevil (No. 1319, p. 193 b), quoted above.

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 429

(10) Bachestane (No. 917, p. 887), because of the entry in
Testa (No. 1161, p. 190 a), which enumerates Baggestane
among fees in Witheridge Hundred. Kirby's Quest (No.
616), describing it as held of Baldwin le Bastard is conclu-
siva

(11) Herdd (No. 989, p. 949), because of the entry (No.
1161, p. 190 a) in Testa, where it is called Seyntemarilegh,
and placed in Witheridge Hundred. Modem Hundred lists
say that Highleigh St Mary belongs to Tiverton Hundred,
but this is a recent change.

(12) Odeordi (No. 990, p. 951), because of the entry (No.
1164, p. 190 b), in Testa, where it is written Odde worth.

(13) Docheorde (No. 1037, p. 995), because of the entry
(No. 1117, p. 189 a), in Testa.

(14) The three Wesfords (No. 1065-1067, p. 1019), be-
cause of the two entries (Nos. 1144, 1145, p. 190 a), in Testa.
These fees are all in Little Washford, and were held of the
honour of Torington. Their Domesday representative must
therefore be found among the estates either of Tetbald fitz-
Berner or of Odo fitz-6amelin. On this ground the Bowe«
don (No. 653 in Kirby), held by the prior of Barnstaple
of the honour of Torington, cannot be represented by Walter
de Clavil's Katdone, held of the honour of Gloucester.

(15) Cadeledone (No. 1104, p. 1051), on the ground that
it must represent the f fee of Chedeldun, t.e., Cbeldon, held
with Iddlecot of the honour of Gloucester (No. 234, p. 177,
and No. 1107, p. 189), of Testa de Nevil (See North Taw-
ton Hundred, Trans, xxix. 253, n. 35.) It is true East
Gheldon appears in Domesday with the spelling Cheledone
(No. 560, p. 533), but the analogy of Calmonleuge for
Chulmleigh shows that Cadeledone may be Gheldon. In
the list of Terras Occupatce (No. 109), it is also written
Chadeledon, and in Kirby's Quest (No. 606), Ghedeledon.

(16) According to the sequence (Whale, p. 768), Labere
(No. 1135, p. 1077), should be either in Hairidge, Wonford,
Hemyock, or Witheridge Hundreds. It seems very probable
that Labere is represented by Beare in Witheridge Hundred
(No. 652 in Kirby*s Quest), t.e., Ashbeer in Witheridge,
which, together with Bowdon and Grindon in Witheridge,
was held for \ fee of Thomas de Merton, one of the co-heirs
of the honour of Torington. The prefixing of the Norman
Za to a place name is almost unique in the Devonshire
Domesday, Whether it occurs elsewhere I do not know.
I can only name two cases, and neither of them conclusive,
viz.. La Come (No. 962, p. 923), i.e., Cranscombe added to

430 THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

BrendoD, where, however, the Exeter Book reads Lancome
(Whale, No. 653) ; and Laierda, i.e.. La Yard added to lin-
combe in Ilfracombe (No. 493, p. 465), which, however,
Mr. Whale, by the analogy of Slapeford and Lapford, pro-
poses to identify with Slade. In the fee lists of later date
the use was very common ; instance La Stane, often written
Lestane, La Wood, La Wall.
Other places included are : —

(17) HUk and Cumbe (No. 1196, 1197, p. 1133), which in
Domesday are followed by Bradelie in Tiverton Hundred
because of the entry (No. 1150, p. 190 a) in Testa de NevU,

(18) Lege (No. 1209, p. 1145) because of the Geldroll
entry, which states that William the Seneschal had 1 ferling
exempt in Witheridge Hundred.

(19) Boleborde (No. 1234, p. 1165), or as it is written in
the Exeter Book Bolehorda, because of the entry No. 607
in Kirby's Quest : ** fialph de Calwodelegh holds Boleworthi
for half a fee of the Earl of Gloucester." Calwodelegh (No.
1235, p. 1167) was held in Domesday by Godric, and the
same Godric then held Bolehorda. In Kirby's time Balph
de Calwodelegh held Calverleigh in succession to Godric
(Kirby, No. 136), and he also held Boleworthi in succession
to Godric. Can it then be doubtful that Godric's Domesday
Bolehorda must be Bui worthy in Witheridge Hundred ?

B. As to exclusions.

(20) Bradelie (No. 227, p. 207) has been excluded on the
ground that being assessed at 1 ferling and being followed
by Lochesbere in Tiverton Hundred, it may with equal
probability lie in Tiverton Hundred, and that it is wanted
there to represent the 1 ferling of land in [West] Bradleigh,
which, according to Testa de A evil (No. 1143, p. 190), Eobert
de Edingthon held together with Northcot and Coltestan of
the honour of Barnstaple.

(21) Another Bradelie (No. 223, p. 203), which had an
area of 405 acres and was assessed at ^ hide, has been
excluded on the ground that it also must lie in Tiverton
Hundred and represent Great Bradleigh. It will be seen
in dealing with Bampton Hundred that the group of estates
which precede this Bradelie must have lain in Bampton
Hundred or the Bishop of Coutances' exemption of 1 hide,
3^ ferlings in that Hundred cannot be accounted for. After
Bradelie comes a series of estates which then as now were
certainly in Witheridge Hundred.

(22) Morceth (No. 216, p. 197) has been a source of con-
siderable difficulty. It is clear from the sequence of the

THB "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 431

Exeter Book, in which it follows [Bishop's] Clist and Crealy
(W. 199, 200), both in Budleigh Hundred, and Cridia (W,
201), which fidso lies in Budleigh Hundred, that it must lie
either in Budleigh, Crediton, or Witheridge Hundreds. We
have a very complete list of places for both Witheridge
and Budleigh Hundreds in Testa de NeviL In Witheridge
Hundred there seems to be nothing to represent it, unless
it be Eoleston in Bishop's Morchard. Eoleston, however,
was held of the Bishop of Exeter, and appears therefore to
be included in the bishop's Domesday Critetone. Besides,
if Morchet lay in Witheridge Hundred, and the places which
follow lie (as we have grounds for believing) in Bampton
Hundred, we should have an interrupted sequence; first
Morceth in Witheridge Hundred, then a group of places
in Bampton Hundred, then a single estate, Bradelie (No. 223,
p. 203), in Tiverton Hundred, and then a series in Witheridge
Hundred. On this ground it seems most probable that
Morceth does not lie in Witheridge Hundred.

Neither can it be placed in Crediton Hundred, for the very
simple reason that the bishop's 15 hides of Critetone,
Domnus' 3 hides of Newton St. Cyres, and the Abbot of
Bucfast's 2 hides of Down St. Mary, make up the total 20
hides of which Crediton Hundred consisted. The inference
is that Morceth is in Budleigh Hundred.

The very complete list which we have of tenancies in
Budleigh Hundred, only knows of three places in that
Hundred held of the honour of Barnstaple, the Bishop of
Coutances' honour. Two of these are [Bishop's] Clist (W.
199) and Crealy (W. 200) in Faringdon. The third is
Hassok, which Testa (No. 1171, p. 190 b), says was held by
William Lolod {Testa, No. 85, p. 176 a, writes the name
Lud) and Stephen de Hassok for ^ fee of Henry de Kanvill
of the honour of Barnstaple. In the Exeter Domesday Clist
and Crealy are followed by Cridia and Morceth, i.«., an
estate on the Creedy, and possibly a Moor hut, and it seems
obvious that one or both of these must represent Hassok.
Hassok lies in Upton Helion, on the Creedy, and is therefore
almost certainly the Domesday Cridia, and the \ fee at which
it was rated bears a due proportion to the 1 virgate at which
it was assessed, and the 200 acres of its area. The difficulty
comes in with Morceth, to which Domesday says Cridia was
appurtenant. This was assessed at 1^ virgates, and had an
area of 516 acres. The two together, therefore, had an
assessment of 2^ virgates and an area of 716 acres, rather
a large amount to be represented by \ fee only. Considering

432

THE "DOMESDAY HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

that a direct road connects Haske with Moor Farm in the
adjoining parish of Shobrook, the writer ventures to suggest
that Moor Farm may represent Morceth. There is a large
tract of high land running north-west of it in the parish
of Shobrook ample for 516 acres. The Domesday values of
both Cridia and Morceth show that they contained land not
exceeding a present rack rental value of 10s. an acre.

III. General Summary of Results,

[R.1
[687] Witheridge

Riadon's list of plAora

contributory to tcDthi

and fifteenths.

Parishes with their Dcmtetdoff holdings in-
mcresges for eoclesi- eluded in these parishes,
tstical purposes in 1878. with their acreage.

Acres.

1 16 4 Witheridge

[538] Thelbridge .

[589] East Worlington

[540] West Worlington

[541] Cheldon .

[542] Chimleiffh .
[548] RomansTeigh
[544] Meshat
[545] King's Nymet . 1
[546] Nymet Episcopi . 2
[547] Crecombe .
[648] Washford .
[549] Stodeleigh .

[550] Okeford .

[551] Boseash
[552] Marleigh

(Mariansleigh)
[553] Wolfarsworthy .
[554] Puddington
[555] Crues Morchard .

9048

0 0
8 6

1 0
14 0

10 0
14 0

5 0
8 8

10 0

6 8

D. 48, 49, 559,
746, 759, 789,
836, 838, 839,
1065-1067, half
of 1068, 1135,
1136, 1196,

1197.
2240 D. 224, 225, 990,
half of 1068
East Worlington 2863 D. 226, 227, 758,

760,785,786,787 irSOj
West Worlington 2683 D. 1137, 1138,

1189
1108 D. 560, 1037,

1104, 1105
8815 D. 552
2491 D. 270

15 0 Thelbridge.
8 4

Cheldon

34«1
1456

997i

Chulmleigh
Romansleigh
Meshaw
Kingsnymton
Bishopsnymton
Creacombe .
Washford Pyne
Stoodleigh .

749
4190
1128
1140
6278
5690
379
705

17 4 Okeford

16 0 Roseash

Mariansleigh

1751 D. 553

5539 D. 74, 75 .

9579 D. 124

1050 D. 556, 557

1140 D. 837

4336 D. 221, 988, 1069,

1070,1171,1255 3234

5464 D. 217, 563, 564,
742, 743, 816,
908 . . . 3841

5082 D. 554, 555 . 2845

18 0

13 4

14 0
16 0

19 12 2

. 1963 D. 1209 . . 1049
Woolfardisworthy 1815 D. 343, 762, 788 833
Pnddington . 1361 D. 744 . . 845
Cniwys Morchard 6765 D.740, 741, 1196 2574
Rackenford, . 3938 D. 558, 561, 562,

746, 815, 840,
917, 1234 . 2284

Templeton . . 1895 D.218,219,220,222 1355
Highleigh St
Mary (extra paro-
chial liberty) . 316 D. 989 . . 300

79741

461l8i

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 433

From the total amount of the assessment of the Domesday
representatives of the 'post-Bomesday Hundred, it is clear
that the ^Qt-Domesday Hundred includes a larger area than
the Domesday Hundred, and there are prima facte reasons
for supposing that some part of this area must have lain
formerly in Bampton Hundred, the principal one being
Bishop Gosfrid of Coutances' exemption in Bampton
Hundred. (Geldroll, xxxvi A. 3.) The writer, therefore,
feels himself compelled to postpone the question of the pre-
Domesday Hundred of Witheridge until the facts relating to
Bampton have been marshalled ; but by way of anticipation
has printed in italics the names of estates which it is believed
must have belonged formerly to Bampton Hundred*

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

VII. AXD VIII.
THE HUNDREDS OF BAMPTON AND UFCULM.

BT THE REV. OSWALD J. RBIGHEL, B.C.L., M.A., k F.8.A.

(Rend at Honiton, August, 1898.)

The Hundred of Bampton, or, as it is written in the Geld-
roll, Badentona, did not at the time of the Geldroll include
quite the same area that it now does. It did not include
Ufculm. For Ufculm, or, as it was written Offecolum,
then constituted a separate Hundred, and is described as
such in the Geldroll. (p. xxix.) Bampton appears, however,
to have included some part of what is now Witheridge
Hundred, (1) because otherwise nothing like the 25 hides
of the Geldroll (p. xxxv.) can be accounted for, and
(2) because Bishop Goisfrid's exemption fixes the missing
quantity in Witheridge rather than in any other adjoining
Hundred. Time was, when to judge by place-names
Bampton Hundred and Budleigh Hundred formed the most
western portion of the Saxon settlements in Devon. West
of Bampton Hundred lay the great Down Wood, clearances
from which tell their own tale in the Downwood-hams of Wool-
fardisworthy and the Nymets of North Tawton and Withe-
ridge Hundreds. South of and adjoining Bampton Hundred
lay Budleigh Hundred, as its outliers Worth and Washfield
still do. But beyond Budleigh Hundred on the west
lay the Moor, of which the two Morchet or Moor-hut
parishes of Morchard Bishop and Cruwys Morchard still
preserve the memory, the western limit of Budleigh being
marked by a range of Stockleighs or stockaded feeding-
grounds. Some of these and the debatable land adjoining
Shobrook and Westraddon are accordingly found almost as late

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 435

as Domesday times in the hands of the Grown; for the large
estates of the Earl of Mortain appear to have been held
by a special tenure under the Grown, probably because they
were originally won in border warfare.

As there are prima fade reasons for assuming some
difference of area between the present and the Domesday
Hundred of Bampton, it will be best to follow the method
which was adopted in dealing with the Hundred of Withe-
ridge, viz., (1) to give authorities showing the extent of the
fost' Domesday Hundred, (2) next to reconstruct the Domes-
day Hundred on the assumption that the two are identical,
and (3) when the results prove that the Domesday Hundred
must have been more extensive to attempt to determine
what other places it included.

I. The Posi-'Dom^ay " Hundred of Bampton.

1. Hooker's list will be first requisitioned. It is a list
of estates paying tenths and fifteenths in Queen Elizabeth's
reign, and gives the names of the principal residents under
each. It is taken from p. 133 of his MS., No. 5827 in the
British Museum already referred to. {Trans, xxviii. 483.)
The first column contains a reference number, the second
gives the place-name, the next three columns state severally
the amounts due, the deductions allowed, and the amounts
payable. The two remaining columns contain references
to the corresponding Domesday holdings and to Burton's
list

PTT ^ Amonnt Dedao- Ainonnt Doroesdaf Barton

(.nOOKERJ jiug^ \xon. payable. reference. reference.

[721] Bampton . 76/8 ... nil ...76/8 ... D. 376, 804- ... B. 1098, 1101-

808 1103, 1106?,

In this parishe dwelleth Trystram. 1106, 1113,

1117
[722] Havton . 20/- ... nil ...20/- ... — ... —

(Hajne Barton)

[723] Clenehange^^

D. 704 ... B. 1104

-32/6... nil ...32/6 ... D. 376 ... B. 1118

In this parishe dwelleth Nuttcombe.

with
[724] Dunston
(Denson, Clay-
hanger)

[726] Harkworthye 26/8 ... nil ...26/8 ... D. 486, 809, ... B. 1107, 1108,
(Hockworthy) 810, 866, 1129 ... 1116

[726] Hollycombe

Regis .£3 10/- . nil .£8 10/- . D. 484, 877? ... B. 1109
(Holcombe Bogus) In this parish dwelleth Blewet.

[727] Burlescombe 6/- ... nil ... 6/- ... D. 864, 878 ... B. 1110, 1111,

1112
In this parish dwelleth Hollwell and Ashford of Ashford.

436 THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

[728] Morebath . 23/-^.. nU ...23/->... D. 86 ... B. 1114

In this parish dwelleth Chichester.

[729] Offercombe ... B. 1099, 1115
(Ufculm) 1116

[12 14 10] nU [12 14 10]

The sum . . . . 18 15 S^
Deductions .... nil

Remaineth . . . . 13 15 8^

2. The NomiTui ViUarum supply the following informa-
tion as to the townships in Bampton Hundred : —

Hundred of Baunton. The Bishop of Exeter, hj grant of

our lord the king, hj reason of the minority of Thomas

de Cogan, lord.
[157] Township of Holecomh with Culberlescumh. Henry fifz-

Simon fiiz-Rogo, lord.
[158] Township of Morbathe with Peadeton. Prior of Berlinch,

lord.

[1591 Township of Baunton. Bishop of Exeter, &c., lord.
160] Township of Hokeworthy with Stanly nche. Lege, Hele and
Hamlet in the same. Henry de Berneville, lord.
Hundred of Upcolings. Bishop of Exeter, hy grant of our
lord the king, by reason of the minority of Thomas de
Cogan, lord.
[161] Township of Upcolings. Bishop of Exeter, hy grant of
our lord the king, hy reason of the minority of Thomas
de Cogan, lord.

3. Next follow some extracts from the Hundred Soils of
3 Edward I., a.d. 1274, No. 4, p. 64 :—

'* Verdict of the Hundred of Baunton hy the oath of William
Lamprey [of Wenacre, Barlescombe], Roger Perteheg [sc. Perce-
heye], Henry Bernevill [of Hock worthy], Martin de Legh [Leigh
Paulet], William de Bernevile, Hugh de Wermere, Thomas de la
Hele, William de la Pome [1 Thorn of Hele, Clayhanger], Richard
de Renaldeshegb, Walter Wade, John de Nuthcomb, Adam de
Cleyhangre, who say " : —

^ It is suggested tliat the amount given by Bisdon, 23/5, should be
substituted for 23/- as the amount payable by Morbath, and that for xiiL
pounds XV. shillings iii. pence, xii. pounds xv. shillings iil pence should be
read in the sum and the remainder, when the figures will tally. Risdon

S'ves the assessment of Holcombe as £4 10/-, but omits all mention of
ayne, £1, so that it may be presumed they are grouped together by him.
With his usual inaccuracy Hooker describes Ashford as living in the
tithing of Burlescombe. Ashford is a separate tithing in the Hundred of
Halberton (No. 712 in Hooker), and Hooker had omitted to name the family
residing there.

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON; 437

[Article 1.] "What and how many manors has the King in
hand in each county as well of ancient crown lordships as of
escheated lands, &c. They say they know of none."

[Article 2.] ** Also what manors were wont to be in the King's
hands predecessors of the [present] King, &c. They have nothing
[to say]."

[Article 3.] "As to the fees of our lord the King and those
who hold them, &c.

" They say that John de Kogan holds the manor of Baunton in
chief of our lord the King with appurtenances and it is the head-
manor of his barony for doing the services belonging to one baron
and the said manor is worth per annum £20."

[Article 4.] "As to the lands and tenements [held] of the
ancient crown lordship, &c. They say that they know nothing."

[Article 6.] "How many wappentakes and tithings there are
now, &c.

" They say that John de Gogan holds the Hundred of Baunton,
since when and by what warrant they know not, and it is worth
1 mark per annum."

[Article 7.] " Of ancient suits of court and customary pay-
ments they know nothing."

[Article 8.] " What other persons claim to have the return and
extracts of briefs, <&c.

"They say that John de Cogan has assize of bread and beer
and gallows at Baunton since when and by what warrant they
know not

"Also that Symon fit^Eogo has assize of beer and gallows at
Halcombe since when and by what warrant they know not.

"Also Roger de Clavile has the same assize and gallows at
Burghelescomb since when, &c,

"Also the prior of Berliz has the same assize and gallows at
Mofbath since when, &c.**

[Article 11.] "Who have in recent times appropriated chaces
and warrens.

" They say that John de Gogan has a warren at Bamton since
when they know not.

" That Symon fitz-Kogo has a warren at HoUecomb since when
and by what warrant they know not"

[Article 14.] "As to the military fees of each fee they say
that they have no knowledge."

[Article 15.] "As to sheriffi taking bribes they also have no
knowledge."

[Article 18.] "As to sherifis who have committed their baili-
wicks to extortionate underlings they know nothing."

"As to all and singular the other articles [of enquiry] they
have no knowledge.

" In testimony whereof the above named have severally affixed
their seals to the present verdict"

438 THB "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OP DEVON.

In No. 26, p. 75, which is very much mutilated and
difficult to read, I find the jurors of what is styled the
Manor of Ofculum present that

" John Cazant [) Cogan] holds the manor . . » of the King in
chief. It IB worth . . . and heloogs to the harooj of Baunyon
[IBamton] . . .

'* And Omer* [1 Cazan — In the case of Plymton horough a name
is written O^mel which appears in Plymton Hundied as C^mel]
and his ancestors hold pleas of assize of hread and heer in the
said manor of Ofculum.

"The same John has also a free chace and warren in the said
manor of Ofculum and gallows.

''Fulco Paynell gave £10 worth of land in the manor of
Ofculum to lord William Briwer, which land the said William
Briwere held for 15 years, and afterwards gave to the religious
house at Dunkeswell, which grant Kings John and Henry con-
firmed together with assize of bread and beer and gallows.

"The brothers Hospitallers hold in the said manor 3 plough-
lands by gift of Fulco Paynell.

"The Prior of Canonsleigh has 14?. worth of annual rent and
18 acres of land in the manor of Wfcolme by gift of the said
King John."

4. Burton's list of fees in the year 1302 is as follows. Under
each one is inserted the corresponding entry from Testa de
NevU, Unfortunately Kirby's Quest here fails us. And
Testa de Nevil only gives "Fees of Banton sometime
William Payners, which Herbert fitz-Mathew now holds":

^Burton]. [In Bampton Hundred.]

1098] Baunton (Bimpton) and \

1099] Upfcolum in Devon ^.v u v ^ri n

^ ^ (Ufculm) and I are hdd by Thonuu Cogwi

[1100] HonnspuU (Huntepill) in | '" ^ **^ ""^ *•*• ^^'

Somerset )

[1101] DBNVALL(Duyale, jheld by John de Cruwes and Adam

Bampton) and | Crok ; \ fee, of the King. (According

[1102] ExBBiQQB, ) to the Exchequer RoU, \ fee.)

[Testa (No. 824, p. 183 a) : Robert le Deneys and Juliana Cumyn
and Walter Cumyn hold in Deuvai ^ fee (of Herbert fitz-Mathew).]

[1103J DoDDESOOMB (Dadscomb, Bampton), held by John de

Doddescomb; \ fee, of the honour of Toriton. [Here

Toriton may be intended for the next name, Hembere,

and have been written a line too high ; for Doddescomb

was one of Herbert fitz-Mathew 's fees held of the

King.]

\Testa (No. 826) : Balph de DoddescuTnb holdt in Doddeaatmb
i fee (of the same).]

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 439

[1104] HsMBSRB (Berry Barton, Clayhanger), held by Bartho-
lomew de la Torr ; ^ fee, of the King. [Againat thia ia
aet Hblb.]

[Te3ta (No. 828): William de la Thame holds in Htle i fee
(of the same).]

It is auggested that Toriton was set against the name
Hembere by a transcriber's error, who mistook it for Broad
Hembury in Hairidge Hundred. '' Brodehambur," says
Testa (No. 1485, p. 197 b), "was sometime William de
Thoriton*s, and he held it of our lord the King in chief
of the barony of Thorinton. This he gave to William
Bruere, and the abbot of Dunkeswell now [a.d. 1243] holds
the same by gift of the same William [Bruere]."

held by William
de Poulet ; \ fee,
of the King.

[1105] PouLETON and
1106] Lbgh (Leigh Down in Devon in
Skilgate (Somerset) parish)),

[Testa (No. 880) : William Fauleth holds in Legh i fee (of
Herbert fitz-Mathew).]

[1107] HoKBSWORTH (Hockwofthy), held by William de Beme-

viU ; 1 fee, of the King.

[Testa (No. 827) : Henry de Bamcvill holds in Hakeworih 1 fee
(of the same).]

N.B. — In Domesday this was one of Baldwin the SheriflTs
estates. No. 485, p. 459.

[1108] HooGESFORD (Hockford, Hockworthy), used to be 1 fee,

held of the honour of Barnstaple, now it is appropriated

to Canonsleigh Abbey.

[Testa (No. 84) : Robert de Blakeford holds in Hokesford I fee qf
the honour cf Barnstaple.]

N.B. — In Domesday this was one of Walter de Dowai's
estates. No. 809, p. 779.

[1109] HoLEOOMBB (Holcombe Bogus), held by John de Rogea;

1 fee, of the honour of Okbamton.

[Testa (No. 526, p. 180 b) : Jordan JUz-Bogo holds in Holecumbe
1 fu of the honour of Okhamton.]

[1110] Fenacrb (Fenacre, Barlescombe), held by William

Lamprey; \ fee, of the honour of Gloucester.

[Testa (No. 291, p. 178a): Simon Lampere holds in Fenacre
ifee of the Earl of Oloueester, through a middle-lord.]

[llllj BaRLESOOMB (Barlescombe), held by John de Clavill; \ fee,
of tbe honour of Gloucester, and according to the Ex-
chequer Bolls together with

[1112] Sour apud Eldor, I fee.

[Testa (No8. 275-277, p. 178 a): William de ClavUl holds tfi
Bordleseumbf Sureapledor^ and in Behille 1 fee qf the Earl of
Gloucester,]

440 THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

[1113] DuPBFORD (Diptford, Bampton), held by Bobert de
Bathekescomb ; 1 fee, of the honour of Braneys.

[Testa (No. 126, p. 176 a) : Simon de Depeford holds in Depe/ord
1 fee of the heirt of Toritoiu]

N.B. — In Darrusday this was one of Walter de Dowai's
estates (No. 808, p. 777), but was held by him of the Queen.

[1114] MoRBATH, used to be 1 fee, Now it is appropriated
to the Priory of Berlinch [tn the parish of Brompton
Regis in the county of Somerset^ and it is said that it is
held of the King.

[In Upculm Hundred.]

[1115J Stbnehall (StenhaU, Ufculm), held by Mariota de la

Irish ; \ fee.

[Testa (No. 366, p. 179 a) : PhUip Corbyn holds in StevenhaUe \fee
of William de Cantilupe of the honour of Worlt in Sutnerset and he
of the King, See Testa, No. 1417, in Trans, xxix. p. 606.]

[1116] Ybndbcot tbpy (Yenncots, Ufculm), used to be i fee ; but
a moiety [medium ) medietas] is appropriated to IJffculm
Church.

In testimony whereof.

Then follow additions : —

[1117] Pbaton (Petton, Bampton), John de Radington holds for

1 fee.

[Testa (No. 963, p. 184 b) : Oervas de Peateton holds in Peateton
1 fee de Moretoyn whether of the honour of the Earl of Devon of
Ply^nton, orofHu honour of Ashulle in Somerset is not Jtnown.]

[1118] Aii[1Din]yode8TON^ (Denson, Clay hanger), the abbot of

Torre holds for 1 fee.

[Testa (No. 1573, p. 199 b) says that I fee in Duningeston, which
the abbot of Thorre held of him (».«., of William Briwere)/ctf on the
distribution of his estates among his heirs to the share of the
daughters and heiresses of William de Brause who are in the
King's custody until they come of age,]

Compared with the Exchequer Roll.

I pass on next to

II. The " Domesday " Representation of the post-

'* Domesday" Hundred,

1. In giving the Domesday constituents which correspond
with the jpost'Domesday Hundred, I have again followed the
order of the Exeter Book, and added Mr. Whale's numbering

' Two other cases may bo named in which A and D have been confoonded
by transcribers. In the Exon, Domesday, p. 854, the MS. reads Aisa, the
transcript Disa. It is Ash Thomas in Halberton. Ibid,, p. 706, the MS.
reads Aeidestan, the transcript Deidestan. It is Yardlestone in Tiverton.

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 441

with a W. prefixed to facilitate leference to his list in Trans.
xxviii. p. 401.

The first number represents the Domesday holdings,
numbered consecutively from 1 to 1266, as they follow one
another in the Exchequer Book ; then Mr. Whale's numbers
in brackets. The pages refer to the Association's reprint.
Ancient Crown lordships, which were extra-hundredal and
exempt lordships, are printed in larger capitals.

AiMMraents.

Whole. Loid- Villa.

"**

ship. gen'.

h. T. t h. T. f. h. ▼. f.

ACTM.

Value.

800 100 200

2070

£7

I. The Kino*s holdings: —

(Harald'8 land), No. 66 (W. 66), p.
61 : MORBADE' (Morbath) .

II. The Earl of Moetain's holdings :— [Out-coonty Honours]
Malger de Chartrai, under do., No.

876 (W. 291), p. 868: Donice-
8T0NE (Duningeston, alias Dunts-

ton, alias Denson, Clayhanger) . 0 8 2}^ 0 1 2^ 0 1 2^ 646 40/-
Do., under do.. No. 876 (W. 292),

L866: Alwinbstone (Petton,
mpton) 080018011 648 16/-

III. Baldwin the Sheriff's holdings : — [Honour of Okhamton]
Rogo, under him, No. 484 (W. 429),

p. 467 : Holscome^ (Holcombe

Rogus) 900 400 600 2474 £6

' From the statement made in Domesday (No. 66, p. 68) : ** To the manor
called Holland belongs the third penny of the Hundreds of Northmolton
and Bampton and Braunton and the third animal of the pasture of the
moors," it may be inferred that Holland was the Earl's endowment Hait-
LAND, Domesday Book and Beyond, p. 96: "Just as the King's rights as
the lord of a Hundredal Court are bound up with and are let to farm with
some royal manor, so the Earl's third penny will be annexed to some comital
manor. In 1266 Horebath was held by Sir Warin de Bassingbum. For
on 29th Harch in that year, James de St. Victor, clerk, was instituted to
the rectory on his presentation. (Bronesoomhe, p. 166.) The value of the
rectory is returned in the Taxation of Pope Nicolas as £4 2s. 4d. {BroneS'
combe Begisters, p. 464.) The manor must have been given to Berlynch
before 1288, for in the Taxation of that year the Prior of Berlynch appears
holding it and its value as 26/4. No doubt considerable portions had been
previously granted away, or it would not have shrunk to tnat from £7. In
1802, according to Burton, it was held b^ Berlynch, and in 1406, on 7th
July, Richard Bogheway, chaplain, was instituted to the rectory on the
presentation of the Prior and Convent of Berlynch. {Stafford, p. 188.)

* The £xche(|uer Domtsday says it was assessed at 3 virgates and a half
. . ferling, leaving a blank before ferling. The Exeter Book reads 8 virgates
and i and ^ ferling, and states that half of the assessment belongs to the
lord, half to the villagers. We are, therefore, left to choose between two
alternatives, (1) to reaa with the translators 8^ virgates and | ferling. or (2)
to read 8 virgates and ^ ferling, supposing the \ twice repeated to be a
reduplication. The former alternative has been adopted in the calculationa

* Pole, 208, says that Rogon fitz-Simon held it in Henry I.'s time ; whom
successively followed Simon fitz-Rogo ; William fitz-Simon fitz-Rogo ; Simon
fitz-William fitz-Rogon ; Rogo fitz-Simon ; Jordan fitz-Simon, knt. ; Simon
fitz-Rogus, kt. ; Sir Simon Roges and Henry Roges, which had issue

VOL. XXX. 2 F

442

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

Do., do., No. 485 (W. 480), p. 459 :
HocooRDS* (Hockworthy) .

IV. WaltbrdsDowai's holdings: —
Walter himself. No. 804 (W. 704),

p. 775 : BAENTONE^ (Bampton) . never hidated
Rennall, tinder do. , No. 805, p. 775 : x

Dadsoombe and Hayne Bampton ? .
Bademar [the clerk], un<ler do.. No.

806, p. 775 : Ponlton and Leigh ? .
Oirard. under do., No. 807, p. 775 :

Deuvale?

William de Moion wrongfully, Hele ?.

0 2 2i 0 2 01 0 0 2 872
[Honour of Bampton]

12J6

1 0 0»

0 2 2
0 1 0

0
0

2820

iUi

-£18

Margaret wife of Richard Chiselden, and they had iasue John Chiaelden,
which by Joanne hia wife had issue John, which *by Elizabeth, daughter
of Richard Warr, had issue (1) Margaret, wife of William Wadhani, and
(2) Matilda, wife of John Bluet, of Grindham, unto whom Holcomb fell for
portion.

It appears from BroneaeonMs Begister, p. 105, that on 28th Aug., 1269,
Bishop Bronescombe settled the endowment of the yicaraffe of Holoombe
[more likely Bogus than Bumell, (1) because the vicarial elebe of Rogos is
li, that of Bumell is 115 acres, and (2) because in 1288 Bogus was worth
£6, Bumell worth 83s. 4d.], ** by assigning to the vicar by way of endow-
ment of the vicarage {nomine vicarice) all the altar gifts and all the tithe of
beans and neas and hay, together with the meadows of Botelescumbe, so
that it shall be worth 100/- oy fixed instalments (parcionibus) ; if there is
any shortcoming in the instalments, let it be made up out of the [rectorial]
elebe {sancluario) or the rents of the feelauds." The Prior and Convent of
Montacute were in 1269 the patrons, and had presented Adam de Kentelesberi,
presbyter, on 17th August, 1260. {Ibid, p. 144.)

• Pole, 211, says that William de Chivathom held Hock worthy in King
Henry II.'s time, to whom succeeded Walter Chivathom. In Testa de Xetil
(No. 1107) it was held by Henry de Bemevil, whom followed Hu^
William, Henry, and Henry.

From Clavil's deed of gift to Canonsleigh in 1166 A.D. (Oliver, Mon,,
p. 227) it appears that at that date Amald was priest of Hockworthy.
Smirke stateis that the Church of Hockworthy was given to Canonsleigh
Priory by the Chivethomes and Bemevilles, and the grant was confirmed by
John Bishop of Exeter (a.d. 1186 to 1191), the appropriation being
subsequently confirmed by Bishop Henry Marshall (1194 to 1206 A.D.)
on 2nd March, 1202. (Olivbr, Man,, p. 229, note.) On 28th Aug., 1269,
Bishop Bronescombe settled the endowment of Hockworthy Vicarage "by
assigning to the vicar by way of endowment all the altar gifts and one
marK*s value in the tithe of sheaf; and let him bear all the burdens.**
{Bronescombe^ p. 105.) On 27th Dec., 1274, Reginald de Molendinis,
presbyter, was instituted on the presentation of uie Prior and Convent
of Canonsleigh. {Ibid, p. 144.) On 26th Feb., 1283. John de Kerdyf,
presbyter, patrons the same. {Quivil, p. 847.) In 1288 the rectory or
Church of Ockworthi was returned as worth 508., the vicarage as worth
9s. 8d. {Ibid, p. 454), and on 1st March, 1310, one John was vicar
{Bytton^ p 418), on whose death Sir John de Menestoke, presbyter, was
instituted 19th Sept., 1318 ; patrons the Abbess Petronilla and Convent
of Canonsleigh. {Stapeldon, p. 222.) Richard Covyntre was vicar in 1898,
and exchang^ 9th Nov., 1399, with William Redhode, vicar of Batheaston,
patron Lucy Warre, Abl^css of Canonsleigh. On Rodhode's death Thomas
Whytyng, presbyter, was instituted 18th Feb., 1400.

7 Pole, 209, says that Walter de Dowai's son was Robert de Baunton. He
had issue Juliana, wife of William Paynell, whose son was Fulk Paynell, lord
of Bampton. Fulk Paynell married the eldest sister and heir of Gilbert de
Abrincis, and had issue William and Christiana, wife of Sir Milo C<^^, the

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 443

Uluric, under do., No. 808 (W. 70fi),

L777 : Depbforde (Diptford,
mpton), (held of the Queen by [Honour of Braneys]

Walter) 020010010 6224 26/-

Walter himself. No. 809 (W. 706),

&779: Hocheordk' (Hockfora, [Honour of Barnstaple]
ockworthy) . . . .030010020 682 85/-

conqueror of Ireland. William had issue William, who died a.d. 1248
{After-death Inquests^ 33 Hen. III., No. 20, p. 6), leaving 3 daughters, who
all died without issue, whereupon Hampton came to Sir John Cogan, son
of Sir William and grandson of Sir Milo Cogan. Sir John Cogan died
A.D. 1801 {A/Ur-death Inquests, 80 Ed. I., No. 29, p. 174), and was succeeded
by his son Sir Thomas, who died a.d. 1315. {After-death Inquests, 8 Ed. II.,
No. 60, p. 259.) Sir Thomas had issue Sir Richard, who died a.d. 1367
{Afler-deiUh Inquests, 41 Ed. III., vol. ii.. No. 15, p. 286), and was succeeded
by his son Sir William. Sir William died a.d. 1383 {After-death Inquests,
6 Ric. II., vol. iii., No. 22, p. 47), leaving issue a sou Sir John Cogan, on
whose death in a.d. 1389 {Ibid, 12 Ric. II. , No. 9, p. 100) the estate came
to Sir Hugh Courteney through his marriage with Sir John Cogan's widow.

According to the Kalendar ofFapal Registers, i. 343 (Rolls Series), a dis-
pensation was grauted on 13th March, 1257, by Pope Alexander IV. to
Osmund, rector of Bampton, in the diocese of Exeter, to hold an additional
benefice in plurality. On 8th Jan., 1274, Henry de Lenna, subdeacon, was
collated by lapse to Bampton Rectory, the patrons, the Prior and Convent of
Bath, having failed to present a fit person. {Bronescombe, p. 112.) William
de Coleshull was vicar 8th Feb., 1289 {Quivil, p. 836), when the church was
returned as worth £16 10s. 7id. {Ibid. p. 454.) John Michel was rector in
1397, on whose death Edward I)okeworthy, presbyter, was instituted 7th
March, 1398, patrons, John the Prior and the Convent of the Cathedral
Church of Batn. Ou his death Thomas Wards, subdeacon, LL.B., was
instituted 24th May, 1418. by his proxy John Lane, clerk, after a commission
of enquiry Tith Feb., 1418, but he exchanged with Mathew Doune, rector of
Whimple, who was instituted by his proxy John Lane, clerk, 17th June,
1418, after another commission of enquiry issued 16th Feb., 1418, in which
Sir Hugh Courtney, senior, is called the patron.

' It will be observed that Renuall's, Biademar's, and Girard's estates only
amount to 3 virgates 2^ ferlings, and that if the ^ ferling wrongfully held by
William de Moion is added, still 1 ferling out of the 1 hide remains
unaccounted for. According to Mr. Eyton, Rademar the clerk was Walter
de Dowai's brother, and Girai-d was his steward.

> In TesU de Nevil's time, a.d. 1242, No. 84, Robert de Blakeford held
Hockford of the honour of Barnstaple. He died in 1252, seized of Bam-
ton (error for Braunton), Dunesford, and Hokeford. {After-dsath Inquests, 67
Hen. III., p. 11.) Braunton and Dunsford he held in right of his wife Avice,
daughter and heiress of Philip Chauceboff or Causebuf, Philip Causebuf beinK
the nephew and heir of Robert de Satchvill, upon whom King John had
bestowed them. (See Testa, No. 1465, p. 197 a, andNos. 1646, 1646, p. 199a.)
Braunton had before been a royal lordship, but Dunsford was a forfeited
estate of one William Bacon, a Norman. Nothing is said about his title to
Hockford, but Rewe, which in 1242 was held in dower by Rosa de Champer-
noun, by gift of her husband Robert de Satchvill, was also a forfeited estate,
which King John had bestowed on Robert de Satchvill, and Rewe, it is
stated in Testa^ No. 1546, would come to Causebuf, and Roliert de Blakeford
on her decease. In 1271 William de Berkeley and Amicia f? Avice] de
Blakeford were seized of Braunton, Rewe, Dunsford, and Lidiiun {After-
death Inquests, 66 Hen. III., p. 38), but Hockford is not named. In 1271
John de Blakeford, heir of Robert de Blakeford, tried to recoverpossession of
three of these four estates, but Hockford is not mentioned. The Hundred
Rolls of Wonford, No. 43, p. 86, say : " Peter bishop of Exeter holds the

2 F 2

444 THB "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

Girard. under do., No. 810 (W. 707),
p. 779 : CRE8SBWALDK (Kerewell,
Hockworthy) .... 0 2 0 102 6/-

V. William de Moion'h holding:—
Robert, underhim, No 704 (W. 728),

E. 676: Clehanore^® (Clay-
anger) 0 3 3i 0 2 0 0 1 Si 527 20/-

VI. GoscELM AND WALTER DE Clavil's holdings : —

Walter himself, No. 864 (W. 795),
p. 831; BERLESCOME" (Burles-
combe, north part of pariah) .112 021 031 522 25/-

vill of Dunsford of John de Blakeford by homage and service of the honoor
of Swale '* ; and also : ** John Pycot holds Rewe of Elena de Gorge, Elena of
John de Blakeford .... of the honour of Barnstaple"; and p. 87 records
this presentment: ''Sir John de Blakeford allowed to Richard de Clifford
the King's esheator 100 marks to help him to get possession of the manors of
Braunton, Dunesford, and Rewe, and the same John enfeoffed the same master
Richard of a house with ^ acre of land and the advowson of Dunsford Church
for 10 marks.'' Hock ford had gone to Canonsleigh before 1286, for the
Abbess Matilda de Tablere (Oliver, p. 225) died in that year seized of
" Heckeford terra," claimed by Matilda de Clare as patroness {^Afte^-dtaJth
Inque^, 15 Ed. I., p. 95), and on the death of another abbess five years
later, Gilbert de Clare, her son, as patron, claimed " Hokford manor," {AJUr-
death Inouesta, 20 Ed. I., p. 110.) At the Dissolution Canonsleigh Abbey
had Hockford, and it was valued at £19 6s. 84d., after paying an annual
rent of 4s. to John Sydenham and his heirs.

^' In the KcUendar of Papal JUgiaiers, i. 853, is an indult of Pope
Alexander IV. (a.d. 1254 to 1261) to Master Geoffrey de Fulcham, rector of
Erdinton (? Edmonton) in the Diocese of London, and of Clahangre in
the Diocese of Exeter, the value of both of which hardly exceeds 16 marks
per annum, to hold with them one additional benefice.

Geoffrey de Folam was still rector in 1270, on whose resignation Stephen
do Herdintone, subdeacon, was instituted 15th June, 1271, **on the presenta-
tion of the Master of the new Temple of the London[er]s (Londoniarum)."
(Bronescombe^ p. 124.) He was rector on 31st Oct., 1281, also 24th July,
1288 {Quivil^ p. 340), probably also at the time of Pope Nicolas' Taxation,
when the rectory was returned as value £4 2s. {Bronescombe, p. 454.)
The living became vacant 7th April, 1311, and on 5th Nov., 1311, William
de Mileforde, clerk, was instituted by his proxy, John de Lanoestone,
clerk ; patron, the King, " by reason of the lands and tenements of the
Templars being in his hands. '^ It again became vacant 6th August, 1821,
and Sir William de Hengestecote, subdeacon, was collated by lapse 8th
March, 1322. {Stapeldon, p. 202.)

" The Church of Burlescombe was granted to Canonsleigh by the
foundation-deed drca 1166, which runs as follows (Oliver, Mon., p. 226):
**To Bartholomew, by the grace of God Bishop of Exeter [a.d. 1161-1184],
and to the whole chapter of the same church Walter de ClavU greeting : Be
it known to your fatherhood that I Walter de Clavil for the soul of
Earl Robert [of Gloucester, ruitural son of Henry /., see Pipe Rolls, note
27], and for the souls of my ancestors, and for the welfare of Earl William
[of Gloucester, A.D. 1147-1173], and Countess Hadewis and their heirs, and
for the welfare of myself and my wife and my heirs, have given and with their
consent granted, discharged from all payments {in quietam elemosinam) to
the Church of God and St. Mary and St. John the Evangelist of Legh, and
to the canons there serving God according to St. Augustine's rule, the
Church [i.«., the tithes and offerings accruing to a cure of souls] of
Burwoldescombe with all appurtenances, together with the land which
I have thrown in, viz., 8 acres, which I have given to provide lights for the
church, and half a virgate of land by Eastbrook and the Church of Dowland

THE ** DOMESDAY" HUKDRBDS OF DEVON. 445

Walter the Woodman, under do.,
No. 866 (W. 796), p. 833:
CICLET'« (Cowlings Baiton,
Hockworthj) . . . . 0 2 0 [0 0 2 J] [0 1 1 J] 611 20/-

GosoBLM : —

Osmund, under him, No. 878 (W.
797), p. 847: Wennacre" (Fen-
acre, Burlescombe) . . .022 020 002 167 20/-

with all appurtenances, with half a ferling of land which I have thrown in,
and the Cnurch of Mordon [in Dorset] with all its appurtenances, and half a
virgate of land which I have thrown in, and all the land near the site
of Legh l^ns north of the ancient mill leet which comes down from
Wulfley Hill [Whiteball Hill] down to the fishpond dam {calceiam-chaus^)^
and I grant them the fishpond itself and 2 acres west of the fishpond, and
beyond all the land lying north of Linor water as far as SvriUmg water
[Swiliende, the same word in Trans, viii. 397], to wit, all my land of Legh
in clearances {planis)^ pastures, meadows, woods, and waters ; and I grant
them a ferling of lAnd at Rocknowl (Ruheknolle) and Rocknowl wood
and mill, and mill-right over all my land of Burwoldescombe and Sour Aple
[dore] ; and wherever thev like to make a mill I guarantee to them a water-
lee t, and a place for a mill, and a way to it over my land ; and I confirm to
them common pasture on my land and the mill of Widecombe [Ralesh], and
all the mill -right of that land with 6 acres added next the miU, and all the
land of Netherton [in Farway], and all the land of Northwood with
appurtenances in clearances, etc., free, quit, and discharged from all
exactions, suits, and customary charges, and from all secular services." On
8rd April, 1324, Sir John atte Miule, presbyter, was instituted Vicar of
Burlescombe *'with the consent of the Aubess and Convent of Canonsleigh,
who presented him" (StapelcUm, p. 198), and on 20th Nov., 1324, the
endowment of the vicarage was settled by Bishop Stapeldon by the following
instrument {Ibid. p. 90) : —

"To all, etc., Widter, etc., everlasting greeting in the Lord. Whereas
Sir John atte Mulle, presbyter, has lately l^n by our authority [advanced]
to the perpetual vicarage in the Church of Burdelescombe within our diocese,
and to be by us newly settled and endowed [in conformity with Con-
stitution 16 of Archbishop Langton at the Council of Oxford, A.D. 1222
(Lynd. 64), Constitution 20 of Othobon, a.d. 1268, and Constitution 16 of
Archbishop Peckham at Lambeth, A.D. 1281, Lynd. 163] — which church
the Abbess and Convent of Canonsleigh hold appropriated to their own uses
— and on their presentation has been canonically admitted and instituted
to the same. . . . We, with the express consent of the said Abbess and
Convent, as well as of the aforesaid priest, John .... do settle and ordain :
That the said vicar and his successors for the time being shall have the
dwelling and curtilage which the parochial chaplains before the admission
and institution of the said John wore wont to hold and ei\joy ; and also
1 acre and 1 prch of land next adjoining the said dwelling, part of the
glebe of the said Abbess and Convent, for which the vicar for the time being
shall yearly pay 12d. sterling towards keeping up a certain dead-light burn-
ing {ardentis mortarii) in the said church. We also will and oraain that
the said John and his successors for the time beine shall have as endoiament
of the vicarage — all tithes, great as well as small, from the curtilages now
existing within the limits of the parish of the said church, howsoever
arising, and also all other small tithes and oblations whatsoever, and all and
singular other things in the said parish which have been wont to
pass as altar-gifts, excepting oblations made to the free family within
the Canonesses' Abbey of Leigh and devotional gifts made in the same;
excepting also mortuaries from the whole mrish, and oblations within the
said parish of Burdelescombe made to St. Theobald's Chapel, as also of two
mills, to wit, Knaphill and Pogharo, and ail and singular small tithes

446 THE "DOMSSDAT" HUNDBXD8 OF DEVON.

YII. Odo fitz^amkun's holding : —

HinMelf, No. 1129 (W. 763). p. 1071 :
Staxukz^^ (Stalling ThornUnd,

ontlier of HaDtshAm, partly in [Honour of Toriton]

Hockworthj) . . . .100020020 201 10/-

Do., No. 1140 (W. 771), p. 1081, CiL-
LKTOKB (Kyllon Barton, Holcombe
Bogus) 0 0 2 211 10/-

21 2 2} 12,677

htm 1 ferling (see notes 8 and 16) 1

21 2 H

of the whole abbey and the abbey's lordship lands and the increase of
all kinds of cattle of the said Abbess and OonTent, so long as they are
depastured in their own lordship ; all which [excepted] oblations,
mortuaries, tithes, together with the greater tithes of the whole aforesaid
parish (excepting the greater tithes above assigned to the ricar), we would
hare by authority of this present settlement remain in their entirety to the
aforesaid Abbess and Convent. Provided that if the curtilages before
named, from which the vicar for the time being is to receive both great and
small tithes, shall at any future time be cultivated otherwise than as
curtilages, the vicar for the time being shall then receive out of the portion
assigned to the aforesaid Abbess and Convent so much as he would other*
wise have received from these curtilages according to the estimation of some
man of repute. We will, nevertheless, and ordain that the vicar and his
successors for the time being shall discharge all ordinary burdens, including
the finding, keeping-up, and repairs of Matins Books and other ornaments
commonly belonging to the rectory of the church, so soon as a sufficiency of
the said books and ornaments has been found and put in repair, and shall
also find bread, wine, and such like for the celebration of divine offices, there
in all future times at their own proper costs and charges. But let extra-
ordinary burdens — the repair and keeping-up the chancel of the said Church
of Burdelescombe — belong to the said Abbess and Convent."

" To judge by the area, CHclet cannot well be Kyllon Barton in
Holcombe Bogus, or we should have 3187 acres for a parish containing
8024 acres, and 1126 acres to represent the 2526 acres of Hockworthy.
It seems, therefore, more likely that Ciclet is in Hockworthy.

" It will be noticed that in Domesday Osmund appears as the holder of
three estates only, all of them under Croecelm, i.«., of the honour of Gloucester.
The three were Nimet in North Tawton Hundred, which we have identified
with Nymet Nichol, No. 876 (W. 785), p. 845 ; Niwetone in North Tawton
Hundred, which we have identified with Newton Cross Farm, No. 876 (W.
786), p. 846, in Trans, xxix. p. 253; and Wennacre, No. 878 (W. 797), pt 847.
In Burton's time Willism Lamprey held Nymet NichoU (No. 602), snd
William Lamprey also held Fenanre (No. 1110) ; also both were held of the
honour of Gloucester. This seems to show that William Lamprey was
successor in title to Osmund, and that we have rightly identified <!)smund's
Nymet with Nymet Nicholl. Pole, 208, says tluit Nicolas Lamprey held
Fonacre in Henry I.*s time, and successively after him William, his son,
Simon, William, Benedict, William.

^* The ordnance map shows a Stalling Thorn, a northerly promontory
of the parish of Hockworthy, containing about 70 acres, and west of it
Stallings Thorn land, altout 136 acres, an outlier of Huntsham parish. To
judge by the area the Domesday Stanlinz must have included botn. Domes-
day has this note after it: "This land belongs to his [Odo's] manor of
Huntsham."

THB "DOMESDAY" HUNDKED8 OF DEVON. 447

The Domesday representation of Ufcvim Hundred is : —

Waltee de Dowai'8 holding :- ^ ^. ,.^^J^f ?• r^''\^, value.
Himself, No. 811 (W. 709), p. 779:
OFFECOME " (Ufculm) . .14 00 600 900 8110 £12

The particulars of the GeldroU are as follows for Bamp-
ton Hundred (p. xxxvi) : —

A. Exemption waa allowed : h. t. f.

(1) to the King in respect of 3 0 0 [Holecome, No. 484].

(2) to Walscin [Walter de

Dowai] . . .220 [less 1 ferling, No. 805-807].

(8) to Bishop G[osfrid of

Coutances]. . . 1 0 3}

(4) to Walter de Clavil . 0 2 3^ [Berlesoome, No. 864,

and Ciclet, No. 885].

(5) to Odo fitZ'Gamelin .020 [Stanlinz, No. 1129].

B. instates chargeable :

(1) Geld receiv^ in respect

7 8 8^« [less 1 ferling].

ii
of . . . . 16 0 1

IB It is called Haffeclum in After-death Inquest of William Pavnell, S3
Hen. III., No. 20, p. 6. Ufculyn in After-death Inquest of Thomas de Cogan,
8 Ed. II., No. 60, p. 259. It descended in the same way as Bampton. (See
note 7.)

Sir William de Somerforde, presbyter, was instituted to the rectory 7th
May, 1276 ; patrons, the Prior and Convent of Bath. {Broneaeombe, p. 189.)
He was followed by Sir William de Werpelesdone, on whose death in 1284 the
bishop gave the custody from 19th Jan., 1285, '*till the end of a full month
after Easter (25th March)*' to John de HosgotebL {Quivilf p. 358.) Accord-
ing to /Calendar of Papal Hegistera, i. 588, a dispensation was granted by
Pope Benedict VIII., in 1300 a.d., at the request of Francis, Cardinal of
St. Mary in Cosmedin, to his chaplain. Master Richard de Plumstock, sub*
deacon, who after the (Council of Lyons, a.d. 1274, had obtained the churches
of Exminster and Ufculm without being priested or getting a dispensation, to
retain the same together with the canonries and prcoends which he held in
Lincoln and Wells Cathedrals. Richard de Plimstoke was deprived 25th
Sept., 1321, and Sir William de Clopcote was instituted by proxy 17th Feb.,
1322 ; patrons, the Prior and Convent of Bath. On 22na Sept., a.d. 1324,
Master William de WoUeghe, presbyter, was collated by lapse, thus vacating
Yamscombe ; but the bishop admitted him thereto again in comtnendam
with the consent of Sir Richard de Stopeldone, Kniffh^ in the presence of
Thomas de Henton, Treasurer, Thomas Hercward, Arcndeacon of Exeter, and
Peter de Honetone .... "before me Philip de la More, notary public."
He resigned Ufculm 31st October, and was again instituted by his proxy,
Sir Roger de Buddeleghe, clerk, on 29th Nov., " which church he got my
lord to confer upon him on another footing, the right being assured to him,
but he being free from the cure and government of the church ; patrons, the
same." {Stapeldon^ p. 267.) Ufculm Church was returned in 1288 as worth
£17 4s. 4d. (Bnmescombe^ p. 454.)

10 The GeldroU gives this total as 7h. 3v. Sf., but the addition requires
7h. 8v. 2C It is Slighted that Walscin's exemption was 2h. 2v., less 1 fer-
ling (see note S), which will make the total agree with the addition, and
will also bring the particulars of Nos. 805-807 into agreement with one
another. If this be correct 1 ferling must also be deducted from the total
of the Hundred, making it 21h. 2v. 3if. instead of 21h. 8v. OJf.

448 THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

(2) Claimed by fee-gatheren

geld on ... 81^

16 S 2

Total .24 8 1 " [less 1 ferling].

The particulars of the GeldroU for Ufcalm Hundred are
(p. xxix.) : —

A. Exemption was allowed :
To Walter of Flanders

[=de Dowai or Wal- h. ▼. f.

cin] in respect of . 5 0 0

B. Geld was received in

respect of . . . 9 0 0

Total .14 0 0

Comparing these two lists, it is at once apparent that Odo
fitz-Gamelin's exemption of | hide is in respect of Stallings
Thomland, No. 1129, and that Walter de ClavU's 2 virgates
3^ ferlings must be in respect of Burlescomb and Ciclet
And inasmuch as the lordship assessment of Burlescomb
is stated to be 2 virgates 1 ferling, the remaining 2^ ferlings
must represent the lordship assessment of Ciclet. Walter
de Dowai's exemption is made up as to 1 hide [less 1 ferling]
of the added thanes' lands (Nos. 805-807), as to 3 virgates
of Hockford, and as to 2 virgates of Eerswell, the whole of
these estates being exempt. The remaining 1 virgate neces-
sary to account for his exemption of 2| hides appears to
have been in respect of the lordship of Depeforde, formerly
the land of two thanes {jEacon, JDam., p. 776), which was
held by Walter mediately of the King through the Queen ;
for the Queen's lands, when formerly the lands of subjects,
as was seen in the case of North Tawton Hundred {Trans.
xxix. pp. 246 and 254), were allowed exemption only in
respect of their lordships. The King's exemption was
probably in respect of Holecome, an estate in the hands of
Baldwin the sheriff. Indeed Hockworthy, another of Bald-
win's estates, was in 1302 held of the King. (See Burton,
No. 1107.) Other instances of the same thing have been
met with in lifton Hundred (Trans, xxviii. 479), and in
Teignbridge Hundred. (Trans, xxix. p. 231.) There is nothing
in the present Hundred which could explain the Bishop of
Coutances' exemption.

^ It is suggested that the amount claimed by the fee -gatherers was
8 ▼ii]gate8 8 ferlings, and that 1 has crept in in error for iii.

^ The Geldroll gives the total as 25 hides. Probably the words ''less
^ virgate " may have been left out. After this and the corrections referred to
m the last notes are made, the total is 24h. 8y. 2 ferl. (See Trans, xxvii. 176.)

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDKEDS OF DEVON. 449

Among the Terror Occupaice there is only one entry which
seems connected with this Hundred: No. 63 (W. 1219):
The Earl of Mortain holds Donicestone to which Alwine-
stone has been added.

2. As to inclusions and exclusions comparatively little
remains to be said.

(1) Ciclet (No. 865, p. 833) has been included on the
ground that coming as it does between Berlescome and
Wennacre, both of which are in Bampton Hundred, there
can be no doubt that it is in Bampton Hundred also. It is
more open to question whether it is Kyllon Barton in
Holcombe Rogus, or Cowlings Barton in Hockworthy. The
writer inclines to the latter view for the reason that the
acreage of Holcombe Rogus seems already accounted for.
(See note 12.)

(2) Godevecoie (No. 877, p. 847), has been excluded, but
with some misgiving. According to the sequence (see Trans,
xxix. 266), it should lie either in North Tawton or Bampton
Hundred, and according to Testa de Nevil (Nos. 218, 219,
p. 177 b), Richard de Lumine held ^ fee in Ridelcumb and
Northecoth, the same Richard de Lumine who also held
1 fee in Lumene and Whyteneth {Testa, Nos. 287, 288,
p. 178 a), and 1 fee at Gidesham. {Testa, No. 1179, p. 190 b.)
Ralph de Wylinton was middle-lord of Gidesham, probably,
therefore, also of the others. Now Richard de Lumine
represents Goscelm himself in Domesday at Ridelcome (No,
871. p. 841), at Lonmine (No. 882, p. 851, Chilloman), at
Witnes (No. 888, p. 857, Witenage), and at Gidesham (No.
881, p. 851). And since Goscelm himself held Gk)devecote,
Richard de Lumine might represent him there also. Why,
then, not identify Godevecote with the Northecote (now
Narracot in Ashreigny), which Richard de Lumine held
together with Ridelcumb ?^*

The suggestion is plausible, but against it is the fact that
the Domesday Ridelcome had an area of 800 acres, and was
assessed at a whole hide, so that we should have expected

" The After deaih Inquest of Henry de Wylynton, 28 Edward III., No.
74, p. 162, confinns these conjectures, showing that Henry Wylynton
died in 1849, seized of [Childer] Loman, Gittisoam, and other manors,
besides being middle-lord of Woodbeare, Ash (Thomas], Farway, Felfen
(written Feldestaine), Luperidge, Wodmanston, Washbom, Newton Tracv,
Fenacre, Farworthy [an outlier of Sutcombe, written Verworthie]. Loveston [in
Great Huish], CodingcoU Totterton [possibly Dodeton, or Dodscot, St. Giles],
[East] Manley, Marlecumbe [in Awlescombe], Wolston [in Lodiswelll, and
Hurdingheis [possibly Witenes], all of which were held by Goscelm in
Domesday, It appears, therefore, that the Domesday Godevecote was then
written Codingcote, but no clue is given as to its locality.

450 THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

to find it in the fee lists as 1 fee without the addition of
anything elsa When, therefore, the fee lists speak of Ridel-
cumb, together with Northecote being only J fee, the
inference seems to be that the Domesday Eidelcome incladed
several hamlets now bearing different names, of which
Narracot was one, and that other portions of it mast have
been held in free socage or given in free alms, at least that
Northecote is fully accounted for without Godevecote.

Turning to Bampton Hundred there are two places which
suggest themselves as possible representatives of Gkxievecote,
viz., (1) Westacot in Burlescombe and (2) Whipcot in Hol-
combe Bogus. Westacot at the end of the 12th century was
sold by William de Clavil to Canonsleigh Abbey for the
consideration of 10 marks ;*^ but if Westleigh (No. 849,
p. 817) was, as we know from the sequence (W. 823) it must
have been, in Halberton Hundred, Westacot must also be in
Halberton Hundred, and cannot therefore represent Grodeva-
cote. Besides, since Clavil sold Westcot, Westacot must
have been Clavil's, not Goscelm's. More probably, therefore,
the Westcot sold by Clavil together with Bocknell was part
of Clavirs Westleigh in Domesday.

The other possible representative of Godevecote is Whipcot
It lies in a part of Holcombe Bogus distant from the village
of that name, and adjoins Berlescombe. Bichard de Lumine
is said to have been a benefactor to Canonsleigh Abbey,
and may have given it to that abbey ; but until th<6 Canons-
leigh Cartulary in the British Museum has been thoroughly
examined this can only be offered as a conjecture.

After all it is perhaps in Braunton Hundred. It certainly
seems to be the Codingcote of After-deaih Inquest^ 23 Ed. III.,
No. 74, p. 152.

(8) The Earl of Mortain's Donicestone (No. 375. p. 358) and
the Alwinestone (No. 376, p. 375) added to it have been
included on the ground that Donicestone in point of sound
can very well represent Duuingeston, now Denson, in Clay-
hanger, and that a Domesday representative for so important
a place as Duningeston, ranking as a whole fee, is otherwise
not forthcoming. We may at once discard the notion that
Donicestone can have been Dottou Mill. For apart from the
fact that the late Mr. Davidson conclusively showed {Trans.
xii 466) that Otrit was the Domesday name for Dotton Mill

^ Oliver, Mon., p. 227, states that William, son of Walter de Clavil, the
founder [of Canonsleigh in 1166] also gave to the canons his land of Westcot
in Burlescombe parish, formerly held by Richard Cop^m and William Fender,
for which the canons paid 10 marks as consideration {in recognitionem).

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 451

on the Otter, which took the distinctive name of Dotton or
Dodeton from Dodde, its owner, it is sufficient to point out
here (1) that Donicestone contained 545 acres, whereas
Dotton only contains 214, and (2) that Donicestone being the
£arl of Mortain's, should be found held of some out-county
honour, whereas Dotton was held of the honour of Okhamton,
i,e,, Baldwin's honour, and Baldwin held Otrit in Domesday,
In an earlier paper {Trans, xxvi 153) the writer was led to
suppose that because Alison in South Tawton was held of the
Earl of Mortain as superior lord, therefore it must be identical
with the Earl of Mortain's Domesday Alwinestone, and thence
inferred that Donicestone might be South Zeal. Since then
he has become aware that South Tawton itself was held of
the Earls of Mortain (see Pipe Rolls, note 17, in Trans,
xxix. p. 460), so that there is no need to press Alwinestone
into service to account for Alison in South Tawton, and the
principal reason for these identifications is gone.

In Testa de NevU, Nos. 1568 sq., p. 199 a, a list of fees is
given which formerly belonged to William de Briwer, and were
divided among his co-heirs in 19 Hen. III., a.d. 1234. Some
of these fees had belonged to Pomeray in Domesday; for
instance, Huxham, Down, and Worthy in Bradworthy ;
Chevithorn, Pancrasweek, and Southweek in Germansweek.
Others had been Baldwin's, but some had been the Earl of
Mortain's, amongst the latter {Testa, No. 1644) South
Stockleigh, alia^ Sutton Satchvill, and Upcot (D., No. 330) ;
{Testa, No. 1650) [East] Putford (D., No. 325) ; and {Testa,
No. 1607), Clist St. Laurence (D., No. 377). Briwer also
held {Testa, No. 1573) " Duningeston, 1 fee which the Abbot
of Thorre held of him." {Conf, Oliver, Mon., p. 181.) If he
did not obtain it from the Earl of Mortain, and if it was not
the Earl of Mortain's Donicestone, how, we may enquire, was
it represented in Domesday /

(4) Let it be once admitted that Donicestone represents
Denson in Clayhanger, the presumption is that Alvrinestone
which was added to it lies not far off. It had a mill,
and therefore it must lie on a stream. It was assessed at
3 virgates, and had a correspondingly large acreage, so
that it should be represented by 1 or f fee. Now just
across the stream which divides Clayhanger from Bampton,
but a little higher up in the eastern side of the parish of
Bampton, lies Petton. Petton was assessed at 1 Mortain
fee = f fee. Petton was not a submanor of Bampton, or
it would have appeared among the ''Bampton fees, which
were William Paynell's, and are Herbert fitz-Mathew*8 *'

452

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

Nos. 823-830, p. 183 a) in Testa. But Petton is mentioned
by itself as held of the out-county honour of Ashull in
Somerset, or of the Earl of Devon's honour of Plymton.
(No. 963, p. 184 b.) Testa knew not which. The con-
clusion seems inevitable that Petton must be represented
by some place held in Domesday of the Earl of Mortain,
and in yDomesday assessed at from 2 to 4 virgates. Had the
Earl of Mortain held Bamptou, we might have set it down
as a submanor of Bampton; but the Earl of Mortain
held nothing in that neighbourhood save Denson. All
things considered, it seems a necessary conclusion from
the facts that Alwinestone, i.e,y Yaldwin's town, must be
identified with Little Bampton, otherwise Petton.

(5) Whether Walter de Dowai's Stotlege (No. 803, p. 773)
is to be sought in Braunton and Shirwell, or in Bampton
Hundred, is not easy to say. At any rate, the sequence
forbids its being placed in Witheridge Hundred. The
writer suggests that it must be relegated to Braunton and
Shirwell Hundred, on the ground that since the principal
places in a Hundred are usually mentioned first, and smaller
estates afterwards, it would be wholly anomalous to commence
the list of Walter de Dowai's holdings in Bampton Hundred
with so small an estate as Stotlege.

Summary of results so far as the i^o^t-Domesday Hundred
is concerned is the following, but it is submitted subject
to correction by those who have more local knowledge.

BAMPTON HUNDRED.

Ritdon's list of places

Parishes with their

Dowuaday holdings in-

contributory to tenths

acreages for ecclesiastical cladrd in these parishei

and tifbeenths.

purposes in 1878.

with their acreage.

(R.1

£ «.

Acres.

[D.l

Acrea.

[42] Beannton.

3 16

Bampton . . 7786

D. 376, 804-808.

4400

[43] Clsyhanger

1 12

Clayhanger. . 2088

D. 876, 704

1072

[44] Hockworthy .

1 6

Hockworthy . 2626

D. 486, 809, 810,
866, 1129 .

1771

[46] Holcorabe

[Roffus] .
[46] Borleacombe .

4 10

HolcombeRogiis. 3024

D. 484, 1140 .

2686

Burlescombe . 1016

D. 864, 878

679

(part of 3768).
Morbath . . 8441

20976

[47] Morbath .

1 8
12 16

6
8

D. 66.

2070

12677

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

453

The parish of Burlescombe included :

[^]

BuehUl .
Another Buehill
Ashford
Appledore .
West Leigh.

UFOULM HUNDRED.
Ufcuhm . . 6122 D. 811

No. 845, p. 813, in Domesday containing 135 acres

3110

No. 846, p. 815
No. 847, p. 815
No. 848, p. 815
No. 849, p. 817
Ljmor orTLieonard No. 850, P. 817

[All these are in Halberton Hundred.]

ft
it
It

In Bampton Hundred —

Berlescombe . No. 864, p. 831
Wennacre . . No. 878, p. 847

249
884
698
160
217

1843

522
157

679

Total Domesday acreage 2522
To represent the Halberton portion 2752 acres have been deducted.

We may now make

III. An Attempt to Reconstruct the pre-** Domesday^*

Hundred,

1. Assuming for the moment that we have been approxi-
mately correct in our identifications thus far, we have the
following results : —

In the Hundred of Witheridge there are

Or deducting the Earls' lands:

No. 48, Witheridge .
No. 74, King's Nymton
And the excess of Wasberlege .

0 10

8 0 0

In the Hundred of Bampton are

Deducting No. 66, Morbath (the Earl's

land) 3 0 0

No. 806, the ferling in excess (see notes 8

and 16) 0 0 1

In the two Hundreds together

The GeldroU figures are : —

For the Hundred of Witheridge

For the Hundred of Bampton as corrected

h. v. f.
39 2 If

3 1 3
21 2 2i

36 0 2}

3 0 1

In the two Hundreds together

18 2 li
54 3 0}

80 0 0
24 3 0

54 3 0

454 THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON.

The amount assessed on the two Handreds appears, there-
fore, to be the same within ^ ferling, bnt the distribution of
the total to have varied. We have 6 hides 0 virgates 2f
ferlings too much in Witheridge Hundred, and 6 hides
0 virgates 2^ ferlings too little in Bampton Hundred. Let
us see if the difference can be adjusted.

2. A. The first aid, and a very important one it is in making
the adjustment, is that we learn from the Geldroll that Bishop
Goisfrid, i«., Bishop GeoflFrey of Coutances, had 1 hide 3J
ferlings of exemption in Bampton Hundred. In the Hundred
of Bampton as it now exists the Bishop of Coutances did not
possess a single estate. The following sequence of estates of
his which are now in Witheridge Hundred, if placed in
Bampton Hundred, will account for his exemption. Morceth,
which precedes them, is probably in Budleigh Hundred,
Bradelie, which comes after them, in Tiverton, so that they
form a group by themselves distinct from the bishop's other
estates in Witheridge Hundred.

h. T. f. h. T. t h. T. C Acres. Valae.
Drogo, under him, No. 217 (W. 203),
p. 199: Sprewe (East Spurway,
aHan Okeford) . . . .010002002 833 10/-

Do., do., No. 218 (W. 204), p. 199:

Come, North and East (Combe

Templeton) 020010010 829 10/-

Do., do., No. 219 (W. 205), p. 201 :

Celuertesberie (Colson, Templeton) 088 020 013 721 15/-

Do., do , No. 220 (W. 206 b), p. 201 :

Ck)me (Coml)e Mill, Templeton) . 0 1 1 [0 0 2i] [0 0 2i] 200
Do., do., No. 221 (W. 206), p. 201 :

Stollei (East Stoodleigh) . .100001038 1058 40/-

Do., do.. No. 222 (W. 207), p. 203:
Come (Combe Morceaux, alias
Templecombe, Templeton) . . 0 1 0 [0 0 2] [0 0 2] 105 6/-

3 10 1 0 3i

This would show the eastern part of Okeford parish. East
Stoodleigh, and the whole of Templeton to have lain in the
"pTe-Domesday Hundred of Bampton. West Spurway, however
(No. 816, p. 784), must have lain in Witheridge Hundred,
or it would have followed Bampton (No. 804).

B. A second place which the sequence requires to be
taken out of Witheridge Hundred is Warsbrightly, and with
it the whole of Stoodleigh Parish, including

Alric*s, No. 1255 (W. 1105), p. 1187 : !»• ▼• '• »»• v. t h. t. f. Acres. Value.

Waaberlege 020002003 441 20/-

Jachelin'8, No. 1171 (W. 1042), p.

1109 : Witechenolle . . .012010002 208 10/-

THB "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 455

Albric'8, No. 1069 (W. 906), p. 1028 :

Restone 0 2 0 0 1 0 — 815 10/-

Do. No. 1070 (W. 906 b), p.

1026 : added land . . .010— — 160 4/-

Robert's, Na 988 (W. 679), p. 949 :

Stodlei (West) . . . .080010020 1062 40/~

2 12
Less for Wasberlege . 8

2 0 8

C. If the eastern part of Okeford lies in Bampton
Hundred, it seems most likely that besides West Tapps and
Woodburn Hightleigh St. Mary did also, so that Bampton
Hundred included —

Baldwin's, No. 668 (W. 606), p. 685 : h. v. t h. v. f. h. v. f. Acres. Vilne.

Ansa 010002002 840 10/-

Do., do.. No. 664 (W. 606), p. 687 :

Odeburne 0 0 8 0 0 1 0 0 2 225 6/-

Pomeroy's, No. 989 (W. 680), p. 949 :

Henlei 0 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 2 800 10/-

0 2 8

We have, then —

h. V. f.
The Bishop of Coutances' estates, with an assessment of 8 1 0
The rest of Stoodleigh parish, as in above particulars .208
West Tapps, Woodburn, and Hightleigh St. Mary . .028

A total of .602

to be transferred from Witheridge to Bampton Hundred, and
it would seem that Bampton Hundred formerly included
(1) Hightleigh St. Mary, (2) the eastern portion of Oakford,
including West Tapps and Woodburn, but not West Spurway,
the stream probably forming the boundary, (3) the whole of
Stoodleigh, and (4) the whole of Templeton. If this trans-
ference is made, we have —

h. V. t
For the Hundred of Witheridge 80 0 01 [or 01 too much].
For the Hundred of Bampton . 24 8 IHor 0} ferling too little].

3. When we remember that the Hundred Courts were
courts of record which, in days when charters were few,
took account of all sales and transfers of property, adminis-
tered criminal as well as civil justice, and allotted among
their members the quotas which they were severally
required to contribute for national purposes, the idea of a
capricious or silent changing of their boundaries is not
for one moment to be thought of. But there were natural
causes which might lead to such changes being made by

456 THS ''DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DETON.

proper authority. We have seen from the Handled Soils
that Teignbridge Hundred, which extended both sides of the
river Teign, was divided into two moieties — the manor
of King's Teignton, east of the river, having one half the
Hundr^ attached to it; the manor of High week, west of
the river, the other half {Trans, xxix. 226, note 3.)
Similarly, as we learn from the Hundred Soils, the Hundred
of Wonford was divided into two sections by the river Exe.
East of the Exe Simon de Montacute was lord of Wonford in
Heavitree, with the eastern portion of the Hundred. West
of the Exe Boys de Nonant was lord of Halsford in Whit-
stone, with the western portion of the Hundred. (Trans,
xxvi 146, note 8.) The same, it may be inferred, was
the case with Bampton Hundred in early times. One part of
the present Hundred of Bampton lay east of the river Exe ;
the other part, afterwards annexed to Witheridge, lay west of
it How often must lives have been lost when suitors had to
cross the swollen river in flood-time to attend the Hundred
Court, when bridges were rare or non-existent, but the tale
has not reached us. We may be sure, however, that such
misadventures were common, and were not confined to
Teignbridge and Wonford Hundreds.

In the case of Bampton, however, there was a special
reason why the Hundred should not continue to be held
in two moieties, but the western section be annexed to
Witheridge. Originally Bampton had been an ancient Crown
lordship, one of the four unbidated royal lordships in Devon.
Depeford was then held by two thanes, but the Conqueror
had granted it to the Queen as part of her dower. (Domesday,
No. 808, p. 777) At that time Geofl^rey de Mowbray, Bishop
of Coutances, was the principal landowner west of the river,
and attended the Hundred Court held by the King for his
estates in the western portion. Then some time before
Domesday and the GeldroU the King gave Bampton to Walter
de Dowai in exchange for Ermyngton and Blackawton.
(Domesday, No. 37, p. 35.) The Bishop of Coutances died
in 1093 A.D., and was succeeded by his nephew, Eobert de
Mowbray, Earl of Northumberland, on whose rebellion and
forfeiture in 1095 A.D. the Crown resumed possession. Is it
unreasonable to suppose that this resumption furnished the
occasion for transferring the western portion to Witheridge
Hundred, of which the King still held the lordship ? The
change at any rate was complete long before the time of
Testa de Nevil, whose enumeration of fees follows strictly
the divisions of the now existing Hundreds.

THE "DOMESDAY" HUNDREDS OF DEVON. 457

The writer is well aware of the truth of the saying that
there is nothing so deceptive as figures, and does not wish to
attach too great a direct importance to them. But it seems
to him that they have an indirect importance as a means of
testing conclusions, and at least they show that his con-
clusions as to the Hundred boundaries are not incompatible
with the Geldroll. Any day an MS. may be forthcoming
which will give a complete list of all the constituents of
Bampton Hundred in the 13th or 14th centuries, but it may
safely be said that no such MS. will be forthcoming for the
11th century. In submitting this paper the writer only does
so as a possible solution of the difficulties. He may have
made mistakes owing to inadequate local knowledge, but he
ventures to hope that wherever he has done so those who
possess local knowledge will be at the psdns to set him right.
A step will then have been taken towards dealing with this
portion of our early county history in a scientific manner.

VOL. XXX. 2 o

THE ICHNEUMONIDiE (PAKASITIC FLIES) OF

THE SOUTH OF DEVON.

BT O. 0. BIOKBLL^ F.B.B.

(Ck>iiimtmicated by J. Brooking Bows.)

(Bwd ftt Honiton, Angasti 1896.)

Ichneumons are a group of the parasitic Hymenoptera,
and have been truly designated a neglected order, from the
few workers and the want of English literature on the
subject. The number of English students during the
present century cannot be a dozen, and to make a start
towards a complete work on the Ichneumonidae would
require a staff of workers and a division of labour;
co-operation must exist, for many species are attached to
hosts (as the insects preyed upon are termed) which are
local in distribution, and require, moreover, an intimate
knowledge of lepidopterous and other larvae in order that
they may be correctly determined.

The Hymenoptera are four-winged flies, and are divided
into three principal groups.

The first includes the Wasps, Bees, and Ants — those that
have a sting — and are known as the Aculeate Hymenoptera ;
the second, the Sawflies, the female having a saw, the
use of which is to make incisions on the plant in which
she wishes to deposit her eggs; these are the Tenthre-
dinidae or Phytophagous Hymenoptera ; the third, ^the
Ichneumonidae or Terebrant Hymenoptera, which are dis-
tinguished by the females having their ovipositors, which
are sometimes very long, generaJly exposed, and having
no stings.

The Terebrant Hymenoptera are divided into seven
sections, in the following order, viz.: Cynipidae, Ichneu-
monidae, Braconidae, Evaniidae, Chalcididae, Oxyura, and

THE ICHNEUMONIDiE OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON. 459

Chrysididse. This latter section consists of the most
gorgeous flies of the insect world, and are parasites on
Wasps and Bees, and the few observed will head the list
of species captured in South Devon.

The Ichneumonidae and Braconidse, although divided, are
known as Ichneumonidse. Those inhabiting the British
Isles may be put down at about 280 genera, comprising
about 2000 species. They all agree in one respect, that is,
they deposit their eggs either in the bodies or upon the skins
of larvae, or into the eggs of other insects, and by certain
species into the perfect insect, all having one aim, i.e.,
keeping within bounds the superabundance of other insects.

The Ichneumons are readily distinguished from all other
flies — if we except the Wasps and Bees — by the distinct
constriction of their abdomen at its juncture with the
thorax, their long, slender bodies, peculiar veined wings, and
exserted ovipositor.

Rhyssa persuasoria. Nat. sue, showing long ovipositor.

Like everything in nature, there is no hard and fast line,
for we have some females whose wings are no longer than
their eyes, and others entirely without; and the same may
be said of the ovipositor — some are an inch and a half in
length, and these shorten, in their respective genera, until
they are hidden when looked at from above.

It may be interesting to say a few words with a view
of assisting in the identification of the Ichneumonidae. The
first clue will be found in the wings, and for that purpose I
have made a drawing of them, and in the spaces given the
name of each cell.

In dividing them into genera, the first thing to observe is
the areolet (second cubital cell) and its form, whether
pentagonal or otherwise; it is, however, obsolete in a very
few genera ; next, the first abdominal segment, and see if it
is sessile ; almost sessile ; subsessile ; subpetiolated, or petio-
lated ; then the form of the abdomen and the length of the
ovipositor.

2 o 2

460 THB ICHNEUMONIDiE OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON.

The Braconidae are distinguished from the true Ichneu-
mons by wanting the exterior discoidal transverse nervure
in the fore wings (the nerve dividing the praediscoidal from
the extemomedial), and by having the first cubital cell

Wings of the genus Iclineumon.

generally, though not always, separated from the prsedis-
coidal, and the pentagonal areolet is missing.

The Sawflies, Tenihredinidar, at a first glance may be
taken for Ichneumon flies. To assist those who may be
induced to make these insects a study, I have given the
wings of a Sawfly to assist them.

By comparison it will be observed that the veins are more
numerous, especially in the hind wings ; and that the small

Wings of a Sawfly (Allantus).

pentagonal areolet is always absent, that the body is almost
a uniform size throughout, and not pinched in at the waist
as the Ichneumons are.

The Ichneumonidse, like all divisions of insects, are divided
into groups that have a superficial resemblance to each other,

THE ICHNEUMONIDiE OF THB SOUTH OF DEVON, 461

and these are divided into genera and again split up into
subgenera for the purpose of bringing those that are near
alike closer together, until the aid of a magnifying-glass is
required to separate them.

There are two ways of obtaining the Ichneumonidee ; the
first and quickest method is to capture them, usine the
ordinary butterfly net for that purpose. They should be
sought for in lanes or outskirts of woods, where in the early
spring they may be seen hunting for their victims. Some
males and a few females may also be seen on umbelliferous
flowers. When captured they should be placed in a glass-
bottomed box for examination, after which, if not required,
they can be set free. The other way of obtaining them is
by breeding. This, however, is a very long and tedious
process, and any person who depends on breeding alone must
not expect to acquire a typical collection, even though he
devoted his whole lifetime to that object. I tried it for
about ten years, but gave it up as hopeless, although during
that time I bred hundreds of specimens. But of these
many were of the same kind, and I had to feed thousands
of larvsB to obtain even that comparatively small result
On the other hand, breeding has great advantages, as by that
method alone can the respective relationships of host, para-
site, and hyperparasite be ascertained, and the duration of
the larval and pupal stages be prescribed. Beyond this, and
perhaps even more important, is the opportunity which
breedmg ofiers for learning whether or not certain Ichneu-
mons are attached to one particular species of host, or say,
to one particular genus only.

In these matters a wealthy naturalist could make some
satisfactory progress by employing a staff of scientific
collectors, living in different parts of the country, and in-
structing them to obtain larvae of all orders that can be
reared in confinement These larvae should be fed up very
carefully, each species being isolated, and all Ichneumons
obtained carefully preserved, with full notices attached as to
host, locality, and date. For many years, as I have just
stated, I carried on this work ; but at that time my occupa-
tion precluded my doing very much, especially continuous
night work; nevertheless, I have not been unsuccessful
amongst the breeders of the Ichneumonidae. The reason
is not far to seek; I reared caterpillars for the purpose of
obtaining their parasites; whilst other breeders in England
were only anxious to get moths and butterflies, and when
the parasite appeared in their stead, I am afraid it was

462 THK ICHNEUMONIDiE OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON.

generally looked opon with disgost, killed, and thrown
away, and no recoid made.

It is extremely difficult to identify Ichnenmons unless
they are properly preserved, as their specific characters are
often obscure and minute. Large specimens may be pinned
through the thorax, half-way between the collar and scutel-
lum, but I prefer them, whether large or small, mounted
on pieces of card, and for this purpose the whitest six-sheet
Bristol board is the best

Killing and Setting.

To kill I use hot water (boiling) for the large specimens
and the stronger of the small species; for very tender
examples I use other methods; specimens that are killed
in water are thrown into it from the box. The box should
be held over the basin, the fly will very soon drop down,
often with its wings expanded ; they are then removed into
spirits of wine or methylated spirit; I then pass a slip of
glass, such as is genersdly used for mounting microscopic
objects, beneath the fly, turn it over on its back, if not
already in that position, and lift it out The object of
keeping it on its l^ick is that you are able to place its head,
antennae, wings, and legs in the position you would like to
see them occupy when mounted. In five minutes you will find
that the spirit has evaporated, and the insect sufficiently rigid
to enable you to turn it over with the point of the needle ; a
strip of card sufficiently wide to receive it is then selected
from your stock of cards, in the centre of which some
prepared gum (gum tragacanth) is placed, the breast of the
fly placed upon it^ the legs, wings, and antennae are then
gummed to the caird. On the back of the card should be
written the date and place of capture, or any particulars
worth recording. In some cards I cut out a ^^V "-shaped
piece when necessary, to see the face; but if you have
two of the same species it is better to mount one on
its back.

Those not killed by the before-mentioned method are the
fragile species, such as the flies that are parasitic on the
Aphis, or the Aphis itself, and similar insects with tender
wings that will not stand rough usage. These I generally
place in a glass tube when captured ; to kill them, I dip the
tube with the cork still in it into boiling water, holding the
tube by the cork; the insects are instantly killed by the
heat

THE ICHNEUMONIDiK OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON. 463

These are mounted on cards like the others, but greater
care is necessary, and less gum used for fear of its getting on
the wings, before they are in proper position. Practice in
this, as in everything else, is necessary to obtain perfection ;
personally I have no more trouble to mount the smallest
insect than the largest, and oftentimes not so much.

Gum tragacanth is used because it leaves no gloss on the
card. It is prepared with water, 10 grains of gum, ^ grain
of arsenic, mixed with 2 ozs. of water ; it should be mixed
three days before required for use, and kept in a large-
mouthed two-ounce ''squat-bottle," with a glass stopper.
When used, a little should be taken out on the point of a
quill pen, and the gum applied with a small sable-hair pencil.
The arsenic is used as a preservative for the gum, and to
prevent other insects attacking the mounted objects.

Another Method of Killing.

Many collectors of Lepidoptera use cyanide of potassium
for killing when collecting. Occasionally some beautiful
hymenopter is observed by your friend, and he often has
to take a lot of trouble to secure the fly; the beautiful
yellow with which the insect is adorned is no doubt the
cause of its attraction. It is secured, placed in the cyanide
bottle, and with great care taken home, again looked at
before sending away to his friend, and, lo ! all is changed,
— the beautiful yeUow has departed for ever, and a dull
red taken its place; spoilt as a cabinet specimen, much
to the disgust of the receiver, as no doubt it was to the
captor after he had discovered his mistake in killing and
keeping it in the bottle. If it had been removed directly
after death the change in colour might not have taken place,
although there is a certain amount of risk. Young shoots
and leaves of the common laurel (gathered when perfectly
dry on a sunny day, to prevent mildew), either cut up, like
tobacco, or bruised with a hammer, and placed in a good
stoppered bottle, are without doubt, from many years' expe-
rience, a most convenient insecticide, but unfortunately it
aflects insects of a delicate green colour and changes them to
creamy white.

Eggs.

The eggs of Ichneumons vary greatly in shape and colour,
but the great majority — I should think about 90 per cent — we
cannot see from their being deposited beneath the skin.

464 THE ICHNEUMONIDiE OF THB SOUTH OF DBVON.

In larvae, however, which have been recently pierced, the
puncture can be seen as a black dot, and reminds one of a
flea-bite (minus the colour). Should they change their skin
after being punctured tlus sign is removed, and not the
slightest indication is traceable. Eggs laid on the surface
before the last moult of larvae may be thrown off with the
cast skins, and no ill effect is then suffered by the larvae, as I
found from experience in May last with several caterpillars
of the "Sprawler" (Petasia msdnea); but if the eggs are
deposited a few days before the caterpillars selected are full
fed, they are carried with the larvae into the final resting-
place, when the work of destruction commences, if it has not
already begun, and on the other hand the parasites may hatch
a day or two before the caterpillars are ready for their last
change. Notwithstanding the aggressive character of the
work allotted in nature to these parasites, it is worthy of
remark that in their early stages of existence they are
exceedingly delicate and cannot stand the slightest injury —
an abrasion of the surface of the skin sufficient to allow the
least portion of the fluid of their body to escape would prove
fatal — yet these very larvae, " having passed unhurt through
this scarcely other than foetal condition, acquire a perfection
of organization, a degree of activity and power, and an acute-
ness of instinct fully equal or perhaps superior to the organic
and the functional endowments of other tribes of insects."
One egg only of the larger species is usually deposited in
each caterpillar.

If, however, two should be laid either by the same parent
or by a separate female of the same or of an allied species,
both eggs may be hatched, but the weaker would fall a victim
to the stronger — that is, supposing the food to be only
sufficient for one; but with the smaller parasites of the
Braconidae group I have known as many as 177 to emerge
from one larva, whereas the same larva would only sustain
one of the larger species of Ichneumonidae.

The smallest of the lepidopterous parasites are those
which infest the eggs of different species of butterflies and
moths. I once bred hundreds from a batch of about 300
eggs of the Grass Eggar ; the size of each egg was only that
of a pin's head or small shot Each egg contained on the
average seven flies. I found these quite small enough to
prepare for the cabinet, but these are giants compared
to some examples bred by a lady in America ; she obtained
more than thirty flies from the single egg of a moth, no
larger than the one I have described.

THE ICHNEUMONIDiE OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON. 465

Development of Zarvce.

The larvse of the Ichneumonidse, without exception, are
legless and entomophagous, and when they leave the egg are
quite incapable of locomotion.

Those deposited within the body of the larvae lie perfectly
motionless, imbedded in the fatty tissue between them and
the alimentary canal always on the dorsal surface, and
usually with their heads in the direction of the head of the
caterpillar, and are nourished entirely by suction.

The general form of body and the construction of the
digestive organs at the earlier periods of growth, are almost,
if not precisely, the same in most of these parasites. The
special development of each is regulated by the same laws ;
they cast their skins at succeediog stages of growth as
certainly as do the larvte of Lepidoptera.

The digestive organs at first consist of a simple sac, pear-
shaped, and closed at its larger extremity, with an imper-
forated intestine proceeding from it, without any anal
outlet, as the whole of the food is appropriated to the
enlargement of the body. When the larvae arrive at
maturity the digestive apparatus begins to assume a new
form; it is narrowed and elongated, and, beiug connected
with a column of granulated cells, which, derived originally
from the yolk, are continuous with those that constitute the
walls of the digestive cavity at one end, and at the other
with the tegument, the csecal extremity of the sac becomes
perforated, and the cells separating in the axis of the
column form a tube to allow the passage of the refuse of
digestion, the tegument having previously separated also
at a given point, by which an anal outlet to the canal is
completed. This change of structure does not take place
until the individual larva is replete with nourishment and
ceases to feed, preparatory to more extensive alterations of
form. When the period has arrived, it is first necessary that
the unassimilated portions of food, together with the worn-
out materials of the body, should be removed, and this
necessitates the change from a closed receptacle to a canaL

Protection of Zarvce.

The protection of the larva during its change to the
pupa stage, and from that to the perfect fly, is very
variabla Many make cocoons after the manner of ordinary
silkworms; but in the genus Ichneumon and many others

466 THB ICHNEUMONIDiK OF THE SOUTH OF DEVOX.

they do not make cocoons in any fonn, bat remain in the
pupa-case of its host for its final transformation to the
perfect insect The liy, afUr it is mature, remains within
the pupa- case a day or two, and then with its mandibles
bites an opening for its exit, and is able to at once take
flight, and is ready to do what its parents did the previous
year, may -be, to seek a partner, and again commence the
work of destruction ; or it may hibernate, and not attempt
to reproduce its kind until the spring, living hidden away
very frequently in moss on trees, or some other suitable
hiding-place. A great many, however, of the parasitic
Hymenoptera construct cocoons for themselves, sometimes in
the pupa-case of the host. Others will not leave the body
of their victim until they emerge as perfect flies; others
escape indiscriminately from the larva, may-be while it
is resting on a twig or leaf, and pass out on the under side
of the host, spin a cocoon, and leave the empty skin of the
larva resting on the upper surface ; others will leave their
victim by its side, attach a silk cord to the twig, drop
themselves down three or more inches, and then commence
to make a pointed oval cocoon, much like a grain of barley;
other forms are oval or egg-shaped; another cylindrical,
three times longer than broad ; while others may be almost
round, sphere-like. Another curious-looking cocoon is made
by Limneria vtdgaris ; the curiosity is that the skin of the
caterpillar (Brimstone butterfly larva) is made to do duty
as a second covering over the black and white cocoon of the
parasite, leaving the head and last segment of the caterpillar
still in its place, thereby causing it to look like a fat
sausage, in miniature, tied at both ends.

When half a dozen sociable larvse infest one caterpillar
they always make separate cocoons, but being in a small
space are interwoven, and then have the appearance of half
a dozen sausages wrapped together in wool.

One of the most wonderful forms of protection is that
manifested by the cocoon of Limneria KriechJbaumeri} It
is a very curious round cocoon, made by the larva on its
leaving its host ; directly after leaving, the maggot-like form
suspends itself by a silken thread, previously attached to
the tree on which its host was feeding, and commences to
make its future abode, in which it has to pass the winter.
The form is that of a sphere, the size that of a large hemp-
seed, and it is of about the same colour, with a cream-coloured

^ This cocoon I exhibited at a meeting of Professors of Zoology, at the
Marine Biological Laboratory, Plymouth, as a jumping seed.

THE ICHNEUMONIDiE OF THE SOUTH OP DEVON. 467

middle zone. It is after the cocoon is made that the wonder
and agility of the larva within the cocoon must be looked
upon by all who have seen it with the greatest astonishment
Shortly after the aerial cocoon is finished it is blown down
by the wind; but supposing there is no wind, or not
sufficiently strong to blow it down, it begins to bound about
with a view of breaking the suspending cord. When that is
accomplished, and it feels itself on the ground, the cocoon
begins to jump about, making leaps 300 times its own length,
until it has jumped or bounded into a place whence it can-
not extricate itself. It then commences to roll, first one side
and then another, until it finds itself fixed, unable to move
any way. It is then satisfied, and no further attempt is
made; but remove it from the spot after some days, and it
will again go through the same performance^ and repeat it as
often as it is removed.

The manner of jumping at least 300 times its own length,
when confined within the walls of its cocoon, is one of the
great curiosities in nature ; yet it is done by the larva within
the cocoon bringing its head and tail together and suddenly
straightening itself out, as would a piece of steel if the two
ends were brought together and suddenly released.

The maggot of the dipterous fiy often found in old cheese
does the same, and is generally known by the name of
cheese-hopper, from its hopping propensity ; but this larva
is exposed, and does not move after changing into a pupa.
The larva of the Oak Eggar moth {Bombyx quercus) when
about half grown may be often seen resting on a twig of
some sort, apparently waiting for the time when its old
clothes will be rent asunder and it will appear in its new
dress ; but sometimes we find a stop to the progress has been
made by the ichneumon fly within attacking the vital parts
and causing its death; but there it remains, and in the
course of a week or two the lodger within will cut an open-
ing out of its back, and escape, ready to repeat the same
tactics on another unfortunate larva.

The eggs that are deposited extemaUy, on nearly or quite
full-fed caterpillars, as a rule do not hatch until the victim
has prepared a place in which it had intended to complete
its metamorphosis ; if, on the other hand, they should have
hatched, the development is very slow, to enable the cater-
pillar to proceed as if it were not attacked. The Puss moth
caterpillar (Dicranura vinvla) is often attacked by these
external parasites ; the larva when full-fed makes its cocoon
generally on the bark of the tree, excavating a portion. The

468 THE ICHNEUMONIDiE OP THE SOUTH OF DEVON.

bark that is removed in the excavation is utilized by mixing
it in with the silk first produced to form an outer covering ;
subsequently the spun silk is rubbed over by the larva with
formic acid, the fluid secreted in the prothoracic gland,
which changes the fibrous character of the silk to the tough,
hardened, gelatinous material of the ordinary cocoon of this
species.^ I once saw one of these cocoons in a very strange
situation ; it was on the cliff, close to the trees opposite the
entrance to the ladies* bathing-place at Plymouth : perhaps
this would not be worth mentioning if it were not for the
fact that the larva had removed in its excavation a small
fern, wall rue (Asplenium rata muraria), and fixed it on to
the cover of its domicile.

Many of the ichneumon cocoons, particularly of the genus
Zissonota, are thin, smooth, and with a bright polished sur-
face. Those of the genus Ophion are much stouter, and
contain several distinct layers in their manufacture, the
outer one composed mostly of flossy silk; the remainder,
however, reminds one of a succession of layers of gold-
beater's-skin ; each appears to be put on in a fluid state, or
the silk woven, afterwards covered or smeared over with
formic acid, the acid dissolving the silk and giving it the
appearance of gold-beater*s-skin. It is insoluble in hot or
cold water, alcohol, ether, or chloroform. It is soluble in
strong acids, being most readily dissolved by hot nitric acid ;
also in strong alkaline solution, preferably caustic potash ;
contains moisture, nitrogen, a trace of sulphur, and on
destructive distillation leaves about half its weight of
carbon ; would therefore contain C.H.O.N. and S. in certain
proportions.

Stems of plants also afford protection for the cocoons of
Lepidoptera ; consequently they also afford security for the
parasites infesting the larvae that have fed on the foliage or
flowers of the plants in the stems of which the larvae seek
shelter.

Even caterpillars that are hidden deep in the solid wood
of growing trees are not free from the attacks of the ichneu-
mon fly, any more than those that are exposed on the surface
of the leaf; they are certainly more difficult to get at But
once the caterpillar is found by the inquisitive fly Bhyssa
persiuisoria, or its allies, so sure is the attempt made to
deposit the egg in the hidden larva; and not always does it
prove a failure, for I observed in one of my rambles one of

' Thia material is only soluble in an alkaline potassium hydroxide.

THB IGHNSUMONIDiG OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON. 46^

these ladies with her long ovipositor probing the holes made
by a caterpillar she was in search of. If this did not
prove satisfactory, I have no doubt she used her other
method, which has been observed on several occasions. I
mean that of forcing her delicate ovipositor, no larger than
a fine needle, directly through the wood into the caterpillar
within. It is almost beyond belief that a fly with an
ovipositor nearly two inches in length can thrust it into the
solid wood of a growing tree the whole length. If you only
try to do the same with a needle, I would not like to say
you could not do it, but it would require very much eSbrt
and a powerful grip of the needle to accomplish the task,
and almost, if not quite as much strength, to withdraw it
Yet this is frequently done by this insect during the season.

If I had not seen the ovipositor through the wood I should,
I dare say, like some of you present, have doubted the above
assertion. The one I saw was cut out by a carpenter. Two
men were together, one an entomologist ; the latter saw the
fly depositing her egg, and they at once determined to secure
her in that position. The first thing necessary was to take
her life, which they did by suffocation with tobacco smoke ;
then came the task of removing the piece of wood, which was
successfully accomplished. The piece of wood removed was
about half an inch in thickness, the ovipositor protruding
beyond that about the same distance ; the other portion was
partly withdrawn by the exertion of the fly to escape.

Many caterpillars conceal themselves in rolled leaves, the
ichneumon fly that pays particular attention to these finding
no difficulty in complying with the natural law of destruction
by depositing her eggs in them.

The genus FerUhaus have also a long ovipositor, and are
assigned by nature to attack those little bees and wasps that
make the decayed stems of the bramble and sometimes the
rose their nidus, in which they pass the winter in the larva
or maggot stage ; while those wasps and bees that make their
home in old walls or earth banks have the attention of a very
curiously-formed parasitic fly, by name Fcentis jaculator, whose
abdomen seems to proceed from the middle of its back, that
and its long ovipositor giving it a grotesque appearance ; it
has also long hind legs, with the apex of the tibia flattened
or spatulated. This species belongs to the EvaniidoR group.
Spiders, as you are already aware, make nests in which they
deposit their eggs ; these are carefully guarded by the female
spider, and you would naturally suppose that very few flies
would attempt to storm the castle of the greatest enemy to

470 THS IGHNEUMONIDiE OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON.

the fly world while the ever-vigilant sentinel is on watch
protecting her precious charge ; yet this is done by more than
one species of ichneumon, who boldly hunt for spiders' nests,
and when one is discovered carefully inspect it to ascertain if
it is in a fit condition to receive their eggs. If everything is
satisfactory they at once deposit them in it The ichneumon
larva, however, does not consume the eggs of the spider, but
waits until the young spiderlings emerge from their shells;
then the work of destruction commences. This opinion has
been formed from many observations made when collecting
in the country.

Many spiders obtain their food by hunting ; these always
carry their cocoon, when filled with eggs, with them.' These
are also attacked by ichneumon flies, and when so attacked
the spider does not give up carrying her bag until the
ichneumon flies have escaped, and this is often a week or two
after the time her own family should have been ready to
leave their home.

Other species, those of the genus Polysphincta, do not
attack the egg-bags, but have the audacity to make the body
of a large spider a feeding-ground for their offspring, and I
believe do not object to any species that is large enough to
sustain the larva. I may be in error, from the fact that it is
a rare occurrence for a naturalist to have the opportunity of
obtaining such examples. I have been able to identify only
two species thus attacked, but was fortunate to breed the
parasitic flies.

I believe I am the only person who has ever seen the fly
attack a spider in its native haunts. It may be interesting
to know how the ichneumon obtains its end. Having
selected a spider in which it has some confidence, she
approaches it carefully, but the spider, objecting to the
confidence trick, drops from its hiding-place on the bough of
the tree by the usual silken cord. The ichneumon fly does
not appear to be the least troubled on that account ; taking
advantage of the spider's rope she very leisurely walks down
to the spider, and apparently coaxingly touches it with her
antennae. But the spider objects to the patronage and makes
a further drop ; in a few seconds the fly follows the object of
her adoration and again touches the spider, and she, knowing

' Ocyale mirabilis, under her hoad ; and when the ova are ready to hatch

the large round nest is fastened on the tops of the long stems of grass and

herbage drawn together. Lycosa pullcUa, and others of the genus, under the

abdomen, and do not part with it ; and when the young spiderlings are

8 trong enough to hold fast they are carried by the parent on the back.

THK ICHNSUMOKIDiS OF THS SOUTH OF DEVON. 471

her foe, resigns herself to her fate^ and does not move. The fly
turns round, walks backward until within striking distance,and
then thrusts her ovipositor into the thorax and deposits her
egg. The ichneumon egg is hatched in about forty-six hours,
the larva taking about ten days in consuming by suction
the unfortunate spider. When feeding, it lies sack-like across
the spider's back until it is almost consumed ; when the larva
finds the foundation on which it has been resting getting
inconveniently small, it attaches itself to the web the spider
made, by the tubercles with which it is provided on its back,
for the purpose of feeding on the last remains of its victim
and making its cocoon. When the attachment is accom-
plished the legs and empty skin drop to the ground.

The larva, suspended by the back, has now to make itself a
cocoon in which to pass the pupa stage. The larva takes
about three days to do this work. It is during this time
that the eight tubercles on the back of the larva have to

External Parasite on Spider, described above.

play such prominent parts, having to perform the work
of the claspers of an onlinary caterpillar. When a tentacle,
attached to the silken cord, has to be removed, it is done
by withdrawing the booklets into the tentacle, when it
at once becomes disengaged and ready to make another
attachment The anal segment has important duties to
perform, while the cocoon is making, by carrying the silken
thread from the head into the comers, where the blunt head
of the caterpillar could not carry it, or adjust it to its
satisfaction. I first observed the anal segment used while
the caterpillar was feeding, by bringing it to its mouth
for the purpose of removing some muscular fibre that had
got entangled about its mandible. When full-fed, the larva
is about three-eighths of an inch in length. The fly is
mature and escapes from the cecoon in about twenty days.

^ Many animals knowing their foe, after being chased a short distance,
suddenly stop and resign themselves ; the rabbit has been often heard crying,
and seen to await the arrival of the stoat or weasel after a very short run.

472 THE ICHNSUMONIDifi OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON.

Hyperparasites,

If it is absolutely necessary that we should have parasites
to keep down the superabundance of insects, then it is also
necessary to keep these parasites in check, to counter-
balance the destruction constantly going on in the insect
world, and these we have under the designation of Hyper-
parasites; and they are not confined to one genus alone,
although the whole of the genus Meaocliorus are hjrper-
parasites.

To carry on this work, the hyperparasitic flies have to
discover larvse adapted to their several requirements; that is,
a lepidopterous or other larva must contain parasitic larvse
living within its body before the hyperparasite is able to
keep up the continuity of its race ; and, as I have previously
mentioned, the parasitic larva lives and feeds in what one
may say is the centre of its victim, with not the slightest
outward visible sign of its existence. We might, therefore,
naturally presume that it would be free from any disturb-
ance from without, but such is not the case ; the possession
of some specialized sense on the part of the hyperparasites
enables them to discover the parasitic larva concealed within
the body of the caterpillar, and their ^g is quickly deposited.
But it does not follow even now that the parasite must
be reached by the egg just laid; and, if not^ the hyper-
parasite will not be developed.

In confirmation of this latter assertion, I may mention
that on May 30th, 1880, I observed a hyperparasite flitting
about from leaf to leaf, keeping its antennae in constant
motion (evidently hunting about for a suitable place in
which to perpetuate her race). After waiting and watching
some time, she came up to the object of her search, which
was a larva of the Magpie moth (Abraxas grossulariata).
After passing round it several times (to make sure every-
thing was correct), she suddenly sprang on the unfortunate
larva, and thrust her ovipositor into the second segment,
just below the dorsal line. The larva, during the operation,
strongly objected to the procedure, and painfully twisted
itself from side to side to get rid of the foe. The hyper-
parasite (Mesochonis olerum) then alighted on the leaf of a
currant bush close by, and very carefully wiped her ovi-
positor. I then considered it time to box my lady before
she could seek new pastures ; this I was fortunate enough
to accomplish. I also secured the caterpillar, fed it, and in
due time was rewarded with an ichneumon fly, which

THB ICHNBUMONIDiE OF THB SOUTH OF DEVON. 473

proved to be one of the common parasites, Carinaria vidtia,
which infests Abraxas grossiUariata. This I did not expect^
as I fully thought that I should have bred the hyper-
parasite M, olerum, the progeny of the fly which I had seen
perform the act of ovipositing, as just described.

By these remarks you will perceive that the hyper-
parasite was correct in its knowledge that the Magpie moth
caterpillar contained, hidden within, an ichneumon larva
of which it was in search, but the egg failed to reach the
larva it was intended for. I have several times bred the
hyperparasite M, olerum that destroys C. vidua.

Casinarta vidtta, when full-fed, leaves its host, and
immediately commences to make a cocoon for its protection
during its metamorphosis. The cocoon in appearance is that
of coarse brown paper, with two blackish zones dividing the
brown colour into three portions, and is of an oval shape.
I do not know another cocoon which could be mistaken for
it, when you have the cocoon and know the maker, you
would naturally expect the maker to be developed from
it; but if you get a Meaochorus from it you may rest
assured that it must be its hyperparasite.

I have previously mentioned that I obtained 177 parasites
from one caterpillar. This caterpillar should have produced
the Cream-spot Tiger moth. Instead of that 177 parasitic
larvse came out of it, and spun their beautiful little cocoons
of yellow silk, like miniature silkworm cocoona These
well-known cocoons are made by the genus Apanteles,
consequently I had expected to breed these flies; but the
result was difierent, for they were infested with two hyper-
parasitic species belonging to two diflerent genera, namely,
sixty-four male and one female JlemiteUs fulvipes, and six
males and two females of Pezomachus tristis; the latter
were all wingless. Of the original parasite I obtained forty-
eight ; many, however, died in their cocoons. The contents
of each I did not trouble to ascertain to see what species
they contained, whether maker or destroyer.

Duration of Life.

The duration of life of the fly depends on the species;
those which emerge in the late autumn may live through the
winter, for we often, when hunting in the winter, find them
hidden among the moss; but a great number that confine
their attacks to one species do not leave their habitation
until the caterpillar is ready to receive the egg of the para*

VOL. XXX. 2 H

474 THS IGHKlUMONIDifi OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON.

site, passiiig at least ten monihs in the lanra stage ; otheis
pass two and some three cydes of existence during the year,
and do not confine their attacks to one or two species.

There formerly existed among Entomologists an idea that
each species of parasite had its own particular host» each
to each, and no more. This, however, is fallacious, for we
find, by breeding, that a great number infest different species
of Lepidoptera. I have bred thirteen species (parasites and
hyperparasites) firom Abraxas grosstdariaia. This is not an
exceptional case. Others could be named with as many, if
not more, parasitea

War is the condition of this universe, from man to the
smallest insect, and the Ichneumonidse are the fighting army
which is arrayed against the other portion of the insect
world. Withdraw them, and what would be the result?
Take, for instance, the Gipsy moth in America (Medford,
Massachusetts). The insect was imported by a French
naturalist who was experimenting on silkworms at Medford,
and in 1869 a few specimens accidentally escaped. The
dangerous character of the pest was immediately made
known, but it was not until a lapse of twenty years that its
voracity and reproductive powers became noticeable, and in
a few years had covered 220 square miles. Since that time
vigorous measures have been adopted, and they are now con-
fined to about seventy-five miles of forest land. The
caterpillars during the time of feeding entirely consume
the whole of the foliage. Hundreds of men are regularly
employed, organized into groups for their destruction in all
their stages — egg, larva, and moth — and have been since
1890, and have inspected and re-inspected over forty-two
million trees, and have killed nearly two and a half billion
of these caterpillars. It will be several years, at an aver-
age expense of over £20,000 a year, before the Gipsy moths
are finally exterminated, if ever they are.

Since writing the above I see application is to be made to
the State for 1,575,000 dollai's, spread over fifteen years ; an
average of £21,000 per annum will be required. But what
a contrast ! In this country, although many hundreds have
been reared from egg and set free, very few are ever found in
a wild state in England at the present day.

Similar remarks may be repeated with respect to the small
white butterfly — the same species which we see in our
gardens. A lover of nature who had settled in Canada
wrote home to his friends, and mentioned that there was
only one thing he missed in his new home which would

THE ICHNEUMONIDiE OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON. 475

condnce more to his happiDess than anything else, and that
was the little white butterfly, and begged his friends at home
to send out some, which they did, and in a few years they
spread over many hundred miles, the caterpillars devastating
the entire crops of turnips and cabbages. Since their
introduction they have spread over many thousand square
miles in a westerly direction. Some chalcids (parasitic flies)
adapted themselves to their new food, commencing first at
the original starting-point and kept following the cabbage
butterfly. The latter had the lead of about fifty miles. In
Indiana, in 1890, they were so abundant that they were
seen depositing their eggs on cut cabbages exposed for sale
in some of the towns. Aid, however, was obtained from
England in the form of parasites (Apanteles glomeratus).
I had the honour of sending out some hundreds. I believe
during the last season the parasites had done their work so
successfully that the butterfly at that time was not doing
any more material damage than it does in this country.
To show you how the work of destruction is carried on by
this parasite {Apanteles glomeratvs), a reverend gentleman at
Exeter several years since requested me to send him larvae
of the cabbage butterfly, as he wished to make notes of its
transformation. Consequently I sent him about two dozen,
selecting the smallest, only a few days old. At the end of
three weeks he wrote and said they were all infested by
ichneumons. At this I was surprised, for I had selected
the youngest to prevent it, as I thought. Not being con-
vinced he was correct, I visited the same garden and
obtained twenty-six, about two or three days old, the
youngest I could find, brought them home, and fed them to
maturity. When they were full-fed, out came the maggots
from each side, made their cocoons, and in ten days the
ichneumon fly appeared. Twenty-four out of the twenty-sir
were infested with the parasite Apanteles glomeratus, and
the average number from each larva was forty.

We find all through nature that the majority of imported
things, whether iusects, animals, or vegetable — unless de-
stroyers are introduced with them — are almost sure to become
a pest in time, if the climate and soil are favourable to their
growth. And so it has frequently happened that when man
has disturbed the order of nature, whether accidentally, by
transporting from one clime to another noxious species in
merchandise, or intentionally, to please a passing fancy, as in
the cases just cited, the consequences have been deplorable ;
and this has been obtained not only in the animal kingdom,

2 H 2

476 THE ICmntUMONIDiB OF THB SOUTH OF DEVON.

but in the vegetable kingdom as well, when climate or soil
or Other necessary elements have been favourable.

In some cases, as already mentioned, pernicious effects
have been stupendous, resulting in the loss of millions of
pounds to the commercial world, and harmful conditions
have been produced which the utmost resources of science
have been unable to keep within bounds, and which now
probably never will be completely checked.

ABBREVIATIONS OF AUTHORS' NAMES.

Bignell

BigneU, G. C.

Boie

Boie,F.

Bridg.

Bridgman, J. B.

Christ .

Christ, J. L.

Curt

Curtis, L

Desv.

Desvignes, T.

Fab.

Fabricius, J. C.

Forst.

Forster, A,

Forst.

Forster, J. R.

Fourc.

Fourcroy, A. F.

Gmel.

Gmelin, J. F.

Gr.

Gravenhorst, J. L. C

HaL

=■

Haliday, A. H.

Holmgr.

Holmgren, A. K

Kriech.

Kriechbaumer, J.

liin.

Linn6, C. von

Lat.

Latreille, P. A.

Miill.

MuUer, 0. F.

Panz.

Panzer, G. W. F.

Parfitt

Parfitt, Edward.

Ratz.

Ratzeburg, J. T. C.

Rossi

Rossi, P.

Schiodte

Schiodte, J. G.

Schr.

Schrank, F. von P.

Shuck.

Shuckard, W. E.

Ste.

Stephens, J. F.

Tasch.

Taschenberg, E. L.

Thom.

Thomson, C. G.

Tschek

Tschek, C.

Vill.

ViUers, C. J. de

Wesm.

Wesmael, C.

Zett

Zetterstedt^ J. W.

THB ICHNEUMONIDiE OF THB SOUTH OF DEVON. 477

Boseum, Koed

CATALOGUE OF THE PARASITIC HYMENOPTERA

BRED OB CAPTURED PRINCIPALLY IN SOUTH DEVON.

Family, CnRYSiDiDiE, Linne.
Genus, Hedtchridium, Latreille.

ArdenSf Coqnebert = Miniutum, Lepelletier.

Captured at Bovisand, 18 July.
. Captured at Rickham, Portlemouiby

11 July.

Genus, Chrtsis, LinnS,

. Common parasite on larvsB of bees and

wasps.
Bred in July and August from pupae of

Odynerus spinipefi.
I captured this pariasite at Exminster,

1 2 July, 1 882, running over a cob wall,
the habitation of CoUetes Daviesanna
and other bees and wasps; also taken
at Loddiswell, 2 July, 1896.

. Bred 30 June and 4 July from Odynerus
spinipes.

POPIVORIA.

ICHNEUMONIDiB.

OXYPYGL

Genus, Chasmodes, Wesmad,

Taken at Bickleigh, 8 September.
Taken at Ivybridge, 4 June.

Ignita^ lin. .
VirtdidOy Lin.
Cyanea, Lin.

NeglectOf Shuck.

MotatoriuSf Fab. .
LugenSy Gr. .

Genus, Ichneumon, LinnS,
TempestivuSy Holmgr. . Captured at Bickleigh, 28 July.

BUineatuSy Gmel. •

SugillatoriuSy Lin.

CyaniventriSy Wesm.

LeueoceruSy Gr.
LineatoTy Fab.

ImpressoVi Zett. .
Comitatory Lin.

Castaneiventris, Gr.

Bred 14 June from pupsB of BryophQa

glandifera and Abraxas grosstdartata.
Paxfitt's Catalogue : '' I have seen but

one specimen only."
Bred 17 June from pupa of Odantqpera

bidentaia.
Captured at Bickleigh, 2 September.
Bred 27 May from a pupa of an unknown

larva, and captured in August by Mr.

Parfitt at Prawle Point.
Bred 1 1 June from Oortyna oehracea^
Parfitt's Catalogue: " Taken off heads of

umbelliferous flowers."
Parfltt's Catalogue: "Bred from pupsB

dug up at the roots of trees."

478 THE ICHKKUMONIDiE OF TH£ SOUTH OF DEVON.

Fuscipe$, GmeL
PuUorius^ Gr.
Oidpaiar, Schr.

TrUineaiuBf GmeL

Multiannulaius, Gr.
MolUorius, Liii. .
PunctuB, Gr.
CompuiatoriuB^ MiiU

Languidus, Weem.

VaginatariiUf Lin.
Xantlwrxu$t Font.

Con/u8oriu$, Gr. .
GracUenttiSf Wesm.
Melanotis^ Holmgr.
BrngruUus, Gr.
LttctatoriiUf Lin. .
MintUoritts, Desv..
LatrcUor, Fab.
FulchellcUus, Bridg.
MvltipietuSf Gr. .

PrimatoriuSy Forst
GraeilicomiSt Gr.
CcdoseduSf Weem.
Qucesitarius, Lin. .
Ceasator, Miill.
StibmarginatuSf Gr.
SaiurcUorius, Lin.
NigritartuSf Gr. .
Fabricator^ Fab. .
Curvinervis, Holmgr.
Maadifrona^ Ste. .

Coruscatar, Lin. .
Fanpc«, Gr.
Jttgatus, Gr.
Pallidcioriui^ ^ Gr.

LarUuSi Gr. .
Albilarvattu, Gr. .
VacillatoriuSf Gr. .

Captured at Slade, Comwood, 20 Angnat
Captaied at Bickleigb, 20 August
PMfitt's Catalogue: "Scarce species

with us."
Bred 7 August from ^2»raa»u grossulariaia

and Bryophila glandifera^ 30 June.
Bred 11 May ^m Noctua bruimea.
Captured at Bickleigh, 2 September.
Captured at Horiabridge, 30 June.
Parfitfs Catal<^e : " Common, and

generally distributed."
ParfiU's Catalogue : " Umbelliferous

flowers in July."
Captured at Plym Bridge, 5 August
Captured at Shaugh Bridge, 26 May; bred

12 July from DiatUJicecta irregularis.
Captured at Bickleigb, 3 August
Bred 18 June from Noctua f estiva.
Captured at Bickleigb, 14 September.
Bred 3 July from Vanessa urticcs.
Captured at Bickleigb, 6 March.
Captured at Bickleigb, 5 August
Captured at Bickleigb, 2 September.
Bred from Eupithecia pulcheUaia
Captured at Cann Wood and Bickleigb,

6 March.
Bred 22 June from Trip Jusna fimbria.
Captured at Honabridge, 30 June.
Captured at Bickleigb, 30 August
Bred 3 September from Nonagria cannce.
Captured at Bickleigb, 8 June.
Captured at Bickleigb, 28 June.
Bred 3 September from Nonagria cannce.
Bred from Abraxas grossulariata.
Captured at Bickleigb ; common parasite.
Captured at Plym Bridge, 26 May.
Parfitt's Catalogue : '' Taken near Exeter

in April."
Captured at Bickleigb, 3 August.
Captured at Plym Bridge, 24 September.
Bred from Tephrosia extersaria,
rufifrons $ Gr.

Captured at Plym Bridge, 27 May;

Bickleigb, 7 July.
. Captured at Plym Bridge, 20 May.
. Captured at Ivybridge, 20 May.
. Bred 12 August from Depressia

heracliana.

THE ICHNEUMONIDiE OF THB SOUTH OF DEVON. 479

FugitivuSy Gr. = Ruihua,

Dumeticola, Gr. .
LeucomektSy Gmel.
OactUator^ Wesm.

VestigatoTf Wesm.
ChionomuSy Wesm.
Derogator, Wesm.
BUumdatuSy Gr. .
HuficepSf Gr.
OchropuSt Gmel. .
BidibundtM, Gr. .

Albicindus, Gr.

ErythrceuSf Gr.
Bipundorius, Ste. .
CingulipeSy Ste.

Gasterator, Ste, .
Rufatory Ste.

Holmgr.
Captured at Mount Edgcombe, 31

August; Cann Wood, 12 Septemben
Captured at Plymouth Hoe, 28 Sept
Bred 22 Juue from Noctua brunnea.
Captured at Bickleigh, 4 August; Ivy-
bridge, 21 August
Captuied at Bickleigh, 6 September.
Captured at Bickleigh, 14 September.
Captured at Bickleigh, 8 September.
Captured at Bickleigh, 20 August.
Bred 19 December from Sdenia lunaria,
Captured at Bickleigh, 29 August
Captured at Langstone, Horrabridge,

23 August
Bred 15 May from Hypsipdes ruherata;

and 9 September from Eupithecia

redangidcUa.
Captured at Plym Bridge, 27 May.
Captured at £xeter, 24 August
Parfitt's Catalogue: "Captured on

flowers of umbelliferee."
Captured at Ivybridge, 6 May.
Parfitt's Catalogue: "Captured near

Hatherleigh.'*

ExulanSf Gr.
OccupcUoTf Gr.

Gknus, ExoPHANBS, Weenuiel.

. Captured at Bickleigh, 6 May.
. Captured at Bickleigh, 2 June.

Genus,

PallicUorim, Gr. .
Homoeerus, Wesm.
Armatorius, Forst

Infradorius, Panz.

Oraiorius, Fab.
MargineguitatuSy Gr.
NotatoriuSy Fab. .
SubserieanSf Gr. .
CrispatoriuSy Lin. .

OlaucatoriuSy Fab.
VadatorivSy Rossi

Cfravenkorstii, Gr. .

Amblttelbs, Wesmael.

Captured at Stoke, Devonport, 1 July.

Bred 3 July from Argyniua paphia.

Bred 21 July from Trtphcena orbona
and from Agrotia Ashworthii.

Parfitt's Catalogue : " Found on flowers
by woodsides in July."

Captured at Plym Bridge, 24 September.

Bred 31 May from Noctua brunnea.

Bred 30 June from Trtphcena fimbria.

Captured at Ivybridge, 1 1 August.

Captured at Bickleigh, 11 June and
1 August

Captured at Horrabridge, 27 August

Piatt's Catalogue : " Captured on
flowers of the umbelliferse."

Parfitt's Catalogue: "Widely distri-
buted, but not common."

460 THE ICHKEUMONID^ OF THE SOUTH OF DEVOK.

NegatcriuM^ Fmbi .
CcuianopyguM^ Ste.
CoMligaior^ Fmbi
FouoriuB^ 6c.

Fwierew^ Fomc
PtuKBeTij Gr. •

FuBoriuM^ Lm.
AIticola,Qt.

LuiorwSf Fab.

AlhogvUatus^ Gr. .
ExaHatorius^ Panz.

Ciiptiued aft BicUe^ 30 Julj.
Bred from Xanikia ceraga.
Captured aft Fljm Bridge, 30 June.
PaifiU'a Caftalogoe: "Noft oommon;

ftaken in Julj."
Capftored aft Bickkigli, 1 Jolj.
Bred 1 6 Julj from Agroiis exclamaiionis.
Captured aft Cann Wood, 7 Jane, and

bred from Cfujeroaanpa dpenor.
Bred 18 Jnne from Chcaroeampaporcdhu,
Bred 15 Angoaft from Tcenioeampa

dabilU, and captured aft Bickleigh, 2

and 16 September.

Genua, Tboocs, Pcmzer,

Paifitfs Catalogue. This ib an error,
and abonld bave been Exaltatorius ;
tbe error crept in from an OTersighft
in Marahall's Catalogue, wbo omiUed
the latter from bis list I belieTO ift
baa not been taken in Devon, bat
baa been bred aeTeral times from
Smerinthus ocellcUu$, An we baTe
this moth, I do not see anj reason
wh J it should not occur.

Bred 1 3 June from ( Orgyia) = Dasychira
pudibunda.

Bred 4 July from Sphinx ligwtrL This
is the largest fly of the genus.

Genus, Listbodbomus, Wesmad,
Quinquegutiatus, Gr. Bred 14 July from Lycama argioluB,

Grenusi Htpomicub, Wegmad.
Alhitarsis, Wesm. . Captured at Bickleigh, 3 July.

Grenus, Eubtlabus, Wesnutd.
DiruSj Wesm. Captured at Bickleigh, 4 June.

Genusi Plattlabub, Wesmad.

Bufus, Wesm.
Nigrocyaneus, Gr.

ThederUiy Holmgr.
DeeipieuB, Gr.

Pedatorivs^ Fab. ,

Captured at Cann Quarry, 6 September.
Bred 4 June from a Noctua pupa, hoes

not known.
Captured at Bickleigh, 2 September.
Captured at Plym Bridge, 27 May;

Bickleigh, 28 July.
Captured at Bickleigh and Hartley, 26

September, and bred 16 September

from Eupithecia subnoiata.

THE ICHNEUMONID^ OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON. 481

OrbitaliSf Gr.

Tricingulaiu8y Gr. .
DimidicUus^ Gr. .
Errahundus, Gr. .

Parfitt's Catalogue : " Bred from a larva

feeding on leaves of citron, at Coaver,

Exeter, March, 1852."

. Bred 1 0 June ftomEupitheoiapulchellaia,

. Bred 1 1 May from Melanippe montanaia.

. Captured at Bickleigb, 2 September.

Genus, Gnathoxtb, Wesmael,
MargindluSy Holmgr. . Captured at Plym Bridge, 24 September.

Genus, Hebfbstomus, Wesmae/.

BrunnicomiSf Gr. . Parfitt's Catalogue : " Captured some

years ago."
Intermedius, Wesm. . Captured at Bickleigb, 1 August, and

Exeter, 2 September.

Grenus, Colpogmathus, Wesmael.

Celeraior^ Gr.

PumiluSf Gr.
BuficoxaiuSf Gr.
ParvtUuSf Gr.

PimllatoTf Gr.

Opprimator, Gr.

Melanogonus, GmeL
Seutdlaris, Wesm.
Stimulator^ Gr. .
Ccdqpus, Wesm. .

StispicaXf Wesm. .
Ftiscicomis, Wesm.
Ftilvitarsis, Wesm.
IschiomelinuSf Gr. .
CephcUoteSy Wesm.
Troglodytes^ Gr. .

JucunduSy Wesm.

CandidatuSy Gr. .
Trepidus, Wesm. .

TetricuSy Wesm. .

Captured at Bolt Head, 17 June, and
Horrabridge, 10 September.

Genus, Dic(elotus, Wesmael.

. Captured at Kame Head, 13 June.
. Captured at Bickleigb, 24 June.

Captured at Plym Bridge, 27 May, and
Bickleigb, 2 June.
. Captured at Bickleigb, 19 September.

Genus, Cbntbterus, Wesmael.

. Captured at Bickleigb, 21 August.

Genus, Ph.£00bmes, Wesmael.

. Captured at Plym Bridge, 7 August.
Captured at Horrabridge, 3 June.
Captured at Bickleigb, 2 September.
. Bred 18 July from Ehriogaster lanestris,
and captured at Bickleigb, 4 August.
Captured at Bickleigb, 1 1 August.
. Captured at Bickleigb, 28 July.
. Captured at Bickleigb, 6 September.
. Captured at Bickleigb, 28 July.
. Captured at Horrabridge, 10 September.
Captured at Bickleigb, 3 August ; Plym

Bridge, 24 September.
Captured at Bickleigb, 30 August and
8 September.
. Bred from Tortrix viridanay 7 August.
Captured at Widewell, 4 August; Plym

Bridge, 7 August.
Captureid at Exeter, 17 August

482 THE ICHKEUMONID^ OF THS SOUTH OP DEYOK.

GeniLB, iETHXCKBUS, Wesmad,
NUidus^WeusL . . Captured aft PI jm Bridge, 5 May.

DeheOaior, Fab.

Gagales^ Gr. .
FavanuBf Scop.
Blandus^ Gr.

CaliginosiUf Gr.
Dumeiorum, Gr.
Variabilis, Gr.
Probus, Taach.
FunuUor, Gr.

Troglodytes, Gr.
Jgvnator, Gr.
^reus, Gr. .
Nitidus, Gr. .
Fa^a7t«, Gr. .
Brachyurus^ Thorn
Improbus, Gr.
Semipolitus, Tasch.

Fo^o^^ncfti^, Gr.
Oraminicola, Gr.
Ahdominator, Gr.
Jucundiis, Gr.
Arridens, Gr.
Nycthemerus, Gr.
Lacteator, Gr.
SpercUor, Miill.
Erythrinus, Gr.
Galactinus, Gr.

Lugubris, Gr.
Spiralis, Fourc.

Afoschator, Fab.

Genus, Alomtia, Panzer.

Captured at iTjbiidge, 18 Maj.

Crtptidbs.
Genus, Stilpnus, GravenhorsL

Captured aft Bickleigb, 4 August
Captured at Cann Quany, 26 September.
Bickleigb, 3 August

Genus, Phtoadkuon, Gravenhorst.

Captured at Stonehouse, 21 August

Captured at Bickleigfa, 20 August

Captured at Exminster, 28 Julj.

Captured at Bickleigh, 2 September.

Captured at Plym Bridge, 24 April;
Bickleigb, 27 August; common
throughout the summer.

Captured at Ivybridge, 4 June.

Captured at Bickleigb, 5 August

Captured at Bickleigb, 8 June.

Captured at Bickleigb, 19 September.

Captured at Plym Bridge, 5 May.

Captured at Crabtree, 2 September.

Captured at Bickleigb, 1 August

Captured at Exeter, 9 Juna In the
late Mr. Parfitt's window.

Captured at Laira, 3 July.

Captured at Bickleigb, 27 August

Captured at Bickleigb, 16 June.

Captured at Bickleigb, 30 August

Captured at Bickleigb, 5 August.

Captured at Bickleigb, 2 September.

Captured at Bickleigb, 19 June.

Captured at Horrabridge, 3 June.

Captured at Bickleigb, 6 September.

Captured at Bickleigb, 24 June.

Genus, Cbyptus, Fahricius.

. Captured at Stonehouse, 26 March.
Parfitt's Catalogue: " Captured in August

near Lydford."
. Parfitt's Catalogue : " Bare ; taken in

July."

.THE ICHNEUMONID^ OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON. 483

AnatoriuSf Gr.
Stomatictus, Gr.

LeucopsiSf Gr.

Titillator, Gr.
Mtnator, Gr.

Albatorius, Yill. .

Ohscurtis^ Gr.
ArroganSf Gr.
Hoatilis, Gr.
PorrectoriuSf Fab.

AncUtSf Gr. .
RufiverUris, Gr.
Alternator^ Gr.
FeregrinatoTy LId.
Tricolor^ Gr.

OmaiuSy Gr. .

Cimbices, Tasch. .
Migrator^ Fab.

PygoUucuBy Gr. .

SigncUoriuSy Fab. .

Captured at Horrabridge, 1 October.

Captured at Lougbridge, 27 June, and
Bickleigb, 9 July.

Captured at Longbridge, 27 June, and
Bickleigb, 16 June.

Captured at Bickleigb, 1 August.

Parfitt's Catalogue : '* Beaten from trees
in July."

Captured at Shipley Bridge, Brent, 5
May ; Sbaugb Bridge, 25 May ; and
Bickleigb, 8 June.

Bred 22 May from Smerlnthus poptdi.

Captured at Bickleigb, 1 August

Captured at Plym Bridge, 24 September.

Bred 25 July from a pupa found in a
currant leaf; another taken 8 Sep-
tember at Bickleigb.

Captured at Bickleigb, 1 August.

Captured at Cann Wood, 30 September.

Captured at Bickleigb, 5 August.

Captured at Exminster, 28 July.

Parfitt's Catalogue: *'Bred from Simyra
venosa, from pupsB of FoBcilocamjHi
poptdi and Trichiosoma leucorumJ*

Bred 15 June from Simyra venosa;
it has also been bred from Odonestis
potcdoria.

Captured at Bickleigb, 6 July.

Bred 30 May, 1882, six males and
thirteen females, and found four males
and one female dead from one
cocoon of Trichiosoma bettdeti, a saw-
fly. These may prove to be a
distinct species; it has a narrower
first abdominal segment, and the $
has a black dot on it. It has also
been bred from Bomhyx querctu and
Bomhyx tri/olii; from the former I
obtained eleven males and one female,
and the latter twelve males.

Captured at Bickleigb 14 September;
Exeter, 23 September. The females
of this species are almost wingless,
and have until recently gone under
the name of AgrotJieretUes Hopei,

Bred from decayed bramble stem, con-
taining larvsB of a small wasp, probably
Spilomena troglodytes.

484 Tm ICHHKUMONIDiE OF THS SOUTH OF DEYOK.

ObnoxiuSj Gr.

GenuB, Mdo6TK9t:b, GravenharsL

Bred firom Zj/gosna JUipenduUE. I haTe
eTerj reMon to beliere it confines
itself exdoaiTelj to this ^wdes; I
have aniTed at this condoaion €rom
the £ict that it does not emerge from
the pupa of its hort nntU the
cat^piUar of Z. JUipendukB is fnll-
grown and conseqnentlj in a fit state
for obnoxius to deposit its egg. I
have for aereral years Teiified the
above obeerrations.

Genns,
Fureatus^ Tasch. .

TenebrieomiSy Gr. .
ImbedUtUf Gr.
Micator^ Gr.

NecatcTy Gr.
0xyphimu9^ Gr. .
Oyrinij Parfitt

CrassieomiSy Gr. .
SimUis, Gr. .
FulvipeSy Gr.

DecipienSf Gr.

Formo8us, Desy. .

Vieinus ? , Gr, = )
mdanariuB ^ , Gr. j

TrUkUar, Gr.

HKMiTBLia, Gravenhorsi,

Bred 10 July from Zygcsna fiUpenduUs^
and DianthcBcia cueubaliy 27 Maj.

Captured at Pljm Bridge, 5 Jane.

Captured at Donsland, 23 Angost

Captored at Bickleigh, 6 September, and
at Hartley, 28 September.

Captured at Bickleigb, 8 September.

Captured at Bickleigh, 6 September.

Bied 6 July from puptB of Oyrirmi
natcUcT (the whirligig beetle always
found on water); obtained by the
late Rev. J. Hellins, who found them
on rushes on the banks of the Exeter
Canal. It was first bred by Mr.
Parfitt in 1880, the year previous to
my breeding it. Thomson thinks
this is most probably HemUeUs
argeniaiu8 of Gravenhorst.

Parfitt's Catalogue: "Taken probably
at Alphington."

Bred 15 August from the egg-bag of
house^pider.

Bred 6 April from pupa- case of
Vanessa atalatda^ and captured at
Bickleigh, 16 September.

Parfitf s Catalogue : " Taken by sweeping
in the Duryard estate, near Exeter,
in August"

Bred 14 August from egg-bag of spider,
Agelena brunnea.

Bred 8 July from Argynnis paphiOj
2 ^ and 16 $ . I have also bred it
from Pieris rapes.

Captured at Bickleigh, 6 September.

THE ICHNEUMONID^ OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON. 485

ConformU^ Gr.

Bicolarinus, Gr. .

Eidibundus, Gr. .

DistinctuBy Bridg. .
PolituSy Bridg.
MeridioncdUy Gr. .
Submarginatua, Bridg.

jSstivaliSy Gr.
AreatoTf Pane

Captured at Bickleigb, 24 June and 14
September.

Captured at Stonehouae, 22 June, and
Bolt Head, 28 June.

Captured at Shaugh Bridge, 23 May,
and Laira, 3 June.

Captured at Exeter, 23 September.

Captured at Bickleigb, 6 September.

Hjperparaaite, bred 15 August from
Apanteles nothus; the latter was
parasitic on a grass-feeding larva
found at Oreston.

Captured at Exminster, 19 June.

A common hyperparasite. I have bred
it from a sawflj cocoon, Trichiosoma
Iticorum ; also from Limneria vtU-
garisy which was a parasite on the
butterfly Oonepteryx rhamni, and
from several moth cocoons.

Bred 13 April from sawfly cocoon,
Triehiosoma hetuUH^ and captured
at Bickleigb, 16 September.

Bred 14 April; from what species
cannot say.

Bred 20 August from Depressaria
nervosdlcL

Captured at Dousland, 23 August.

Captured at Plym Bridge, 7 August.

Captured at Stonehouse, 14 June; found
on window in my house.

Captured at Bickleigb, 9 September;
Plympton, 28 September.

Captured at Bickleigb, 5 August

Captured at Plym Bridge, 5 August;
Oreston, 20 September.

Genus, Obthopblma, Taschenberg,

lAdeolcUor, Gr. . . This is a common parasite on the

following gall-flies: — Bred 30 May
from Aulax hieraeii ; Rhodites rosea
(Bedeguar rose) 1 June; and from
Mhodites eglantericB 14 June.

Genus, Stibeutbs, Forater {A.).

Heinemannt, Forst Captured at Bickleigb, 3 August The

females of this genus are almost wing-
less, the males with ample wings.

CagtanetiSf Gr.

Immiciis, Gr,

Floricolator, Gr.

Tenernmue, Gr.
DisHmUiSy Gr.
CingvlatoTy Gr.

Cfracilis, Thom.

FurcatuSy Tasch.
CapreoluSy Thom.

486

THS ICHNSUKONID^ OF THE SOUTH OF DKTOH.

Hemiptera^ Fab.

Brachyptera, Panz.
Stenopiera, Manh.

Eaenbeckii, Gr.

iTiBiahilUy Gr.

FaacicUuSy Fab.
AnntUicomiSy Marshal

Genus, Aptbsis, Forster (A,).

. Bred 2 July from Euzophera cineroetUa,
The females of this genus are almost
wingless ; on very rare occasions tfaej
have fully developed wings.

Captured at Exeter, 2 September.

Captured at Slade, 11 September; Bick-
leigh, 16 September; and a^ Exetec,
23 September.

Genus, Thbroboopus, Former {A.).

. Captured at Whitsand Bay, 6 May.
This is a female, with wings almost
microscopic.

Genus, Hbmimaohus, Ratzeburg,

. Bred 10 July firom Zygcena JUipenduIcB,
Females perfectly wingless ; the males
winged. Captured at Plym Bridge,
7 August

. Bred 14 and 22 July firom egg-bags of
spiders of Lycosa puUata,
Captured at Plym Bridge, Bickleigb,
Exeter, in September.

Geuu^, Pezohachus, Gravenharst

(The females of this genus are all wingless, and look more like
ants than ichneumons. The males are winged, and many, no
doubt, will be found, when the two sexes are bred. from the same
host, located in another genus where there are males without
females.)

Captured at Exminster, 1 July.
Bred 23 July from egg-bag of spider
Agdena brunnea.
. Captured at Bickleigb, 16 September.
Captured at Shaugh Bridge, 17 August
Captured at Exminster, 3 September;
Bickleigb, 16 September.
. Captured at Bickleigb, 14 and 16 Sep-
tember.
. Captured at Bickleigb, 3 and 20 August
. Captured at Exeter, 2 September.
. Bred from spiders' nests taken out
of furze bushes; probably Agelena
labyrinthica.
. Captured at Bickleigb, 1 August; Exeter,
23 September.

Tener, Gr. .
Zonatus, Fourc. .

ProcursoriuSf Forst.
NigricomiSy Forst.
CamifeXy Forst. .

RufuluSy Forst

CorruptoVy FCrst .
Agilis, Forst.
Transfugay Forst. .

AnaliSy Forst.

THB ICHNEUMONIDiE OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON. 487

IneertuB^ Foist. .

DtstinctuSy Forst. .

Micropterus, Gr. .

Costatus, Bridg. .
VagantifonniSf Bridg.
BreviSf Bridg.
Insolens, Forst.

MicruruSy Forst .

Instdiosus, Forst. .
DyacdotuSy Forst. .
TristiSf Forst.

Captured at Bickleigb, 8 September;

Exeter, 2 September.
Captured at Bickleigb, 8 September;

Exeter, 2 September.
Captured at Bickleigb, 21 August.
Captured at Plym Bridge, 7 August
Captured at Fljmpton, 28 September.
Captured at Bickleigb, 3 August
Captured at Bickleigb, 3 August.
Bred from egg-bag of spider Ocyale

mirabiliSf 16 July, 1883, and again

18 July, 1893.
Captured at Bickleigb, 6 SejJtember.
Captured at Exeter, 2 September.
Bred 3 July from Ghelonia villica.

Ophionidbs.
Genus, Hknicospilus, Stephens.

MerdariuSy Gr. . • Bred 25 July and 3 August from

Hecatera serena,
. Bred 26 June from Hadena pisi.

Bamidulus, Lin.

Obseurum^ Fab.
LtUeum^ Lin.

MimUum, Kiiecb.

Genus, Ophion, Fabricius.

. Captured at Bickleigb, 14 June.

. Bred 25 May from MUdia oxyaeanthcB;
18 July from Agrotis prcecox; also
ixomAcronyda leporina, Pcecilocampa
popidi, and Demos coryli.

Captured at Laira, 4 June, 1878. Tbis
was tbe first recorded capture in Eng-
land. I bave taken it a^ain tbis
year on 6 and 10 June at Bickleigb.
I bave no doubt I bave rejected it
several times during tbe past twenty
years, tbinking that it was tbe common
species, eitber Paniscus tarsatus or
Absyrtus lutetLs, as all three are alike
in size and colour.

Amida, Fab.

Genus, Sohizoloma, Wesmael,

. Bred 30 May from Eupitheda lifiariata,
and captured at Ivybridge, 3 June.

Genus, Exochilum, Wesmael.
Circumflexum^ Lin. . Captured at Bickleigb, 21 June.

488 THI ICHKIUMOXn)^ OF THB SOUTH OF DIVON.

Xanthopus^ Sclur.

Euficome^ Gr.
Bellicotum^ Wesm.
Cerinope^ Gr.
Arquatum^ Gr.
PertpicUlaior^ Gr.
CUmdestinum^ Gr.

GeniLB, Ahojcalov,

. Captured 29 May in Bkkl^i Wood ;

1 June, lyylnidge; and bred 11 Majr

from PierU dapliduXy pupa £n»n

South France.
Captured at Bickkigh, 21 June.
Captured at iTjbridge, 12 August.
Captured at Bickleigh, 9 July.
Bred from Tijcniocampa goUUecL
Bred from Acronyeta menyofUhidU.
Bred 1 4 May from Eupttheda cagtigaia;

12 July firom Hemithea thymiaria;

and 20 July from Lita eodeHa,

FlaveokUum, Gr.

Tenmeame^ Gr.

Enecator, Boeai

Genus, Aortpon, Forster (A.),

Bred 14 March from Tcemocampa
mintosa; captured at Shaugh Bridge
14 May, and at Bickleigh 20 August.

Bred 25 May framAniscpieryx ceseidaria.

Genus, Tbichomma, Weemael.

Captured at Bickleigh, 4 June.

Genus, Paniscus, Schrank,

Cephalote$y Holmgr.
VtrgatuSf Fourc. .

TestaeeuSy Gr.

TarscUuif Brischke

Bred 14 June from Dicranura vintilcu
Bred 26 April from Halias prasinana ;

2 May from Odontopera hidentcUa ;

and 19 July from Costnia trapezijia.
Bred 14 May from Ettpitheda casti-

gala; 22 May from Xylina rhizolitha;

24 November from Hadena derUina,
Bred in May from Eupithecia abbre-

viata, castigata^ absynihiata^ and vir-

gaureata; also from lariciata 1 July.

LtUeus, Holmgr.

Genus, Abstrtus, Holmgren.

Captured at Bickleigh, 16 June.

Genus, Campoplex, Gravenhorst,

Mixtus, Gr. . Bred 4 August from Pygcera bucephala.

Pugillatar, Lin. . Bred 6 Api^ from TceniocampapoptdeH

4 May from Eupithecia ahbreviata
1 1 July from Eupithecia abnnthiata
1 1 August from Cymatophora ridens
also from Amphidasis betularia and
Cory da temerata.

THE ICHNEUMONIDiE OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON. 489

CarinifronSj Gr. .
EurynotuSy Forst. .
OxyacanihcB^ Boie

Fcdcaior^ Thunb. .
Erythrogaster, Font.
Confusw, Font .

Femoraior^ Bridg.
Juvenilia^ Gr.

. Bred 6 June ; host not recognized.

. Captured at Bickleigh, 8 June.

. Bred from Himera pennarui^ 10 May

and 19 August.
. Bred 24 April from Notodonta ziczac,
. Bred 24 AprU from Hybemia rupicapran'a
. Bred 28 March from Tcmiocampa

poptdeti,
. Brod 24 May ; hoet not known.
. Bred 16 June from EupUheeia nanata.

Leueocerc^ Holmgr.
OruentcUa^ Gr.

Genus, Ctmodusa, Holmgrhi.

Captured at Oreston Quarry, 20 Sep-
tember.
. Bred 8 July from Aniaopteryz cescidaria.

Declinator, Gr.
Zonaia, Gr.

LaircUoTf Gr.

Genus, Sagaritis, HcimgrhL

. Bred 25 March ; hoet not observed.
Bred 11 September from Heealera

Serena,
. Captured at Bickleigh, 20 August and

2 September.

Genus, Casinaria, Holmgren,

Vidua, Gr. . . . Bred 20 June irom Abraxas graastdariaia,
Tenuiveniris, Gr. . . Bred 26 'hlsy ftom Heniithea thymiaria ;

2 July from Hybemia progemmaria.

Genus, Limneria, Holmgren,

Altemans, Gr.

. Parfitt's Catalogue : ** Taken on heads

of umbellifersB in June.''

Alticola, Gr.

. Captured at Crabtree, near Plymouth,

28 August

Argentaia, Gr.

Captured at Pounds, near Plymouth,

31 July.

ArmiUaia, Gr.

. Captured at Laira, 13 July.

Auctor^ Gr. .

. Captured at Bickleigh, 4 September

and 17 August.

Bicingulaia, Gr. .

. Bred 1 July from Hybemia progemmaria.

Brevicomis, Gr. .

. Captured at Bickleigh, 4 September.

Cerophaga, Gr.

. Captured at Bickleigh, 8 June, and

Crabtree, 4 September.

Chrysostida, Gr. .

. Bred 14 July from Hyponomeuia evony-

melius; idso from padellus, 16 July.

Crassicomis, Gr. .

. Captured at Bickleigh, 3 May and 20

August

VOL. XXX.

2 I

490 THE ICHNEUMONIDiE OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON.

LugubrinOj Holmgr.

Coneiufui, Holmgr.
Cursiians, Holmgr.

jRobusta, Woldstedt
OvcUcty Brischke .
Kriechbaumeri, Bridg.

OroBstuBculay Gr. .

DifformiSy Gmel.
DinpaVy Gr.

EnsatoTy Gr.
Emcatorj Gr.
Exareolatc^ R»tz.
Ezigtuij Gr.
Faunus, Gr.
Femoralis, Gr.

FenestraliSf Holmgr.

Fulviventris, Gmel.

Geniculata^ Gr.
GracUia, Gr.

Hydropota^ Holmgr.

Carhonaric^ Brischke

Vulgaris, Tschek .

(Jlatisa, Brischke .
Interrupta, Holmgr.

Combinata, Holmgr.

Bred 14 Angost from Eidophama
TneasingieUOy the larvae of which 1
found feeding on wild carrot growisg
on the edge of the clifis under tin
Plymouth Citadel; and captured at
Yelverton, 4 AuRust

Captured at PJym Bridge, 14 July.

Bred 27 August from Vanessa cUalcmta,
and captured at Exeter, 2 Septemher.

Captured at Bickleigh, 1 July.

Captured at Oreeton Quarry, 1 August

Bred from Tceniocampa HahUia, Thii
is the fly mentioned on page 466 (ai
the jumping seed).

Bred 10 August from half-grown larn
of Dicranura vinula.

Bred 8 May from unknown hoet.

Bred 3 September from Xylopoda
fahriciana.

Bred 15 May from ButalU grandipensu.
Bred 30 June itomHyhemiaprogemmaria

Bred 15 July from Vanessa cardui.

Captured at Hooe, 13 Augu4.

Captured at Bickleigh, 20 Augnst

Bred 10 August from Depressaria
nervosella.

Bred 15 June from Tortrix costana;
also 21 September from Xylopoda
fahriciana and from Botys vertieali^

Captured at Bickleigh, 20 August, and
bred three from Procris geryon, 21
July.

Captured at Bickleigh, 24 June.

Bred H August from Coriscium cucuU-
pennellum.

Captured at Bickleigh, August and Sep-
tember; common.

Bred 20 June from Boarmia rohoraria,
4 July from AmphidasysprodromarvL

Bred 4 July from Oonepteryx rhamtd

(Brimstone butterfly). More tlum

one-half of the larvffi of this butter

fly are destroyed by this parasite.

Bred 22 June from Hyhemia progemmaruji

Bred 4 July from Tceniocampa siabUiij
and captured at Ezminster, 3 Sep-
tember.

Captured at Bickleigh, 3 May.

THE ICHNEUMONIDiB OF THE SOUTH OF DEVOK. 491

BoreaXis, Holmgr.
Erythropyga, Holmgr. .
Pedella, Holmgr. .

Volubilis, Holmgr.
Insidiator, Gr.

Lateralis^ Gr.

Longipea, Miill.

Majalis, Gr.

Mcesta^ Gr. .
Mtttabilis, Holmgr.

Notata, Gr. .
Obscurdla, Holmgr.
Eapax, Gr. .
Curvicatuia, Gr. .

Pagana, Holmgr.
AasimiliSf Holmgr.

Ruficincta, Gr.

RufipeSf Gr. .
SericeOj Gr. .
Sordida, Gr.
Trans/ugaf Gr.
Tristis/Gr. .

Tumidtda, Gr.

Captured at YelvertoD, 4 Augaat.

Captured at Exeter, 17 August.

Captured at Longbridge, near Ply-
mouth, 25 August

Captured at Bickleigh, 4 September.

Captured at Flym Bridge, 7 August;
Bickleigb, 20 August.

Captured at Com wood, 21 May ; Bick-
leigh, 19 June.

Captured at Plym Bridge, 21 Sep-
tember.

Bred 18 July from Hyponomeuta
padellua; 23 August from Hecatera
Serena; 12 September from Vanessa
aialanta / 23 August from Eupitheda
indigata ; and 24 August from
Xylopoda fabriciana.

Bred 2 July from Hyhemia de/oliaria,
6 July from Hyhernia progemmaria.

Bred 19 May from Ephtppiphora
nigricostana, and 25 July from a
Tortrix.

Bred 9 June from Gnophos obseurata.

Bred 24 June from Hemithea thymiaria.

Captured at Bickleigh, 20 August.

Bred 11 October from a sawfly pupa,
Nematus gcdlicola.

Captured at Bickleigh, 24 June.

Captured at Flym Bridge, 7 August;
Bickleigh, 15 August

Bred 20 April from Agrotis agathina ;
5 July from Heliophohus poptdaris ;
8 July from Pteroplwrus teucrii ;
8 July from Ellopia fasdaria; 19
July from Cucvllia verbasci ; 3
August from Dianthcecia ctccubali ;

13 August from Cuctdlia gnaphalii;
25 August and 13 September from
Hecatera serena, and 28 September
from Anarta myrtillu

Bred 21 April from Eupitheda castigata.
Captured at Bickleigh, 4 August
Captured atCattedown Quarry, 2 August
Captured at Bickleigh, 4 June.
Bred 22 June from Pseudopterpna
cytisartay and captured at Bickleigh,

14 September.

Captured at Bickleigh, 5 August
2 I 2

492 THE ICHKSUMONIDJS OF THK SOUTH OF DEVON.

Viennenns, Gr.

Teucriif Bridg.

Plmlla,R^iz.

Unidncta^ Gr. . . Bred 8 April from VanesM wrtietB^ and

from Orgyia pudibuncUi^ LomagpUU
marginaUiy lAmacodes €udlu$^ Eupi-
ihecia reetangtdaia^ Chimatobia bru-
matOj Aeronyda ligustri^ and altd.

Bred 21 June firom a larra feeding on
Armeria maritima (Thrift), probably
Seriearis lUtorcUis,

Brad from Pterophorus ieuerii,

Gennfli Canidia, HdlmgrhL

. Captorod at Bickleigb, 20 August

Genus, NnciRins, Holmgren,
Macrocentra^ Gr. . Ci^nred at Pljm Bridge, 26 May.

Crenuuioides, Holmgr. . Bred 10 May from fir cones containing

Coccyx droMeUa; also captured at
Bickleigb, 9 July.

Grenus, Crsmastus, GravenhonL

Interrupter^ Gr. . Captured at Plym Bridge, 14 July.

SpedcUoTy Gr. Captured at Bolt Head, 17 June.

Infirmus, Gr. Captured at Bolt Head, 28 June.

Genus, Atractodbs, Gravenhorsi.

Captured at Bickleigb, 21 August
. Captured at Hooe, 13 August; Bick-
leigb, 14 September.
. Captured at Bickleigb, 8 September.

Captured at Bickleigb, 9 September.

Captured at Bickleigb, 2 and 16 June;
also on 20 August

Captured at Bickleigb, 16 September.

Captured at Bickleigb, 9 July.

Captured at Bickleigb, 3 August
. Captured at Bickleigb, 20 August

Genus, Exolytus, Holmgren.

. Captured at Bickleigb, 20 August^ and
at Plym Bridge, 24 Septembar.

Genus, Misochorus, Gravenhorst.

(Tbis genus are byperparasites in tbe larva stage, living witbin

otber larvffi.)
. Parfitt's Catalogue : '< Taken probably
at Alpbington."
Captured at Bickleigb, 20 August
. Captured at Weston Mills, 18 May.
. Bred 7 September from Mierqplttis
fumipenniSy tbe latter a parasite on
Xylopoda faMdana,

Oravidui^ Gr.
VestcUis, Hal.

AlhovinduSy HaL
ExUia^ HaL .
Bicdor^ Gr. .

OilvipeSy Holmgr.
FunujUus, HaL
CUcdor, Hal.
Properator, Hal.

LcBvigaius^ Gr.

Splendidvlua^ Gr. ,

Strenuus, Holmgr.
ThoracicuSy Gr.
Con/usus, Holmgr.

THE ICHNEUMONID^ OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON. 493

OracUenfus^ Briscbke
Fuicieomis, Brischke

AciculaiuSy Bridg.

FaeialiSf Bridg.

Oraniger, Thorn. .

Temparalie, Thorn.
OibbtUuSf Holmgr.
Teiricus, Holmgr.

Formo8U8y Bridg. .

DorsaiiSy Holmgr.
PdUus, Gr. .
Serieans, Cart

Viitatar, Zett.
FidguranSf Hal. .
Semirufus, Holmgr.

Sylvafum, Hal.

PietUis, Holmgr. .

Olerum, Curt.

ArenariuSy Hal.
AnomaiuSf Holmgr.

Bred 1 3 July from Ltmneria vulgarity the
latter a paradte on Oonepteryx rhamni.

Bred 6 June firom ApanteUa nothus,
the latter a parasite on Abraxas
groMulariata ; and 28 September,
when Apanieles noihus was a parasite
on Meianippe galiata.

Bred 17 September firom Apantdes
glomeratuSt a parasite on Pieris
brcusiccB ; and 8 July from Limneria
ruficinctOf a parasite on Pterophorus
teucrii.

Bred 28 June, 1882, 28 June, 1883,
and 3 June, 188 A, from AparUeles
populariSf out of Euehelia JacohcBCR.

Bred from Eonorista vtUgaris, out of
Abraxas grossulariatcL

Bred from Zygcena filipendtdcB.

Captured at Bickleigh, 9 July.

Bred 4 August from Apanieles Ocio-
nariuSf out oiNotodorUa dromedarius.

Bred 5 July from ApatUeles fulvipes^
out of Petasia cassinea ; and 19 July
from Apanieles diffieilis, out of Diloba
cceruleocephala.

Captured at Bickleigh, 21 August

Captured at Bickleigh, 5 August

Bred firom a dipterous pupa, probably
Eocorista vulgaris, out of Abraasas
grosstUariata,

Bred 14 July from Limneria clirysos-
ticia^ovXoi ffyponometUaevonymelltis.

Bred from (Jasinaria vidua, out of
Abraxas grosstUariata.

Bred 28 June from Limneria erucator,
out of Hybemia progemmaria ; cap-
tured piercing Fupiihecia eastigaia
that had within it Agrypon clandes-
tinum, which I bred 10 September.

Bred from Microgaster suhcompletus,
out of Vanessa atalanta.

Bred 20 June from an Apanieles
cocoon, out of lodis laeiearia.

Bred from Casinaria vidua, out of
Abraxas grosstUariata,

Captured at Longbridge, 27 June.

Bred 20 July from Apanieles poptUaris,
out of Euehelia Jacc^nece,

494 THB ICHNEUMOSIDJE OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON.

6«nn0, DicoLus.

PeetoraLis, Fdra*. . Captured at Hoirabridge, 4 Julj.

Subtiliventris, Font . Captured at Bickleigb, 21 October.

Genoa, Plsctiscus, Gravenhorst.
Carudiadatus, Font Captured at Bickleigh, 4 September.

Genus, Porizon, Fallen,
ffarpurus^ Schr. . . Captured at Bolt Head, 28 Juna
ErifihrastomuSj Gr. . Captured at Bickleigb, 9 Julj.
Minalor^ Gr. Captured at Exeter, 2 September.

Genoe, Thebsilochus, HolmgroL

JoeatoT^ Fab. . Captured at Pljm Bridge, 21 Sep-

tember.
Saltator^ Fab. . . Bred 6 April from Micropteryx unir

macuIellcL
McarginatnSj Bridg. C^>tured at Bickleigb, 16 September.

Triangular^, Gr. . . Captured at Borisand, 25 Juna
Microcephalus, Gr. . Captured at Longbridge, 24 August
Truncorum^ Holmgr. . Captured at Exeter, 2 September.

Genus, Pristomerus, Curtis.

Vtdneratar^ Panz. . Captured at Badleigh Salterton, 15

June.

Genus, Exstastes, Gravenhorst.

Fomicaior, Fab. . . Captured in tbe Pljmoutb dbtrict
Oseulatorius, Fab. Bred 20 June from Mamestra brassiece,

and from Hadena oleracea and Retina

pintcdana.
CalobatuSf Gr. . . Ci[4>tured at Trew, near Crediton, 14

October.
Niyripes^ Gr. . . Bred 9 July from Mamestra brassicce,

and captured at Pennycomequick.
Ulusor^ Gr. . . Captared at Bickleigb, 28 June.

Albitarsus^ Gr. . Captured at Bickleigb, 14 June.

Genus, Banchus, Fabricius.

Variegaior, Fab. . . Captured at Sbaugb Bridge, 26 May.
PiduSy Fab. . . Bred 15 Marcb from Selenia illunaricL

FalcatoT, Fab. . Captured at Bickleigb Wood, 26 May.

(The three foregoing insects are alike in colour, yellow and
black; the first may be distinguished by its fint intercubital
recurrent neryure being shorter than in the other species; tbe
difference between the other two is in the shape of the abdomen ;
falcator^s is more compressed at the apex.)

ManiliatuSf Gr. . . Bred 4 June from Anarta myrtilli.

THE ICHNBUMONIDiE OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON, 495

Trtphonides.

homalopi.

Genus, MesoleftuSi Gravenhorst,

Melanocephalus, Gr. . Captured at Dousland, 23 August.
TestaceuSf Fab. . . Bred 31 October from Eupithecia

castigata, the larva of which I found

20 September.
Similis, Brischke . . Captured at Bickleigb, 28 June.

LeptoceruSf Gr.
LaevigatuSf Gr.
PaludicolOy Gr.
Inde/essus, Gr.
Facialis, Gr.
VentrcdU, Curt.

Captured at Piym Bridge, 21 September.
Captured at Bickleigb, 3 August.
Captured at Bickleigb, 8 June.
Captured at Ivy bridge, 12 August.
Captured at Ivy bridge, 31 May.
Bred by Mr. Parfitt.

Genus, Catoqlyptds, Holmgren,

FoHipeSf Gr. . . Captured at Horrabridge, 30 June.

Fuscicorms, Gmel. . Captured at Plym Bridge, 5 August.

Genus, Eurtpboctus, Holmgrin.

NigricepSy Gr, . . Bred 11 June from a sawfly, Blenno-

campa betuleii.
Atomator, Gr. . . Captured at Horrabridge 16 September.
Sinister f Brischke . Captured at Longbridge, 25 August.

Genus, Perilissub, Holmgren,

Filicomisy Gr. . . Captured at Bolt Head, 28 June.
LutescenSf Gr. . . Captured at Bickleigb, 3 August
Subcincius, Holmgr. . Captured at Bickleigb, 4 September.
Frmrogator, Gr. . . Captured at Bickleigb, 30 August and

8 September.

Genus, EoiiTTUS, Holmgrin.

OmaiuSy Holmgr. . Bred 28 May from Totrix heparana

FontinaliSf Holmgr. . Bred from Pcedisca solandriana ; also

captured at Horrabridge, 10 May;

Eadford, 13 May; and Plym Bridge,

7 August.

Genus, Mbgastylus, Schtodte,

Conformis, Forst. . . Captured at Plym Bridge, 27 May.
Cruentatory Schiodte . Captured at Hartley, 28 September.
Mediator, Schiodte . Captured at Exeter, 2 September.

Genus, Idioxbnus.

Borealis, Holmgr. . Captured at Bickleigb, June, July,

September, and October; Piym
Bridge, 7 August; Oreston, 20 Sep-
tember.

496

THE ICHNECMONn)^ OP THE SOUTH OF DEVON.

Genua,

Rufieomu, Gr.
BigneUity Bridgmin

MBSOLBnrs, Holmgren.

Captned at Bickleigb, 8 September.
Captured at Bicklei^ 11 August, 1880.

At that time it was new to science ;

twelTe yean after it was taken in

Scotland
Captured at Pounds, near Plymouth,

31 July.
Bred 27 August from a sawfly, Nemattu

ribenu
Captured at Horrabridge, 16 Juna
Bied 10 September frcun sawfly gidls

on Salir caprea.
Captured at Bickleigh, 21 August
Captured at Horrabndge, 17 June; has

been bred from a sawfly pupa.
Captured at Bickldgh, 20 August
Captured at Bicklei^, 3 August
Captured at Bishop's Teignton, 2

October.
Captured at Maker, 5 Juna
Captured at Bickleigh, 9 Sq>tember.
Captured at Laira, 12 June ; Plymouth,

18 July; Bickleigh, 20 August

GenuS| Trkmatoptgus, Holmgren.

Vellieansj Gr. . Captured at Tavistock Road, 4 August

RubiginosuBy Gr. . Captured at Princetown, 25 Juna

Genus, Trtphon, Fallen.

Aulieuij Gr.

DubiuSy Hdmgr. .

CaligtUuSy Gr.
SanguinieolliSy Or.

HcematodeSy Gr. .
ArmQlatoriuBy Gr.

MolesluSy Holmgr.
Rn^olephu^ Holmgr.
Insolens, Gr.

Hamulus^ Gr.
Lateralis^ Gr.
FaUaZj Holmgr. .

BntehyacanthuSy GmeL .

TrochanteratuB, Hdmgr.
Signatory Gr.

AlbipeSy Gr. .

AUniarsuSy Curt

Captured at Bickleigh, 4 August;
Shaugh Bridge, 17 August.

Taken by Parfitt at Lydfoid.

Captured at Bickleigh, 14 June ; Prince-
town, 25 June.

Parfitt's Catalogue: ''By sweeping
among grass and clover in May."

GenuS| Eumisius, Westwood.

. I had the pleasure on 5, 8, and 11 May,
1897, of taking this rare species in
the woods at Bickleigh. This insect,
a male, was fint noticed by Curtis in
September, 1837. He states it was
taken in May or June by Mr. W.
Simmons, near Milton, Northampton-
shire. The next record is that of a
male and female taken by J. Giraud,

THE ICHNEUMONID^ OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON. 497

in Austria, 1857. My capture con-
siBted of 13 ^ and 10 $ , beaten oat
of a small birch tree, in very cloudy
weather, where they appeared to have
congregated to avoid the threatening
rain : all the other trees were leafless.

Genus, Poltblastus, Hartig,

VaritarauSj Gr. . . Captured near Pounds, Plymouth, 31

July; at Bickleigh, 4 and 9 Sep-
tember.

Westriiigiy Holmgr. . Captured at Plym Bridge, 14 July.

PyramidatuSy Holmgr. . Captured at Longbridge, 27 June.

ElvcUis, Holmgr. . . Captured at Bickleigh, 6 September.

Genus, Aorotomus, Holmgren,
Lucidvlus^ Gr. . . Captured at Bolt Head, 28 June.

Genus, Ctbnisous, Holiday,

Triangularisy Gr. . . Captured at Horrabridge, 30 June.
OnathaxanthWy Gr. . Captured at Bickleigh, 21 August.
Ldturatoritts, Lin. . Taken by Parfitt, Stoke Hill, Exeter,

May.
SexcinctuSy Gr. • . Captured at Bickleigh, 2 September ;

Horrabridge, 27 September.
SuccinciuSj Gr. . . Captured at Bickleigh, 21 August.
UsttdcUus, Holmgr. . Captured at Bickleigh, 4 September.
BimaculaiuSj Holmgr. . Captured at Bickleigb, 30 August.
Pictusy Gr. . . . Captured at Bickleigh, 5 August
ExsHrpatorius, Gr. . Captured near Plymouth Cemetery, 31

July.

Genus, Extston, Schiodte.

CindtUum, Gr. . . Captured at Bickleigh, 11 June; Bolt

Head, 28 June.

Genus, Spheoophaqa, Wedwood,

Yesparum, Curt, . . This is a parasite on the larvse and pupa

of the common wasp ; some emerge in
September, others remain over until
the following May. It is remarkable
that those that appear in September
have their wings very much shorter
than those that come out in May,
which I think may be accounted for
in this way — the autumn flies have
not far to seek for their host^ while
spring flies may have to fly many
miles before finding a wasps' nest.

498 THE ICHNEUMONIDiE OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON.

Prosopi.

GenuSy Colpotrochia, Holmgren,

EleganitdOy Schr. . Captured at Bickleigh, 16 SeptembeL

Genus, Exochus, Gravenhorst.

. Bred 9 July from Pyraiis farincdis.
. Bred 4 May from a Tortrix feeding
on honeysDckle. .
Flavomarginatus, Holmgr. Captured at Bickleigb, 6 September.

Mansuetor, Gr.
AlpinuSy Zett

SqticUidtis, Holmgr.
Curvaior, Fab.
Podagricusj Gr. .

Gravis, Gr.
Picius, Holmgr. .
Procerus, Holmgr.
NigripalptSf Thorn.

Bred 4 July from Botys terrealis.

Captured at Bickleigb, 19 June.

Bred 18 September from SymcBthU

oxyacanthella.
Captured at Bickleigb, 18 May.
Captured at Bickleigb, 30 August
Captured at Exeter, 17 August.
Captured at Bickleigb, 6 September.

CristatoTy Gr.
Funebris, Gr.

Genus, Chorinaeus, Holmgren.

. Captured at Wiilkham Valley, 3 Juna
. Bred 10 February from Depressaria
heradeanaf and captured at Bick-
leigb 24 June aud 4 Aagust.

Genus, Orthocentrus, GravenhorsL

Anomalus, Gr.

ConJiniSf Holmgr.
Fulvipes, Gr.
Jnterm^diuSf Holmgr.
VittatuSf Holmgr.
Affinis, Zett

AgiliSy Holmgr.
MargincUitSy Holmgr.
Cognatus, Holmgr.

Venirdlts, Holmgr.

Lcetatorius, Fab.

Captured at Crabtree Fort, near Ply-

moutb, 28 August.
Captured at Ivy bridge, 18 September.
Captured at Horrabridge, 4 July.
Captured at Bickleigb, 4 June.
Captured at Bickleigb, 2 June.
Captured at Bickleigb, 19 June and

19 September.
Captured at Ivybridge, 20 August.
Captured at Bolt Head, 6 July.
Captured at PJym Bridge, 7 August;

Bickleigb, 21 October.
Captured at Comworthy, 12 July.

Genus, Bassus, Fabricius.

. Bred 3 June from a Syrphus larva;
captured at Bickleigb, 20 August,
and Maker, 27 August. Tbis is a
common parasite on tbe larvse of the
" Hovering fly " (Syrpkvs), tbe larvae
of wbicb feed exclusively on different
species of Aphis,

THB ICHNEUMONIDiE OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON.

499

Scabrictilus, Holmgr.
CingtUatuSf Holmgr.

Alboaignatus^ Gr.

NemoraliSy Holmgr.

Multicolor^ Qr.
Lateralis^ Gr.
CincivSy Gr.
Flavolineatus, Gr.
BigiUtatus, Gr.

£x8ultans, Gr.

InsigntSf Gr.
PicivSy Gr. .

Fis8oriu8, Gr.

Holmgrenif Bridg.

Ahdominator^ Bridg.

SctUellaris, Bridg.
Strigator, Fab.

Nigritarsus^ Gr. .

AreolatuSy Gr.
PulchelluSj Holmgr.

CognaiiM, Holmgr.

DorscUiSf Holmgr.
SigncUtis, Gr.

Festitms, Fab.

Captured at Laira, 8 May.

Captured at Bickleigb, 5 August ; Plym
Bridge, 7 August; Telvertoo, 16
August.

Captured at Walkham Valley, 3 June ;
Bickleigb, 3 August.

Captured at Exminster, 3 September;
Plym Bridge, 24 September.

Captured at Crabtree, 28 August.

Captured at Bickleigb, 20 August.

Captured at Bickleigb, 2 June.

Captured at Whitsand Bay, 6 May.

Captured at Laira, 10 July; Bickleigb,
21 August.

Captured at Bickleigb, 10 and 14 Sep-
tember.

Captured at Plym Bridge, 20 May.

Captured at Stoke, Devonport, 13
June ; Laira, 10 July.

Captured at Maker, 27 August; Crab-
tree, 2 September.

Captured at Bickleigb, 21 August;
Princetown, 23 August; Bickleigb,
9 September.

Captured at Dousland, 23 August,
1884.

Captured at Bickleigb, 3 June.

Captured at Laira, 16 and 23 Sep-
tember, depositing ova on larva of
apbidivorous flies, wbicb were feed-
ing on tbe wormwood Apbis, Sipho-
nophora dbsinthiu

Bred from Bombyx quercus^ and cap-
tured at Sbaugb Bridge, 15 May;
Oreston, 1 August; and at Wbit-
sand Bay, 27 August.

Captured at Bickleigb, 20 and 21
August.

Captured at Pounds, near Plymoutb,
15 May; Bickleigb, 20 August; and
Plym Bridge, 24 September.

Captured at Pounds, near Plymoutb,
15 May; Bickleigb, 20 and 27
August.

Captured at Maker, 27 August.

Captured at Longbridge, near Ply-,
moutb, 25 August.

Captured at Bickleigb, 20 August.

500 THE ICHXEUMONID^ OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON.

OracUenius, Holingr.
ObseuripeSf Holmgr.

£leganSf Gr.
PaUidipes^ Gr.
Sundevallt, Holmgr.

MicrcdoriuSy Fab.

Dentaius, Fab.

. Captnied at Longbtidge, 27 June;
Bickleigh^ 9 and 14 September.

. Captured at Bovisand, 13 Angnat;
Bickleigb, 20 August; Maker, 27
AogUBt; and Bickleigb, 19 Sep-
tember.

. Captured at Plym Bridge, 7 August;
Bickleigb, 4 September.
Captured at Bickieigh, 4 August and
14 September.

• Captured at Laira, 10 September.

ASPIDOPL

Genus, Mbtopius, Pamer,

. Parfitt's Catalogue: ''Captured on
flowers of umbelliferse on wood-
sides in July; taken also in the
Plymoutb district"

. Bred bj Parfitt "from pupae of Lasio-
campa querd/olia'* ; and by Mr.
Fam on 7 July from Bomhyx querctu.

PiMPLIDBS.

Genus, Khyssa, Oravenhorsi.

PenuasoriOj Lin. . Captured on 6 May at Plym Bridge,

3 ^ and 3 $ , a parasite on wood-
boring laryffi, especially on tbe large
sawfly, Sirex gigas.

Genus, Ephialtbs, Oravenharst,
Imperator, Eriech. . Captured at Bickleigb, 14 June.
TuberadatuSy Fourc. . Captured at Plym Bridge, 7 June.

MedicUor^ Fab.

DivinatoTf Rossi
Varius, Gr.

Instigator^ Fab.

Genus, Pbrithous, Holmgren,

. Captured at Ivy bridge, 18 May; Bick-
leigb, 11 June. Bred by Parfitt
"from bramble sticks whicb were
perforated by one of tbe small
wasps."

. Was also bred by Parfitt, similar to the
preceding.
I bred this species on 12 May under
the above conditions.

Genus, Pdipla, Fabricius.

. A very common parasite on many
species of moths, and seen daily
throughout the summer.

THE ICHNEUMONIDiE OF THK SOUTH OF DEVON, 501

Examinatar^ Fab. .
Pamorum, Eaiz. .
Epeira, Bignell •

TurionellcB, Lin. .

RufaJta^ Gme].
FlavonotaiOy Holmgr.

Scanica^ ViU.

EuftcoUis, Gr.

Oculcdoria^ Fab. .

DetrUOy Holmgr. .
Rufipleuray Bignell
GramindlcBy Schr.

DidymOj Gr.

CdlobcUa, Gr.
Stereorator, Fab. .

Brevicomis, Gr. .

Nticum, Ratz.

The above remarks jnay be applied to
this Bpecies.

Taken at Ck>mworthy by the Rev. T.
A. Marshall

I had the honour of introducing this
species. I bred on 7 July, 1891,
four females from the egg-bag of a
spider, Epeira comuta^ taken out of
bramble at Ivjbridge.

Bred 31 July from Rhodopkm consociella
and on 13 October horn Xylopoda
fahriciana.

Captured at Bickleigh, 16 September.

Bred 29 March from Tortrix mridana^
and from several other species.

Bred 30 Jane from Tortrix ribeana^ and
from several other species.

Bred 1 November from Retina resinana;
the following Joly captured at Clear-
brook.

Bred 10 May from old bramble stem,
and taken at Bickleigh, 30 July.

Bred 1 July from Chilo phragmiidlui.

Bred 10 April from Pygcera curttUa.

Captured at Bolt Head, 17 June;
Bickleigh, 24 June.

Captured by Parfitt, in June, by sweep-
ing.

Taken by Parfitt in June and July.

Bred 1 4 March from EupiiJiecia Unariaia,
The latter I found feeding on the
unripe seed of the Toad-flax.

Captured at Bickleigh, 24 June, and
bred 5 August from Dianthoecia
cucuhali.

Bred 15 August from a pupa of a
DiarUhcBcia larva found feeding on
Lychnis diuma.

Varipesy Gr.
Gracilis, Holmgr. .

Multicolor, Gr.

Genus, Poly8PHINC3Ta, Gravenhorst,

• Captured at Bickleigh, 14 September,

and Exeter, 23 September.
. Bred 18 June from spider Meta seg-

mentata, on which it was an external

parasite.
. Bred 13 August. This was also an

external parasite on a spider, Meta

meriance.

502 THE ICHNEUMONID^ OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON.

Tuberosa, Gr.

Degener^ Hal.

Indtator^ Fab.

Bred 12 Jane, host of which was t
spider, Epeira cucurbitina.

GenuB, AoBODACTTLA, Holiday.

. Captured at Walkham Valley, 28 July;
Bickleigh, 5 August.

. Captured at Dousland, 23 Augiut
This species has been bred from t
apider^Lini/phiaobscura. The manner
of attack and figure of the larra will
be found on page 471.

Genus, Clistopyga, Gravenhorst,

Captured at Maker, 27 Aagost; Biek-
leigb, 14 September.

MonoceroSf Gr.
FrorUicomis, Gr.
Ceratites, Gr.

HcBsttaioTf Gr.
SccUaris, Gr.

Bifoveolata^ Gr.
Flavolineatay Gr.
FUicomiSy Thom.

Genus, Gltpta, Oravenhorst,

. Bred 29 June from Toririx costana,
. Captured at Bickleigh, 9 September.
. Bred 18 June from Ephippiphora

nigrieoetancL
. Bred 26 June from SpUonota oceUuruu
. Captured at Maker, 5 June; Oreston

Quarry, 10 September.
. Captured at BLckleigb, 20 August.
. Captured at Bickleigb, 20 August.
. Captured at Ivybridge, 9 March.

Genus, Sohizopyga, Oravenhorst,

Podagrica, Gr. . . Captured at Vinstone, 19 August;

Exeter, 23 September.
Circulator, Panz. . Captured at Bickleigb, 28 July.

Nigra, Gr. .
CaligaiOf Gr.

Grenus, Lampronota, Holiday.

. Captured at Dousland, 23 August
. Captured at Bickleigb, 4 August.

Genus, Lissonota, OravenJiorst,

Variabilis, Gr.
Brachycentra, Gr.

Varicoxa, Thom. .
Anomala, Holmgr.

Captured at Bovisand, 13 August

Bred 16 June, 1880, from Antidea
bodiata; lanra obtained June, 1879.
I suspect this parasite confines its
attacks to this species, as it does sot
appear until A. bodiata is nearly
full-fed.

Captured at Longbridge, 27 June.

Bred 3 August from Lareniia rufi-
cinctata.

THE ICHNEUMONIDJS OF THE SOUTH OF DEVON.

503

NoiahiliSy Desv. .
Decimatory Gr.

BdlatoTy Gmel.
Commixta, Gr.
CylindratoT^ Vill.

Insignita, Gr.

Segmentator^ Fab.

Bufomedia, Bridg.

SulphurifercLt Gr.

Impressor, Gr.

Captured at Bickleigb, 24 August.
Bred 7 April and 4 May from Gortyna

flavago.
Captured at Bickleigb, 6 September.
Captured at Bickleigb, 8 September.
Captured at Bickleigb, 20 August;

Oreston Quarry, 20 September.
Captured at Plym Bridge, 24 Sep-
tember.
Captured at Longbridge, 27 June, and

Yelverton, 4 August.
Captured at Bickleigb, 28 July, and

Vinstone, 17 August.
Captured at Weston Mills, 31 August,

and Marsb Mills, 13 September.
Captured at Bickleigb, 21 August, and

Marsb Mills, 13 September.

MurinuSy^ Gr.

Genus, Meniscus, ScJiiodte,

. Bred from Chrym neglectus, Tbe
latter was a parasite on a wasp,
Odynerus spinipes.

Genus, Phytodiabtus, Oravenhorst,

Segmentaior, Gr.
Coryphceus^ Gr.

VetiUua, Gr.

ScabriculicSf Gr.

Comuta^ Ratz.

. Bred 1 5 January from Peronea hastiana^
and 20 May from Tortrix virtdana.

. Captured at Bickleigb, 18 May, and
Com wood, 17 June; and bred 23
July, 1880, from Tortrix viridana.

. Captured at Bickleigb, 5, 8, and 1 1 May ;
43 males and 23 females beaten out
of one small bircb tree, where they
bad congregated for shelter from
anticipated rain. It was the only
tree in leaf, and this one was not
more than eight feet high.

Genus, CEdimopsis.

. Captured at Exminster, 23 July;
Exeter, 2 September ; and Bickleigb,
6 September.

Genus, Mitroboris.

. Captured at Horrabridge, 2 August.

' It Las been suggested that this species and Eocetcutes albUarsus are
one and the same. 1 admit they are very much alike in colour, but there
are sufficient structural differences to separate them.

504 THI ICHKEUMOKID^ OF THS SOUTH OF DKYOH.

G«noi, PHTBiKODBy TVeMc
Heeticui^ Gr. . Bred 10 Maj from daeayad vpphb tree

contaiiuDg wins and bastlea.

Thia enda tbe Ichnemnoiiidae. The Bnoonidae, oontainiiig
aboat 130 genera, of which I haTe a great namber, will
oonatitate another paper.

In oondnding this paper, I beg to r^nm my gratefnl and
sincere thanks to J. B. Bridgman, Esq., of Norwu^ Had it
not been for his Teiy great assistance, daring many years, the
paper could not haTe been printed.

ANNALS OF THE FAMILY OF FLOYER^

BT THB RSV. J. KB8TELL PLOTER, M.A., F.8.A.9
Minor Canon of WorouUr CaikedroL

(Ck>mmanicated by the Bey. W. Harplxt, m.a.)
(Read at Honiton, Angiiat, 1896.)

It has been dispnted by different writers whether the origin
of the family of Floyer was Norman or Saxon. A Norman
origin has generally been taken for granted, because the
name is first on record about the time of the Norman
invasion of England; but such evidence as is afforded by
the derivation of the name and the amount of land held is
in favour of the contrary idea. A '^ Flo '* is an arrow, was
in use in Chaucer's time,^ and is of Saxon derivation. The
sufiSx "er" denotes generally an agent or worker. The
introduction of the "y" finds a parallel in "sawyer" and
"lawyer." Hence Floyer is an arrow- maker, and is distinct
from the Norman name for the same occupation, " Flechier,"
which afterwards passed into " Fletcher."

The earliest spelling of the name, as it is found in the
Domesday Survey, A.D. 1086, is "Floher," or in the Latin
form, " Floherus."* By the time of Henry IIL the middle
**h" begins to be omitted,* and it is written **Floer*' or
"le Floer."^ Towards the beginning of the 14th century
the spelling "Floyer" or "le Floyer" becomes constant,
except for a period during the 16th and 17th centuries,
when in some places it shared the fate of many other names
in having the middle "y " made into an "i,"* but there is no
trace of members of the family ever having signed them-
selves " Floier."

^ A Pedigree to illustrate thia account will be found in Hutchins' HisL
ofDortU,

• Halliwell, Diet, of Archaic and Provincial JFordt,

' £xon, Domesday, Goyemment Ed., 1796. Devonshire Domesday,
published by Deyonshire Association, Plymouth, 1884-92.

• Inq. p.m. on John Courteuay, Henry III., harl, MS, 6126.
' Moi, nundredorum, Government Ed., 1812, Ed. L

• Co/, of Proc, in Chancery , temp. Q. Elizabeth, Pr. 1827.

VOL. XXX. 2 K

506 ANNALS OF THB FAMILY OF FLOYEB.

In the earliest mention of this family in Domesday Book,
1086, Floher holds fix)m Aiulph a manor called Suetetona,
and has a mansion called Sotrebroc, and some land with it'
Eev. 0. J. Beichel identifies Suetetona with Swetton, in
the parish and hundred of Halberton, near Tiverton.

SotTebroc, or Southbrook, may be identified with a small
manor of about thirty acres on Exe Island, immediately out-
side the west gate of the city of Exeter, and which was
afterwards known as Floyer's Hayes, or lands, from the
name of its owners. (See Appendix A.)

SotrebroC, or Southbrook, was a thane's living -house, and
the property was what would technically be called a
" quillet," " cotlif," or, at the present day, a reputed manor."
It was granted by William the Conqueror with the barony
of Okehampton to Baldwin de Sap, de Meules, or de Brion,
who married Albreda, niece to William.^ From him it de-
scended through the Avenals and d'Avranches to Sobert
Lyaker, or Fitz Boy, and afterwards to the Courtenays,
Earls of Devon. At Sotrebroc, or Floyer's Hayes, Uie
Floyer family lived continuously until about 1580. It was
held by the tenure mentioned in the early charters, namely,
that when the Earls of Devon should come to Exe Island
to fish or enjoy themselves, the lord thereof for the time
being, Floyer, should attend him, in decent apparel, with
a pitcher of wine, and offer him to drink. In the older
charter granted by Bobert Fitz Boy the obligation to furnish
one soldier is also mentioned.

There are now no architectural remains of the house,
though there were some existing until about 1830 or 1840.
It stood a little way back from the road on the left hand
side going from Exeter to Alphington, between the Haven
Boad and the railway viaduct, rather beyond what is known
as Sydney Place.^ The name " Flower Pot Buildings " may
have been originally " Floyer*s Plot." The land lies very low,
and was, and still is, intersected by streams by which mills
are worked. A mill is mentioned as being on the manor
of Floyer's Hayes in the time of Henry III.* The house
is shown on a map of Exeter of 1573^ as a building of very

' Devonshire Domesday, Plymouth, 1884-92; Reichsl, ''Identifioationof
Devonshire Place-Names in Domesday."

" Notes by Rey. O. J. Reichel, M.A., F.s.A.

' ArchoBological Journal, toL x. : Ped. by Oliver and Jones.

^ Mr. Charles Worthy, native and historian of £xeter, had them pointed
out to him as a bov, and describes the situation as above.

^ Inq. p.m. on John Courtenay, ffarl, MS, 6126.

> From Bbatjn's CivitaUa Orhis Terrarum, <£«., published by Commins,
of Exeter.

ANNALS OF tttB FAMILY OF FLOYEIL 507

considerable size, surrounded by a stone wall, and entered
beneath a massive circular arched gateway.

In view of the circumstances already mentioned, it is less
surprising that little is known of the personal history of the
family, especially in the earlier centuries of its existence.
Under the first three Henries the representatives held some
small local office, but the nature of this is difficult to deter-
mina In 1130, Kichard, son of Floher, paid into the
exchequer forty shillings "pro custodia cortinis,"* which
would seem to mean the care of the courtyard of the castle.^
There is no record of the deeds of the next few generations,
either in war or peace. In 1412 the chapel on Exe Bridge
was swept away by a flood, and John Floyer took part with
one Holland, another leading parishioner, and the vicar,
John Alkebarwe, in procuring a fresh site from the monks
of Cowick, and in causing the new church of S. Thomas to
be built. The church was consecrated on the 14th October,
1412«

In 1474 the Duke of Clarence, brother of Edward IV.,
assisted the King to raise an army for a war with France,
and special privileges as to livery of lands, and other matters
were granted to all those who should attend.^ In this army
William Floyer, of Floyer's Hayes, was engaged as a captain,
and undertook to provide three archers and thirty spears to
accompany the expedition. The form of the original sum-
mons is as follows : —

**The Dake of Clarence, Earl of Warwick and Sarum, and
Great Chamberlain of England :

'* Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well ! Whereas at oar
last being in the west parts, ye agreed to go in our retinue in my
lord^s voyage over sea, with such number of archers as is con-
tained in an indenture that we send unto you by our servant John
Halwel, bearer hereof, wherein ye show yourself of right loving
disposition towards us, whereof we thank you heartily. It is also
that we, having consideration of the labour and cost that should
be unto you, to come to London or hither to seal the indenture,
have for your more ease sent you the same, praying you to seal the
one part thereof, and deliver it to our servant

'* Yeaven at our castle of Warwick the 14 day of February."

The document was thus endorsed : —

"To our trusty and well-beloved William Floier."^

* Pipe RolL * Letter from Mr. James Parker, f.s.a.

* Bp. Stafford's Register. ' Parker's Annals of England,

" Prince, Worthies of Devon, 1810.

2 K 2

508 AH9ALS 07 THI 7AMILT 07 TLOTKB.

The indentore idbned to in the fOT^oing is wotded aft
follows : —

"This indenture made hetwizt the Bight H^ and liH^tj
Prince, Geofge, Duke of ClsKenee, on the one pait» and WiUnm
Floier of Exeker in the County of Deron, on the other paxt
Witneaseth, That the said William is retained and helist towaids
the said Dnke, to do serriee of wan onto the King our SoTsragn
Lord, in the said Duke's retinne, in the dntch j of Nofmandj and
realm of Fmnoe, iofr one whole year, with three arehen well and
snfficieiitly habiled, armed and arrayed, taking wages for himself
xij^ hy ihe day, with rewards soenstomed, aft^ the rate of
C marcs in a quarter fat zzx. spears, snd for every the said
arehen yi^ hy the day ; with diTen other conditions and agree-
ments. Dated the xiT, of December in the »▼. year of the
reign of onr Sovereign Lord King Edward the iiij^."'

In connection with the above transaction there is extant
the copy of a receipt dated about three months later, and
worded as follows : —

''This indentore made at Exeter 29^ Martti 15 Ed. lY. between
the most high and might Prince the Doke of Clarence, and
William Floyer on the other part Witnesseth that the Mid
William hath rec*' of the said Doke by the hands of John Hayes
xiij' xiij' dj^ for a qoarter's wages that is to say for himself,
a spare after xviij^ by the day and for three of his retinoe taking
for every of them yj^by the day. In witness whereof to the
one part of y* s^ WiUm hath set his hand."^

In 1474, the year of the firet indenture, the Doke of
Clarence actually went to France with his army, but the
English and French came to terms before any battle was
fought, and the army was disbanded. The Duke of
Clarence, as is well known, met his end in a butt of
Malmsey.

The position and influence of the family was increased at
this period by alliances with the Carews, the Martins of
Athelhampton, through whom the connection with Nicholas
Wadham, the founder of Wadham Collie, was established,
and with the Poles of Colcombe.

1549 was a year of tumult in many counties besides
Devon and ComwalL It was provoked chiefly by the
ordinances which confiscated Church property and issued the
reformed Prayer Book, and was fomented by the agricultural

• Prince, Worthies of Devon, 1810.
^ College of Arms.

ANNAXS OF THE FAMILY OF FLOYER. 609

discontent resulting from the enclosure of commons and
other abuses carried on by the new-made nobles and gentry
who had received grants of the abbey lands. The city of
Exeter was loyal to the King, the county in rebellion. A
Protestant called Eingwell was hanged on Exe Island, near,
if not upon, the estate of Floyer's Hayes. Exeter was
besieged for thirty-five days, and was then relieved by John,
Lord Bussell, an adherent of the King, and a recipient of
many abbey lands.

Lord Sussell hanged the vicar, John Welsh, who had
taken great part in the rebellion, from his own tower in his
vestments.^ It is difficult to understand that John or
William Floyer, at that time owner of Floyer's Hayes, can
have escaped taking one side or the other in these dis<-
turbances. It will be seen that the vicar of the parish and
the Floyer's feudal lord, Courtenay, were both in favour
of the rebellion, and adhered to the old pre-Eeformation
ritual Exe Island, immediately outside the city, and
owning the jurisdiction of the feudal lords, was a constant
menace to the citizens in their continual disputes with the
Courtenays.^ These disputes were especially bitter during
the 15th century.

In consequence of this rebellion, the Gourtenays suffered
humiliation by Exe Island being granted by the King to the
citizens as a reward for their loyalty.

The Privy Council grant is worded as follows : —

** Letter to the Chaoncellour of thaugmentation that wheare as
the Kinge's Majestie, having good zeall to the cittie of Exeter the
rather in recom pence for their good service in the last rebellion, to
make to the Mayor, B^ylefs, and commynaltie of the said cittie
a granate of the manonr of Exilande, with thapportanenoes of
the value of xxx^ by the yere, for the mayntenance of their cittie,
with licence also to take out of the woodes of Cotley and Peridge
woode sufficient for the reparacion of the saide manonr, and
a licence further to purchase of any other bat the Kinges
Majesties C^ lande by the name of the Mayour Baylifes and
Commynaltie of the said cittie.''^

SoQn after these events, and possibly in consequence of
them, the family removed from the estate which they had
occupied for some five hundred years, and went to live at
Stanton S. Gabriel, near Charmouth. The last burial entry

' WoBTHY*8 Suburbs of Exeter,

» Cf. Mrs. J. R. Gbebn, Tovm Life in the FifteerUh Century.
* Acts of the Privy Council^ 1552-3, New Series, Vol. iii. p. 177.
Printed 1891.

510 ANNALS OF THE FAMILY OF FLOYKK.

in the register of S. Thomas', Exeter, is that of William
Floyer, in 1579, a few days later than the marriage of his
eldest daughter there.^

The house of Floyer*s Hayes passed by purchase to the
Ooulds, and subsequently to Thomas Templar, who is said to
have partly destroyed it and divided the property.^
Anthony Floyer, in whose lifetime the migration was made,
inherited through his wife a fourth part of the large estates
of the Martins at Athelhampton, in Dorsetshire, and else*
where. He seems never to have lived at Athelhampton, for
the estate was so exactly divided that only a fourUi part
of the house fell to his shara^ He is noticed in the public
records as having on one occasion, about 1580, been to
Southampton with one Henry Garewe, and opposed with
weapons the mayor and his brethren when they attempted
to hold an '^admiralle courte" at Keyhaven. Carewe
claimed some ancient right in the place against the people
of Southampton, and he and Floyer had to appear before the
Privy Council to make good the claim and answer for their
conduct^

There are a few remains of the manor house at Stanton
S. Gabriel embodied in a farmhouse which, still exists near
the sea. Anthony's widow lived at Ilanteilo Portholley, in
Monmouthshire,^ a property inherited or acquired by the
family about this time; but her son Anthony, between 1616
and 1626, purchased the estate of Berne, in the same parish,
and distant only a few miles from Stanton S. Gabriel
Berne House is described by Coker, writing 1622-35, as
** late the house of Sir George Somers." Sir Geoige, in fact,
lived there at some period of his life, and possessed it at his
death in 1610.^ He was the discoverer of the Bermudas,
and on his death at Somers Island, his body was brought
home and buried at Wbitechurch Canonicorum, the parish
in which Berne is situated.^ Anthony Floyer the younger
attained his majority in 1625 or 1626,' and either on that
occasion or on his marriage took up his residence at Berne,
which became the seat of his descendants for about eighty

» Vivian's Visitations €f Devon, 1892.

• RiSDON, Survey of Devon, Ed. 1811.
^ Cf. HuTCHiNs' Dorset

» AeU of the Privy Council, 1580.

* Will at Somerset House.

^ Inq. p.m. on Sir G. Somen, 26 Julj, 9 Jac. I. Copied bj the Rer. R.
G. Bartlett

' CoKSB, Survey of Dorset, published 1732.
. ' Inq. p.m. on Anthony Floyer, Words and Liveries, Bon. 3, No. 172,
Record Office.

ANNAXS OF THE FAMILY OF FLOYBB. 511

years, though his grandson Anthony lived for a time at
Stratton, in Dorsetshire. Anthony Floyer, of Berne, sold
Floyer's Hayes to Henry Gtould, of Lew Trenchard> Por-
tions of the estate, however, remained in the family, and
were finally disposed of towards the end of the 18th century.

Some remains of the older Berne House still exist, but
the greater part of it was destroyed, perhaps by fire, and
only one wing is now left of the residence of Sir George
Somers and of the Floyers. In 1592 a Captain John Floyer
is mentioned as in command of a ship on one of Sir Walter
Raleigh's expeditions. He was accused of having captured,
contrary to the orders of the Privy Council, a ship of
Bayonne with a load of cod, and a '* waistcoat of carnation
colour, curiously embroidered/'^ His precise relationship
to the family has not been ascertained. An. extract from
the Diary of Lord Shaftesbury shows that at the time
of the Great Rebellion, Anthony® Floyer was a Royalist,
for he is mentioned as being on duty at Dorchester with
Lord Shaftesbury as justice of the peace. In 1685 the
Duke of Monmouth landed with his army at Lyme Regis,
distant only a few miles from Berne. A notice in the
OentlemarCs Magazine for 1767 would seem to refer to
some lost tradition of the past which Anthony Floyer, as
major in the militia,^ played in opposing his advance,
but this is now only to be cpnjectured. Many notices
of ordinary business transactions as justices of the peace
and as churchwardens remain in the parish books of
Whitechurch Canonicorum, Chideock, and elsewhere.

It is remarkable that up to the latter part of the 17th cen-
tury no cadet branches of the older house established them-
selves. The name is on the records of no county but that of
Devonshire and those immediately adjacent, and there is
scarcely a mention of anyone of the name at any period up to
this time whose immediate connection with the main line can-
not be readily established. In Stafifordshire, it is true, there
are traces of the rise of a family called Flyer in the 16th
century, who afterwards took the name and arms of Floyer ;^
but no connection with the Devonshire Floyers has ever
been proved. A younger son from time to time took up his
residence in a place not far distant from the family seat, but
after a generation or two his descendants are no more heard of.

• Vivian's Visitations of Devon,

• Stebbino's Life of Sir JV. BaUigh.

• i.«., Anthony, who came of age 1625-6.
' Grandson of the above Anthony.

• See Shaw's Uiat. of Staffordshire,

512 ANNALS OF I'HE FAMILY OF FLOTER.

About the middle of the 17th century, however, a laige
and distinguished branch, originating through a younger sod,
settled at Moorlinch, in Somersetshire, and afterwards in
Monmouthshire, where they dwelt at the '* White House," in
the parish of lianteilo PorthoUey.^ This branch seems now
to be quite extinct, and to have become so at the end of the
last century.^ Towards the end of the 17th century other
branches are formed in the descendants of the second wife
of William Floyer, of Berne, who survive still at Stafford
House, near Dorchester.^ Many members of another off-
shoot attained to high office in the East India Company, bat
seem now to have died out'

Berne House passed to the Stafford House line,^ and
Anthony Floyer, the representative of the elder family,
soon after 1700, and possibly on his father's death, moved
with his mother to a house in S. Peter's, Dorchester. He
died young and unmarried, and the property passed to his
brother William, Bector of Trusham, through whom at bis
matriculation in 1708 the connection with the founder of
Wadham Collie was first registered, a connection which
gave advantages to many of his descendants.^

Anthony, the eldest son of the Bev. William Floyer, of
Trusham, also lived at Dorchester, and died young and un-
married. He was succeeded by his brother, the Bev. John
Grould Floyer, Bector of Esher, in Surrey, and sometime
Fellow of Wadham College, and Moderator in Philosophy.*
A story is told of his quiet retirement at Esher, that be was
so engrossed in listening to the song of a robin that be for-
got his congregation waiting in the church close by.^ Two
letters from him are preserved among the Duke of New-
castle's letters-— one dated at Esher, 11th January, 1760,

* For printed pedigree see Miscellanea Oenealoffica, vol. i., New Series,
1874. Mr. Greenly, of Titley Court, is the present representative, thoagh
no relation, and has (1897) some pieces of plate formerly belonging to them,
and a coat of arms of John Floyer, of the White House, i.e., Floyer impal-
ing Watts.

^ See below, "The Monmouthshire Branch."
« See below, " Floyer of Stafford House."

* Sec below, "Floyer of the Hon, E. I. Company."

* Will of EHnor Floyer, 1694.

' The connection was two-fold ; first through the marriage of his great*

great-grandfather with Anne, dau||^hter and co-heir of Nicholas Martm by
Lb wife Margaret, sister and co-heir of Nicholas Wadham, and secondly by
the marriage of his grandfather with Margaret, daughter of Sir Edward
Lawrence by his wife Grace, third daughter and co-heir of Henir Brune, by
his wife Elizabeth, eldest daughter and co-heir of Nicholas Martin. The
first connection was registered.

* Wadham College Register.
' Family tradition.

ANNALS OF THE FAMILY OF FLOYKR 513

asking the Duke to use his interest with the Dean and
Chapter of S. Paul's to give him the promise of the next
living that falls in their gift in London or Westminster.^
The request, however, was not granted, for he died in his
obscurity at Esher. He also was unmarried.

If the sale of Floyer's Hayes marks one epoch in the
family history, another is certainly marked by the migration
of William, brother and successor of Eev. John Gbuld, to Lin^
colnshire. He made a runaway match in 1752 with Frances
Ayscoghe, a lady of distinguished ancestry, and heir to
considerable possessions in Lincolnshire.^

The marriage ceremony seems to have been performed by
one Peter Sympson, who describes himself in his handbill as
''educated at the University of Cambridge, and late Chaplain
to the Earl of Bothea" The register is entered among those
of the Keith Chapel, in London, but Dr. Alexander Keith,
its founder, was in 1742 excommunicated, and in the follow-
ing year confined for fifteen years in the Fleet prison for
interfering by his irregular marriages with the work and
interests of the regular clergy. Sympson did his work
daring his imprisonment.^ Of the legality of the marriage
there is no question. After his marriage William Floyer
lived at Beesby Hall, in Stainton-by-Langworth, in Lincoln-
shire, and was a captain in the first-raised North Lincoln-
shire regiment of militia.^

A curious and inexplicable incident is mentioned in his
life, namely, that at the age of fifty-four, he wound up his
affairs in England, went to France under the name of
Monsieur de Champenaux, and died in Paris two years later.^
He seems to have gone abroad more than once, for it is
mentioned that on the first occasion he took with him his
box of family plate, and afterwards left it behind with his
housekeeper. Miss Masterton, at Beesby, who made away
with it.*

The marriage of his sister Margaret with James Cornish
was the first sJliance with that family.

A younger brother, Caleb, took Holy Orders, and became
Sector of Tealby, in Lincolnshire. A manuscript containing
some sermons of his brother, Bev. John Gould, and himself,

0 Brit. Mob., Add. MSS. 83,067, fol. 122 ; and 82,980, fol. 125.

* One of four co-heirs of a younger branch of Ayscough or Ayscoehe, of
S. Kelsey, Lincolnshire, formed by Thomas, younger son of Sir Ed.
Ayscough, ob. 1612.

1 Collected from Ashton's The Flea, 1888. Cf. also Lecky, Eistory of
the Eighteenth Century,

' John Gould Floyer*s Genealogical Notes, and Coll. of Arms Fed.

• Family Letters, chiefly of his niece, Anne Floyer.

514 AKNALS OF THB FAMILY OF FLOYEB.

was preserved until recent years. The Sev, Ayscoghe Floyer
says of them, '' There is a slight measure of the poetic vein
in which the union of common sense with much warmth of
temper has resulted as I think to constitute the usual Floyer
type."*

Anthony Floyer, the son and successor of Captain William,
was a lieutenant under his father in the Lincolnshire Militia,
and afterwards captain in the Nottinghamshire Fencibles.
For one or two years after his marriage with £lizabetb
Brabins, he continued to live at Beesby, but afterwards lived
at different times at Bollingbroke, Cadwell, in 1793 at Louth,
and for a little while in Dorsetshire,^ but if his residence
was at Athelhampton, he was the first of the fieumly who
had lived there.

Latterly he lived at Ketsby Hall, in the parish of South
Ormsby, near Louth, where his son, John Gould, succeeded him.
Of the remainder of Captain William's lai^ family of eleven,
little is known except of one daughter, Margaret In 1782
she was living with her sister Anne at Newark, but a year or
two later she emigrated with her brother William, a lieu-
tenant in the 1st Battalion of His Majesty's Sixtieth or
Eoyal American Regiment of Foot, to Nova Scotia. The
following account of her residence there was extracted bom
Mrs. Lawson's History of DartmatUh, Preston, and Lawrence^^
town^ : —

" In 1793, St. Pierre was taken by the British, and a number of
the inhabitants were brought to Halifax. Among them was the
Grovernour of the Island, M. Danseville, a devoted adherent of tb«
House of Bourbon, who refused to return to his native land while
Napoleon was in power. Govemour Wentworth transmitted a
memorial from him to the Duke of Portland on the lOth October,
1794, requesting certain rights and privileges during his residence
in Nova Scotia. This gentleman aftervmds went to the Old
Preston Bead, Halifax, and dwelt with Margaret Flojer. Many
years previous to his arrival, Mani^aret Fioyer had arrived there
from England with her brother William. William purchased a
property near Allen's tanyard, on the Old Preston Eoad, where he
built a pretty, comfortable cottage, and there the two lived to-
gether for some time. She is described by those who remember
her as ' a refined, intellectual woman, with a sweet, sad &ce, and
gentle, winning address, very reticent and quiet, but exceedingly
courteous to all who knew her.' William is said to have stayed
there for a year or two, and departed to join his regiment which

* Copied from the Rev. A. F.*s MS.
" Family Lettera,

• It was sent to the Rev. J. K. Floyer by the kindness of Mr. Haliburton,
son of "Sam Slick.'*

ANNALS OF THE FAMILY OF FLOYEB. 615

bad arrived in Jamaica. Margaret lived on alone at the cottage,
not associating much with the other inhabitants, bat amusing
herself with her books and flowers and garden. She was kind to
those about her, especially in times of illness, and was devoted to
children, whom she always made welcome.

" When M. Danseville came to Dartmouth he was attracted
by the appearance of the cottage, called to enquire if he could be
lodged there, and received an afiQrmative answer.

"He was very genial and companionable, talked freely of his
home, and wife, and family in France, and of hb change of fortune.
A few still ^ remember the courtly old gentleman with silver hair
and charming manners, who made himself happy under adverse
circumstances. Margaret Floyer was always in easy circumstances.
Eemittancee arrived punctually from England, and her wants
were few. M. Danseville, feeling that it might be years before
he could return to France, and to fill his leisure time, induced
Margaret Floyer to consent to the building of a larger house on
another part of her property. The result was a long, low, stone
cottage with a flat roof, set in a sheltered situation, and surrounded
by forest trees. Here he spent a sci^at deal of time in laying out
and ornamenting the grounds. Before the new house was quite
finished, the one where they bad been living was destroyed by
fire during their temporary absence from home in the summer.
They took possession of the new house and personally supervised
its completion, and * Brook House,' as it was called, from its
neatness and pretty appearance, became the admiration of passers-
by. At 'Brook House' the two lived together until 1814, when
news came to Halifax that Napoleon was a prisoner on the Island
of Elba. M. Danseville was overjoyed at the Restoration of the
Royal Family. He at once dressed himself in his long- unused
tiniform, put on his hat with its white cockade, and walked up
and down the road durins the whole afternoon of one day,
shouting 'Vive La France!' He took passage in the next ship
bound for France, and parted with the lady who had given him
shelter with every demonstration of friendship and regret

"After his departure Margaret Floyer led a more retired
life than ever, and developed erysipelas. She was found
one morning unconscious in her room, and presently expired.
Sir John Wentworth announced her death to her family in
England. Her nephew, John Gould Floyer, gave Sir John a
power of attorney to administer her estate, and Mr. John Waite,
Attorney, Mayor of Boston, her brother-in-law, represented the
claimant in England. Correspondence passed between Halifax
and England during the four years from 1815 to 1819, and even-
tually the property was sold and the balance remitted. Margaret
Floyer was buried in Woodlawn Cemetery, and her spirit was said
to have been seen wandering about her grave. Her relations in

7 At the time of the publication of the book.

516 ANNALS OF THE FAMILY OF FLOTSB.

England caused a laige atone slab to be placed over ber grava
The inscription is as follows : —

'Sacred

To THE Memory of

Margaret Floybr,

A Native of England ;

Died thb 8th Dbo. 1815,
AOBD 00 TBAB&"'a

Sir John Shore, afterwards Lord Teignmoutb, and some
time Govemor-Greneral of India, brother-in-law of Captain
William Floyer, offered at one time to provide for any oim
of Captain Floyer's sons if he would fit him out, but the oflTer
was refused,^ and none of them seem to have had a good start
in life. The second son, William Floyer, who had accom-
panied his sister Margaret to Nova Scotia, is said to have
been killed in an expedition against the American Indians,
and to have died unmarried^ about 1795.^

Another son, John Gould, left Wadham College without a
degree, went abroad, and his fate is not known.

A daughter, Frances, married John Hall, an attorney, and
died childless.

Anne, another daughter, who was born in 1772,lived for some
time with Dr. and Mrs. Clarke at Thorpe Hall, near Louth,
and afterwards at Well Yale with the Dashwoods, but subse-
quently at Claxby, and again at Alford, where she appears to
have kept a school and supported her brother BichanL' lu
a time of revolutionary disturbance, during a time of scarcity,
she is said to have undertaken to pacify a mob which had
collected and was approaching the hall door at Well Yala
She received them on the steps, and having ordered the door
to be locked behind her, succeeded in persuading them to
disperse. She died unmarried in 1826. Edward Ayscoghe,
a younger son, entered the Boyal Navy and afterwards the
Army, but it is not known what became of him.^

^ The above account is somewhat condensed from Mrs. Lawson's accoant
For the sake of the romance, she has wrapped the story in an atmosphere of
mystery and suspicion, which is dispelled by an acauaintance with the
family history, though the reason why Margaret lirst left England is still
open to conjecture. Mrs. Lawson's account contains also a list of the title
deeds, eta, of the property, some topojmphical notes, and a poem of eleven
verses, written on seeing the grave. The date of the inscription is wrong.
M. Floyer died December 9th, 1814, and was buried at one o'clock on
Sunday, December 11th.

• Note in John Wadham Floyer's Mem. Book, extracted by Ayscoghe
Floyer, 1843. * John Gould Floyer's Notes.

' Cf, Army Lists. ■ J, W, Floyer's Memoranda.

^ The account of the whole of this generation is taken, with the exceptions
mentioned above, from John Gould Floyer's Notices, and family letters still
existing.

ANNALS OF THE FAMILY OF FLOTER. 517

. Richard, another son, was living in 1782 at Donnington,
near Spalding, but about 1817 went to live with his sister
Anne at Alford, where he died unmarried in 1826. Of
Elizabeth nothing is known, and of the youngest, Jane, it is
only mentioned that she married John Waite, an attorney, of
Louth.

Of the six sons of this generation only the eldest, Anthony>
is recorded to have left children, and he but one son,
John Gould. ^ The latter is described as a man of great
determination, strict, and rather severe in disposition, and in
the education of his children. By industry and thrift he
acquired a considerable fortune, and in his latter days, during
his residence at Louth, was fond of state, keeping many
servants and a yellow chariot, the panel of which was em-
blazoned with twelve quarterings. As a young man he lived
at Leake, near Boston, and married Sarah, daughter of Richard
Wright, the vicar of the adjoining parish of Wrangle. He
died of apoplexy at Louth in 1841, leaving his property to
his three sons, John Wadham, Richard Ayscoghe Martin, and
Ayscoghe. These all went to Louth Grammar School, an
institution where many men afterwards famous were educated,
amongst others the poet Tennyson. John Gould Floyer's
two elder boys were admitted at Christmas, 1826, one aged
eight, the other six, and the youngest, Ayscoghe, was sent
two years later, also aged six. A Mr. Waite was at that time
the headmaster.^ From a memorandum in their father's
handwriting it appears that they were fond of hunting. John
Wadham went for a time to Trinity Hall, Cambridge, and
subsequently bought Martin Hall, near Homcastle, where
he settled down as a country gentleman. His son, Eric
Randolph, still represents him in Homcastle. Richard, the
second son of John Gould, went in due time to Wadham
College, took his d^ree, and his name was entered at the
Inner Temple ; but his career as a barrister was cut short by
his death at Mablethorpe in 1843, of haemorrhage, caused by
the extraction of a tooth*

Ayscoghe Floyer also went to Wadham College, and was
the last of the family who was entered as Founder's KinJ He
took Holy Orders, and became curate under his father's
presentee, Rev. John Parkinson Wilson, at Marshchapel, of
which parish he succeeded to the incumbency in 1845.
Typhus fever, caught in the course of parish work, left
neuralgia in the right eye, which developed into polypus,

* The third so called.

* GouLDiNo's Louth Corporation Records,

' Founder's Kin was abolished by the CommissionerB of 1856.

518 ANNALS OF TUS FABOLT OF FLOTSR.

and necessitated the extraction of half the eye in 1848.
In the winter of the same year, while taking temporaiy
duty at St Mary Churchy near Torquay^ he became ac-
quainted with the Hon. Mrs. F. J. Shore, who was then
living at Adlamville Lodge. He married her daaghter
Louisa in the following year, and the remainder of hii
life was spent chiefly at Marshchapel in parish work, in
restoring the church, and in other matters connected with
the parish. He became paralyzed in 1869, and retired to
live at Putney with his mother-in-law. He died there
in 1872, leaving seven children : — Ernest Ayscoghe Floyer,
now of Cairo, who married Mary Louisa, daughter of
the Eev. W. R Watson, of Saltfleetby St. Peter's, Lines.;
Edith Louisa, who married Rev. Charles Henry Butcher, d.d.,
sometime Dean of Shanghai ; Margaret Sarah, who married
first Edward Hockin, of Poughill, Cornwall, J.P., and secondly
Townsend Kirkwood, now of Burghfield, Berks; Frederick
Anthony Floyer, of Mortimer, who married Alice Maude,
daughter of the Rev. Thomas Roberts Jones, Rector of
Codicote, Herts ; Mabel Frances, who married Glynne
Barrington Leared Williams, of Estancia San Anselmo,
Argentine Republic ; George Wadham, died in Egypt, 1890 ;
John Kestell, married Helen Frances, daughter of the late
Rev. George Hill, vicar of St Winnow, CornwalL

AJ^NALS OF THE FAMILY OF FLOYEB. 519

THE MONMOUTHSHIRE BEANCH.

This family had its origin in a yonoger son of Anthony Floyer, of
Stanton S. Gahriel, who married the co-heir of Nicholas Martin.
A property at Moorlinch, in Somersetshire, was acquired, probahly
by purchase, by William Floyer, brother of the aboye Anthony,
and judging by the amount of plate and jewellery he left in his
will, he lived there unmarried in some magnificence.* On his
death in 1623 this estate, with another at Llanteilo PorthoUey, in
Monmouthshire, passed to bis nephew William, who moved to
Llanteilo Portholley, where his mother had lived as a widow. A
house there, known as the White House, became the family seat
for some generations. During the Civil Wars, when the Parliamen-
tarian army took Hereford, William the younger was found in the
garrison, put into prison, and his estates confiscated as a " Papist in
arms." He was, however, liberated on his proving that he had
never borne arms, and had only gone into Hereford on business
with his father-in-law and to take phjsic for his health. After
many petitions, and some years' delay, his estate was eventually
restored. Some thirty-two documents relating to his claim are
preserved among the Koyalist Composition Papers at the Record
Office, many of them autograph letters. He died married, though
without children, and the property passed to his brother John,
who lived at Moorlinch.®

John's three sons — Martin, John, and Benedict — were liviog
at Llanarth in 1638.^ Martin, being under age at his father's
death,^ was made a ward of Charles the First. He married, but
died without children, and was succeeded by his brother John, of
whom little is recorded. John's son John succeeded him, and again
lived at the White House, the residence of his great-uncle, whose
uncle was there previously. Many members of this family were
connected with the law. John Floyer, the eldest son of the
succeeding generation, was admitted as a Bencher of the Middle
Temple in 1723.' His son Charles was an attorney, and his

• Will at Somerset House. Chancery Proceedings, Car. I., F.F. 89, 1640 ;
F.F. 38, 1627 ; F. 89, 46 ; F. 41, 67. Inq. p.m. of Thomas Cocks, 1638.
Index Lib., p. 85, Co. Gloucester.

' The mother's will was disputed, and the property was finally settled as
indicated above, viz., Anthony at Berne, John at Moorlinch, and William at
Llanteilo Portholley. See Chancery Proceedings, Car. I., F.F. 39.

^ Inq. p.m. of Thomas Cocks, Gloucester. Index Lib., jp. 85.

* Chancery Proceedings, Floyer v. Batt, Car. I., F.F. 39. Bills and
Answers.

' Inq. p.m. of John Floyer, 8 Car. I., Record Office.

520 ANNAL3 OF THS FAMILY OF FLOTKB.

nephew Philip a lawyer of some diatinctioii, heing anfthor of a
work entiUed The Prodar's Practice in the Ecdeeiadical C(mrt»^

Thia honae came to an end at the end of the laat emtoiy.
Cbariet Floyer, one of Uie last lepreaentatiyeB, died fint^^ and
his three children died young, without iasue.* His wife's nephew,
William Greenly, of Htley Court, near Hereford, was the erentual
heir of the faniily; and none of the name spears to hare sur-
▼ived except David Stephens Floyer, bom in 1740, scm of Philip
the proctor. Whether he lived and married, or died young like
his brother William, has not been discovered*

FLOYER OF STAFFORD HOUSE, CO. DORSET.^

This branch had its origin in the second marriage of William
Fioyer, of Berne House, whose eldest son by this marriage inherited
Berne and was captain in the Militia.

John Floyer, grandson of William of Berne, lived at Upwey, where
he had some property, and for some time in London, as a barrister
of the Inner Temple. He was also Recorder of Dorchester.

Catherine, sister of the above John Floyer, married Humphrey
Sydenham, of Dulverton, and became the mother of Floyer
Sydenham, a man of great attainments. Fellow and sometime
Moderator of Philosophy at Wadham College, Oxford. He was
afterwards Rector of Esher until 1744. He published Notes on
Plato, edited the Greater and Lesser Hippias ; also a Dissertation
on the Doctrine of Heraclitus, and OnomasHcon Theologicum.
He was so small a gainer in money by these works that he died in
great poverty. The sympathy aroused for poor authors by his
death led to the formation of the Literary Fund.

His grandfather, Humphrey Sydenham, was one of the original
Fellows of Wadham College, and the first to take the degree of
Master of Arts from that college. John Floyer, eldest son of
John Floyer, of Upwey, dying without issue, the property devolved
upon William, brother of the younger John, Rector of Stinsford, in
Dorsetshire. William, son of this last William, became a midship-
man in the Royal Navy, and served in H.M.S. Bevchdionatre^ under
Captain the Hon. Fleetwood PeUew. He was upset in a pleasure
boat o£f Portland on the way home from Plymouth, in July, 1822,
and drowned. His only companion was saved. His brother and

* let Ed. 1744, 2nd Ed., enlarged by T. Wright, 1746.
» Will of Blanch Floyer, 1786.

• WiU8 of BUnch Floyer, 1786, and of Blanch Floyer, 1766. Cf. also
Pedigree in Miscellanea Oenealoffica, by C. J. Robinson, voL i, New Series,
1874.

^ For pedigree, see Hutchins' Hist, of Dorset,

ANNALS OF THE FAMILY OF FLOYER. 521

heir, John Floyer, who was educated at Winchester and Balliol
Colleges, purchased the Frome estate in 1831, aod married in 1844
Georgina Charlotte Frances, daughter of the Eight Hon. Geoige
Bankes.^ In 1846 he entered Parliament as a Conservative, and
sat for the County of Dorset until 1857. He was again elected in
1864, and sat until 1885, when the county was divided. He was
chairman of the Board of Guardians from 1836 until his death in
1887, and elected chairman of Quarter Sessions in 1883. He was
also made Deputy-Lieutenant in 1844, and a few weeks before his
death appointed a member of H.M.'s Privy Council. He was
succeeded by his son, George William Floyer, now of Stafford
House, educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford ; a barrister-
at-law of the Inner Temple, and justice of the peace, etc.

FLOYER OF THE HON. EAST INDIA COMPANY.*

Charles Floyer, younger son of William Floyer of Berne House,
by his second wife, was the founder of this distinguished family.
He entered King William's army as an ensign, and quickly raised
himself by his merits to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. He may
piobably be identified with Lieut-Col. Floyer, who left the island
of St. Christopher, West Indies, in 1708, and came to England,
being the bearer of a present of ''citem water and one banel of
sweatmeats " from CoL Parke, Governor of St. Christopher's, to the
Duke of Marlborough.^ He afterwards retired, and married in
1714 Jane, the daughter of Nathaniel Turner, whose family were
much connected with the Hon. East India Company. In this
service Col. Floyer*s descendants rose to high rank.

Col. Charles Floyer died in 1731 in his own house at Richmond,
Surrey. His son, Charles Floyer, was Governor and Commander-
in-Chief of Madras in 1747, but was recalled in 1750. On his
retirement he lived at Hollin Close Hall, in Yorkshire, and died
in 1766. A monument to his memory exists in Ripon Cathedra).

Some interest is attached to his sister Jane, who married, in
1741, at Somerset House Chapel, in London, Norton Nicholls,
and became the mother of Norton Nicholls the younger. Norton
the younger is known as the friend of the poet Gray, to whom he
was introduced at the age of nineteen in the rooms of Mr. Lobb,
a Fellow of Peterhouse, Cambridge. In the summer of 1770, he
went with Gray on a journey through the midlimd counties, and
wrote a journal of their proceedings, which the poet kept in his
possession. He again travelled with Gray in the following year,

* He wa« High Sheriff of DonteUhire in the same year.

• For pedigree, sec Miscellanea (rnualofjica^ Sept., 1890.
1 Hodgkin MSS., Pub. Hut MSS. Commiiinoii, 1897.

VOL. XXX. 2 L

522 AKNALS OF THE FAMILY OF FLOYEK.

in France, Switzerland, and Italy. Later on he took Holy Orders,
and was presented, through tiie instrumentality of his uncle,
William Turner, to the Bectory of Lound and Bradwell, near
Lowestoft. As there was no rectory house, he lived with his
mother at Blundeston House, in an adjoining parish, and devoted
his spare time to the improvement of the lawns and tree& He
died at Blundeston on November 22nd, 1809, and was buried at
Bichmond, Surrey, where his uncle, William Turner, had lived,
and where his grandfather Colonel Floyer's monument still
exists.^

Charles Floyer, son of Charles Floyer, of HoUin Close Hall,
was a merchant in the Hon. East India Company's Service, and
a member of the Grovemor^s Council of Madras in 1776. In
an action about the Benwell claims, in the following year, he
sided with G. Stratton and the majority of the Council, in
arbitrarily deposing the Governor of Madras, Lord Pigot Pigot
was put into prison, and died there. Floyer and his party were
put upon their trial, and though acquitted, they were suspended
and recalled. Charles Floyer was afterwards appointed Chief of
the Guntoor Circars. His sister Frances married John Francis
Erskine, of Mar, a lieutenant in the 9th Dragoons. Of the two
sons of Charles Floyer, Augustus attained distinction in the East
India Co.'s military service as colonel of the Madras Cavalry.
He was made K.C.B., and died at Hyderabad in 1818. This
branch of the family seems also to be extinct'

' There is a moDument in Wells Cathedral to Miss Anna Maria Floyer,

daughter of the late Floyer, of Blundestone, ob. 1842. Cf. Jewers*

Wdli Catfudral Also Diet, NaU Biog., art "Norton Nicholls.^

^ The present Mr. Reginald Floyer Saunders obtained his name from one
of this branch.

ANNALS OF THE FAMILY OF FLOYBR.

523

APPENDIX A.

It has been suggested that Sotrebroc cannot be identical with
Floyer's Hayee, because Sotrebroc was held in Domesday by
FJoher in eapite^ and as the lands of a free knight, and Floyer's
Hayes was held under the Barony of Okehampton. William I.,
however, granted the Barony of Okehampton to Baldwin de Sap,
one of his generals at the Battle of Hastings, and afterwards the
husband of his niece. It is more than probable that at the time
of this grant, Floher ,if he were a Saxon, was infeudated, and
continued to hold his land, but as a vassal of the Baron of Oke-
hampton. Hence the necessity of a grant

The argument has been somewhat confused by a mistranslation
of the Domesday entry. " Mansio " is a thane's living-land haus,
called also a cotlif or quillet-haus, and Sotrebroc was assessed at
half a plough, that is, at fifty acres or les& Swetton was about
163 acres. Floyer's Hayes itself seems to have comprised about
thirty acres. There is no difficulty in identifying the Floher
of Floyer's Hayes with the Floher of Domesday^ if the following
three independent accounts are compared : —

Exon. Domesday,
Floher

Held Sotrebroc, 1086

Pipe Bolls.
Floher.

Rio. fiL FloherL
31 Hen. I. (1131).

Nicholas fil. FloherL
4 Hen. II. (1158).

Charters,

Floher of Floyer's

Hayes.
Richard fil. Floheri

Hen. I.
Nicholas fiL Ricardi.

Ricardusfil. Nicholi,of
Floyer's ELayea.

APPENDIX B.

NOTE ON THE PRB8ERVATI0N OP THE FLOTBR PBDIORBB.

It is somewhat remarkable that the records of the Floyer
family, never a very distinguished one, and in later generations
disturbed by frequent migrations, should have been so fully
preserved as they are. Three circumstances will mainly account
for this, two of them accidental By the marriage of Anthony
Floyer* with the daughter of Sir William Pole, the Devonshire
historian and antiquary, the family was brought closely into
contact with one who transcribed the deeds, charters, and grants
of land which had existed in the family deed-box during the long

* Who came of «ge 1625-6. See above.

2 L 2

524 ANNALS OF THE FAMILT OF FLOTKR.

andirtmbed reddence at Floyer's Hajes. The origiiuls of time
are not now discoyeraUey thongh the j maj still be extanl Nor
are Sir William Pole's copies acoepsible. Manj of his papers
were burnt at the time of the Ciril War, and the krge Yolnme of
DeYonshire charters existing in manuscript, now at Qneisn's Colkge,
OxfDfd, contains none relating to the Fiojer famflj. Another
Yolnme, which is referred to by Prince as ** Pole's Great MS. of
Chartets," may still be at Axminster House, or in some other
priyate collection. Prince, howeyer, copied literally from Pole's
collections, and a great many documents relatiye to the family are
preseryed in a manuscript of Prince's, now at the British Moseom,
which he did not publish in his Worthies of Detxm, Indeed, no
mention is made by Prince of the Fioyer funily until the 1810
edition. Copies of these same documents exist, though in a yery
corrupt form, at the CoUege of Arms. But eyen li these are
sufficient to authenticate the earlier portion of the £unily
genealogy, it is not at all improbable that, because of the change
of residence, the chronicle could no longer haye been written had
it not been for the family connection with the Founder of Wad-
ham College. In order to enjoy the priyileges of Founder^s Kin,
the rdationship had to be proyed, and in the case we are consider-
ing this was done by a pedigree being registered at the College of
Arms in 1708, on the matriculation of William Fioyer, and again
in 1837, on the matriculation of Richard Ayscoghe Martin Fioyer,
and possibly on other occasions.^ By the copies of the charters,
therefore, and the Founder's Kin pedigrees, the genealogy is almost
independent of those unreliable yet useful documents, the eariy
Visitations of the Heralds. Where a genealogy is once estab-
lished, it is easy to illustrate and enlaige it^ and to substantiate
points which are doubtfol, by reference to the Public Records,
which are eyery year made more accessible. Some hundreds of
books and documents haye been requisitioned for the foregoing
account. The later generations of the family history owe their
fulness chiefly to the genealogical tastes of John Grould Fioyer,
of Ketsby, and his son, the Rey. Ayscoghe Fioyer, who copied
and arranged the yoluminous and careful notes of his father. It
has been the business of the present compiler to consult yery
many authorities not hitherto accessible, and to arrange the results
in a compact form.

* The MoDmoathshire branch of the family also took advantage of
Founder's Kin at Wadham. Ct Fosteb, Alumni Oxonienses,

LIST OF MEMBEES.

* Indicates Life Members. t Indicates Honorary Members.

t Indicates Corresponding Members.

Italics indicate Members whose addresses are incomplete or unknown^

The Names of Members of the Council are printed in small capitals.

Notice of Changes of Residence and of Decease of Members should be sent to the
General tSecretary, Rev. W. Harpley, Clayhanger Reetory, Tiverton.

Year of
Election.

18»8 Abbot, J. W., Mount, Priory, Plympton.
1892 Ackland, W. R, m.r.o.8., 5, Rodney Place, Clifton.
1879*AcLAND, Sir H. W. D., ilcb., m.a., m.d., ll.d., F.as., f.ro.s.,
Broad Street, Oxford.

1881 Adams, Col. H. C, Lion House, Exmouth.

1896 Adams, Maxwell, Thompark Villa, Teignmoutb.

1897 Adey, Rev. W. T., Kingsbridge.

1886 Aldridge, C, M.D., Plympton House, Plympton.
1889tAlford, Rev. D. P., m.a., Elm Grove, Taunton.

1887 Alger, W. H., j.p., The Manor House, Stoke Damerel,

S. Devon.
1896»Allhu8en, C. Wilton, Pinhay, Lyme Regis.
1884 Alsop, J., 17, Devon Square, Newton Abbot.
1874 Alsop, R., Teignmoutb Bank, Teignmoutb.
1877 Amery, Jasper, 35, Bitton Street^ Teignmoutb.
1869 Amert, J. S., Druid, Asbburton.
1869 Ambry, P. F. S., j.p., Druid, Asbburton (Hon. General

Treasurer).
1891 Amory, Sir J. Heatbcoat, Bart., Knigbtsbayes, Tiverton.

1897 Anderson, Rev. Irvine K., Mary Tavy Rectory, Tavistock.
1876*Andrew, T., f.g.s., Soutbembay, Exeter.

1894 Andrews, Jobn, Traine, Modbury, Ivy bridge.

1863 Appleton, Edward, F.aLRA., m.Inst.g.b., 1, Vaugban Parade,

Torquay.
1896 Artbur, Ricbard Wells, Slade, Mounts, R.8.O., near

Kingsbridge.
1868 Asbley, J., Honiton.

1882 Atkins, E., Dun Esk, Teignmoutb.

1898 Avery, J. B., Honiton.

1898 Banfield, H., Honiton.

1878*Baring-Gould, Rev. S., m.a., Lew Trencbaid, Lewdown.

526

LIST OF MEMBERS.

898 Barneit, Miss, Honiion.

897 Barran, Chadee, Berry House, Totnea.

892 Barrat^ F. L., M.A., j.p.. The Esplanade, Rjmooth.

877 Bartlet, Rev. J. M. de Lndbrooke, Mi^ior House, Lodbrooke,

Modbury, Ivybridge.
88d*Bartleti, O. Smart, Paignton.
876 Bastard, B. J. P., Kitlej, Tealmpton, South Devon.

898 Bayley, Arthur, Cotford, Sidmouth.
898 Bayley, Mrs., Cotford, Sidmouth.
894»Bayly, Miss A., Seven Trees, Plymouth.
871*Bayly, Robert, j.p., Torr Grove, Plymouth.

884 Beame, Lewis, j.p., St Bernard's, Newton Abbot.

893 BeU, J. H., Dalton Lees, Huddersfield.

895 Bellew, P. F. B., CoUey House, Tedbum St. Mary.

898 Bernard, Arthur F., Combe Baleigh, Honiton (Yick-

PRmDENT).

894 Berry, Rev. G. R, B.A., Fmmanuel Vicarage, Plymouth.
895*Bickford, Col., Dunsland House, North Devon.

890 Bingham, Rev. W. P. S., M.A., Kenton.

880 BiECH, Rev. W. M., M.A., Vicarage, Ashburton.

897 Birks, Rev. H. A., m.a., Kingsbridge (Vice-Pbbbidknt).

897 Birks, Mrs., The Vicarage, Kingsbridge.

889 Birmingham Free Library.

886 Blacklee, T. A., Royal Marble Works, St Marychurch,

Torquay.

897 Blackler, J., Kingsbridge.

897 Blackler, Mra E. R., Kingsbridge.

878 Blackmore, Rev. R., M.A., Lamorran Rectory, Probus,

Cornwall
893 Blatchford, Rev. A. N., Pen Tavy, Durdham Park, Bristol

898 Bleckmann, — , Honiton.

896 Boase, S. Stoddard, Inver Torre, St Marychurch, Torquay.

873 Bowring, L. B., a8.L, Temple Dinsley, Bracksome, Bourne-

mouth.

874 Bowring, Lady, 7, Baring Crescent, Exeter.
890*Bowring, Thos. B., 7, Palace Gate, London, W.

898 Boyer, Commander F., b.n., Ailsa, Washaway, RS.O.,

Cornwall
892 Brendon, W. T., West Hoe, Plymouth.
872 Brent, F., p.s.a., TothiU Avenue, Plymouth.
882 Brownlow, The Right Rev. Bishop, m.a., Clifton.
882 Brushfield, T. N., m.d.. The Cliff, Budleigh Salterton.
889 Brushfield, Archibald, The CHff, Budleigh Salterton.

881 ♦Bryant, Wilberforce, Stoke Park, Bucks.
879*Bryce, J. P., j.p., Bystock, Exmouth.

898 Buchanan, D. W. R., Broomhills, Honiton (Vicb-President

and Hon. Local Secretary).
1898 Buckingham, F. A., Honiton.

LIST OF MF.MBER8. 527

1887 Budd, F. K, M.A., North Tawton.
1887*Buller, Admiral A., O.B., Erie Hall, PlymptoiL
1887 Balteel, Thomas, j.p., Radford, Plymouth.
1871 Burch, Arthur, 5, Baring Crescent, Exeter.
187d*Burdett-Coutts, Eight Hon. Baroness, 1, Stratton Street,

Piccadilly, London.
1887 BuBNARD, KoBBRT, J.P., Hillsborough, Plymouth.

1887 Barnard, Mrs. F. L., Hillsborough, Plymouth.

1890 Burns, Kev. J. S., The Presbytery, Barnstaple.

1898 Byrde, Rev. R. A^, m.a., Grammar School, Honiton (Vicb-
Presidbnt).

1871*Canterbury, His Grace the Archbishop of, Lambeth Palace,
Westminster.

1891 Carpenter, H., m.a., ll.u., Bampton Street, Tiverton.
1866*Carpenter-Gamier, J., Rookesbury Park, Wickham, Hants.
1895*Cash, Mid^ley, m.d., Limefield, Torquay.

1898 Cave, Sir C. D., Bart., Sidbury Manor, Sidmouth.
1898 Cave, C. D., Sidbury Manor, Sidmouth.
1893 Chamberlayne, General, Las Flores, Torquay.

1892 Chandler, A., Penrose, Wolboro' Hill, Newton Abbot.
1890 Chanter, C. E. R., Broadmead, Barnstaple.

\SS2* Chaplin, G, H,

1884 Chapman, H. M., St. Martin's Priory, Canterbury.

1881 Chapman, Rev. Professor, m.a., ll.d.. Western College,

Mannamead, Plymouth.
1898 Chichester, H., Cheriton, Ottery St Mary.
1896 Chope, R Pearee, The Patent Office, Chancery Lane, KC.
1898 Clapp, R. W., Honiton.

1888 Clark, H., Carlton House, Exmouth.
1869»Clark, R A., The Larches, Torquay.

1871 Clements, Rev. H. G. J., M.A., Vicarage, Sidmouth.
1881*Clifford, Right Hon. Lord, m.a., j.p., Ugbrooke, Chudleigh.
1890 Clinton, Right Hon. Lord, Heanton, Beaford.

1893 Cocks, J. W., Madeira Place, Torquay.
1898 Colbome, Hon. G., Hembury Fort, Honiton.

1895 Colby, F. T., d.d., 12, Hillsborough Terrace, Ufracombe.
1898*CoLERiDGB, Right Hon. Lord, m.a., q.o.. Heath's Court, Ottery

St. Mary (President).
1898 Coleridge, Hon. G. B., Heath's Court, Ottery St Mary.
1866 Collier, W. F., j.p., Wood town, Hormbridge.

1894 Collier, G. B., m.a., Woodtown, Horrabridge.

1889 Collier, M. J., Foxhams, Horrabridge.

1896 CoUings, Jesse, The Right Hon., h.p., Edgbaston,

Birmingham.
1892 Colson, F. H, m.a., Plymouth College, Plymouth.
1898 CoplestoD, Rev. J. H., Offwell, Honiton.
1881*Cornish, Rev. J. F., Christ's Hospital, London, E.C.

528 UST OF MEMBEBS.

867 Cotton, R W., The Eed House, Newton Abbot
866 Cotton, W., P.8.A., Bearcott, Bridestowe.

885 CowiB, Very Rev. B., Dean of Exeter, Deanery, Exeter.

895 Cowlard, C. L., Madford, Launceston.
J 898 Cox, C. K, Honiton.

887 Crews, F. H. R, 7, Queen's Gate, Plymouth.
898 Croft,SirAlfred W.,K.ai.E.,M.A ,Rumleigh,Bere Alston,RS.O.
887»Cubitt, W., j.p., Fallapit, Mounts, RS.O., South Devon.

886 Cumming, Stephen A., Devonia, Golden Manor, Hanwell,
London, W.

890tDallinger, Rev. W. EL, ll,d., p.r.8., f.l.8., &c., Ingleside,
Lee, London, 8.B.

888 Davies, A. B., Clarence VUlas, East Cowes Park, Isle of Wight.

896 Davies, W., Bellfield, Kingsbridge.

892 Davis, 0., Tothill Avenue, Plymouth.

897 Davis, W., Doweraile, Exmouth.
878 Davson, F. A., m.d., j.p.. Mount Galpine, Dartmouth.

878 Davy, A. J., Abbeyfield, Falkland Road, Torquay.
886 Daw, W. Bennett, Hele House, Ashburton.
888*Dawson, Hon. Richard, m.a., Holne Park, Ashburton.

896 Deacon, Fred. J., 23, HamUton Road, Ealing, W.

879 Dennis, J. C, Alma, Ilfracombe.

897 Dickinson, Rev. F. B., M.A., The Manor House, Ottery
St. Mary.

896 Dobell, Robert, Parkvedras House, Truro.
882 Dob, G. M., Enfield, Great Torrington.

898 Donaldson, Rev. K A., 17, South Hill, Stoke, Devonport.

889 Duncan, A. G., South Bank, Bideford.
898 Dunning, A. J., Honiton.

898 Dunning, R H., j.p., Stoodleigh Court, Tiverton.
891 Dunsford, G. L., Villa Franca, 17, Wonford Road, Mount

Radford, Exeter.
879 Dymond, A H., 14, Bedford Circus, Exeter.
871 Dymond, F. W., 3, Manston Terrace, Exeter.
889 Dymond, Mrs., St. Leonard's Road, Exeter.
898 Dymond, Robert, j.p.. The Mount, Bideford.

897 Eady-Borlase, Mrs., Combe Royal, Kingsbridge,

898 Eccla», J. A. J., Stentwood, Honiton.
891 Edmonds, Rev. Canon, B.D., The Close, Exeter.
898 Edmonds, W., j.p., Wiscombe Park, Colyton.
896 Eggbeer, Frank E., Ashburton.

896 Elliot, Edmund A. S., M.ao.s., m.b.o.u., Woodville, Kings-
bridge.

877 EUiot, R L., Trecie, Paignton.

893 Elliott, J. C, 3, Powderham Terrace, Teignmouth.

897 Elliot^ Rev. F. R, m.a., Kingsbridge.

LIST OF MEMBERS. 529

1878 Elworthy, F. T., Foxdown, Wellington, Somerset.

1888 Ermen, Miss, Yannon, Teignmouth.

1898 Evans, Arnold, 4, Lithfield Place, Clifton.

1890 Evans, D. Ogilvie, Ashburton.

1869*Evans, Sir J., D.au, ll.d., f.r.s., F.8.A., f.q.s., Nash Mills,

Uemel Hempstead, Herts.
1886 Evans, J. J. Ogilvie, 1, Orchard Gardens, Teignmouth.
1877 Evans, J. L., 4, Lithfield Place, Clifton.
1880*Evans, Parker N., Park View, Brockley, West Town, R.S.O.,

Somerset.

1895 Evans, H. M., Royal William Victualling Yard, Plymouth.

1896 Evans, P. F. Sparke, Trinmore, Clifton, Bristol.

1892 Exeter, The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of, d.d., Palace,
Exeter.

1895*Finch, Rev. W., Monks, Chaddesley Corbett, Kidderminster.
1896 Firth, Cecil M., Knowle, Ashburton.

1875 Firth, F. H., Place House, Ashburton.
1896 Firth, H. Mallahy, Knowle, Ashburton.
1896*Firth, R. W., Knowle, Ashburton.

1876 Fleming, J., 83, Portland Place, London, W.
1896 Foaden, J. H., Spamham House, Ashburton.
1898 Ford, Dr., Rillside, Exeter Road, Exmouth.

1896 Forster, Rev. C., Holne Chase, Ashburton.

1867 Fortescue, Right Hon. Earl, Castle Hill, South Molton.

1898 Fortescue, Rev. Hugh John, m.a., Honiton (Vios-Presidknt).

1898 FortescuA, Miss, The Rectory, Honiton.

lS67*Fo8iery Rev. /. P., m.a.

1876*i?bw7Zer, Rev. W. W.

1876*Fox, Charles, "The Chestnuts," Warlingham.

1892 Fox, R. Reynolds, Westbrook, Plymouth.

1892 Francis, H., o.b., 1, Belmont Villas, Stoke, Devonport
1898 Freane, G. N., Cranicombe, Babbacombe, Torquay.
1894*Frost, F. C, F.8.I., Regent Street^ Teignmouth.

1897 Froude, Ashley A., j.p., CoUepit Creek, Kingsbridge.
1876 Fulford, F. D., j.p., Fulford, Dunsford.

1895 Fulford, G. L., Okehampton.

1880 Furneaux, J., HUl Crest, Buckfastloigh.

1893 Gardiner, Miss Lucy, Ellacombe, Budleigh Salterton.
1895 Geen, C, j.p., Okehampton.

1895 German, W. B., Okehampton.
1889 Gibbon, Rev. H., Beer, Axminster.
1886»Gibbons, Miss, Walliugford, Budleigh Salterton.

1894 Gibson, Rev. Marsden, m.a., Rectory, Chulmleigh.
1892 Gidley, Miss, St. MichaeFs Terrace, Plymouth.
1891*Giffard, Hardinge F., 20, Holland Street, Campden Hill,

London, W.

2 L 3

»•

U5T or 3U3f

>^ G

*7* Ortv^rr, A., I>^T*r Cocrt, Fori* P*.*k. XeWa Ab?>jC

*C*^ Gr>«, .S^ X D^ F-«.c 5^ Valesta. Tnoriow ^2jamL. Tocq^ij.
•♦T^ G-ilik-^a, J. R., G'icw**'. T-rirrioiUL

**0 Hack*T, S-, Newvn AbV.t.

^:^6 Hal*, RcT. Tiy>iDA«, jla., Wkkbam L>i^ P^igBtoiL

'•'iT^Ha;;, TowLAter-'i M., f.g a., lYton, Banistapie.

*'j2 HjiiJiBVET, Ki^'ht H«^iL Lord, 4. EcnUmore Gardens S.W.

v:2 Hajiilt'>5. a. H- A^ M-a., j.p.. Fairticld I»l^ Exeler.

«* •* Haitlin;^ J. G., F.G.«., The C1-jb«<, Banistaplt

'^"O Hairjl}TL, JaiiJ€*, IV.«*»-^11 Park, Buck Castle:^

'**0 Haml}ii, John, Falliford, Bickfa5tj«?L:h.

•**0 HanciTn, J rs-sph, Buber Hill, BackfasUeigh.

>^96 Hamlvn, Tboma*, CleaTehunt, BockfacOeigh.

896 Hamijn, WUliam, Hapetead, Buck fas tleigh.

?*78 HamJyn, W. R, Widecombe Cot, Banington KomI, TorquaT.
^95 Harding, T. L, FlorUton, Torqnaj.
898 HardiDg, C, Honitoo.

8^58 Habfcb, J., UB.aP-, Bear Street Barnstaple,
862 Habplet, Rev. W^ m. a., f.cp.s., ClayhaDger Rectory, TlTcrton
(Hox. Ge5«ral Secretabt).

892 Harpley, P.ev. F. R, A., ra,, Church View, Daubhill,

Bolton, Lancashire^
877 Harris, Rev. S. G., ila,, Hij^hweek, Xewton Abbot.

893 Harria, Mise, Sunningdale, Portland Ayenae, Exmooth.
892»Harvey, T. H., j.p., Gordon ViUa, Plymouth.
898*Harvey, Henry Fairfax, c o Mn*. Pitman, Hillside, Guildford.
875»Hatt-Cook, Herbert, Hartford Hall, Cheshire.

894 Hawkins, K P., Edgerton Park, Exeter.

869*Hayne, Right Hon. C. Seale, ilp., Pitt House, Chudleigh.

886 Hayward, Hev.D. Li, RA.,PitneyRectory,Langport, Somerset

898 Hayward, Mrs., Awliscombe, Honiton.

865 Hearder, W., Rocombe, Paignton.

890»Heberden, W. B., c.b., Elmfield, Exeter.

898 Hellier, Edward W., Honiton (Hon. Local Treasurer).

888*Hepbum, T. H., Hele, Cullompton.

897 Herford, Rev. W. E, Salcombe, Kingsbridge.
896 Hem, J., m.d., p.r.c.s., Semmercote, Darlington.

UST OF MEMBEKS. 531

1896 Hewetson, Mids, Ware, Buckfastleigh.

1882*Hiern, W. P., Castle House, Barnstaple.

1862 HiNB, J., F.R.I.B.A., 7, Mulgrave Place, Plymouth (Vice-

President).
1892*Hing8ton, C. A., m.d., Sussex Terrace, Plymouth.
1898 HodgsoD, T. V., Borough Museum, Plymouth.
1893 Holman, Joseph, Downside House, Downlewne, Sneyd,

Bristol.
1898 Hook, S. W., Honiton.
1898 Hook, H., HonitoD.
1872 Hooper, B., Bournbrook, Torquay.
1877 Hooper, J., Bellfield, Kin^rsbridge.

1892 Hornbrook, W., Garfield Villa, Stuart Road, Devonport.
1896 Hosegood, S., Chatford House, Clifton, Bristol.

1898 Hoskins, J., Honiton.

1882 Howell, J. B., The Tower, Hathersage, near Sheffield.
1889*HuDLE8TON, W. H., M.A., F.R.8., F.G.8., 18, Stauhope Gardens,

South Kensington, W.
1895*HuGHE8, T. Cann, m.a., Town Clerk, Lancaster.

1896 Hulbert, M., Ingleside, Edge Hill Road, Castle Bar, Ealing, W.
1868*HuNT, A. R., M.A,, F.G.S., F.L.8., Southwood, Torquay.
1876 Hurrell, J. S., The Manor House, Kingsbridge.

1898 Hulchinp, Major, Badleigh Salterton.

1886 Huxtable, James, 124, Park Road, Newcastle-on-Tyne.

1877*Ilbert, W. Roope, m.a., j.p., Bowringsleigh, Kingsbridge.

1897 Ingham, W., AJsaoc. M. Inst c.b.. The Arcade, Union Street,

Torquay.

1893 Iredale, A., Strand, Torquay.

1890 Jackson, Mark, Bear Street, Barnstaple.

1898 Jame^, Rev. C. L., Broadhembury, Honiton.

1883 Jordan, W. F. C, 4, Teign Royal, Teignmouth.
1871 Jordan, W. R. H., Bitton Street, Teignmouth.

1874 Karkeek, p. Q., m.r.c.s., Isca, Abbey Road, Torquay.
1880*Keeling, F., f.r.g.8., St. Mary's Terrace, Colchester.
1879*Kelland, W. H., Victoria Road, Barnstaple.
1877»Kellock, T. C, Totnes.
1872*Kennaway, Sir J. H., Bart., m.a., m.p., Escot, Ottery St. Mary

( Vice-President).
1880 King, C. R B., a.ri.b.a., 35, Oakley Square, London. N.W.
1896 King-Smith, C. Woodview, Buckfastleigh.
1896 Kirkham, Dr. F. W., 3, Gerston Terrace, Paignton
1865»Kitson, W. IL, Shiphay, Torquay.
1893 Kitson, J., Fairfield, Torquay.
1898 Knight, Rev. F. H. G., Ottery St. Mary.
1898 Knowles, Job, Honiton.

532 LIST OF MEMBERS.

871 Lake, W. C, m.d., Benton, Teignmontlu

881*Lane, John, p.ca., 2, Bannercross, Abbey Road, Torqaaj.

898 LangdoD, Rev. F. E. W., Membury, near Chard.

871 Lee, Godfrey Robert, Timara Cottage, Teignmouth.

896 Lee, Rev. H. J. Barton, South Park View, Ashbnrtoo.
889*Lee, Col. J. W., Budleigh Salterton, South Devon.

892 Lemann, F., Blackfriars House, Plymouth.

895 Lethbridge, W., Wood, Okehampton.

897 Lethbridge, Sir Roper, m.a., 21, Cornwall Terrace, Regent's
Park, London, N.W.

897 Lewis, Rev. L C, Dodbrooke, Kingsbridge.

897 Lewis, W. H., b.a., 13, Victoria Terrace, Exeter.

898 Little, J. Hunter, Lisnansgh, Exmouth.
890*Long8taff, G. B., m.d., Twitcham, Morthoe, RS.O.
898 Lowe, Harford J., 1, The Oaklands, Torquay.
877 Luskey, J. S., West Alvington, Kingsbridge.

896 Lyster, Major, Waye House, Aeh burton.

863*Lyte, F. Maxwell, P.c.s., 60, Finborough RoiBwi, Radclifle
Square, S.W.

886* Mac Andrew, James J., j.p., f.l.8., Lukesland, Ivybridge.
898 Mackintosh, Lieut. -CoL, Ashfield, Honiton.

894 MaUet, W. R, Exwick Mills, Exeter.
877*Mallock, R, j.p., Cockington Court, Torquay.

897 Mardon, Heber, Southfield, Westbury-on-Trym, Bristol.

898 Marker, Richanl, Coombe House, Gittisham, Honiton (Vice-

President).
871*Martin, John May, c.e., p.m.s., Bradninch House, Exeter.
898 Marwood-EIton, Rev. Alfred, Widworthy Court, Honiton

(Viob-Presidbnt).
887 Matthews, Coryndon, p.b.8., Stentaway, Plymstock, 8. Devon.
896 Matthews, J. W., Erme Wood, Ivybridge.
898 Matthews, R H., Honiton.
898 Matthews, W., Honiton.

896 May, Joseph, m.d., Osborne Villas, Devonport

895 Maye, R L., Devon and Cornwall Bank, Okehampton.

897 Mc William, 0., m.a., **Mordref," Teignmouth.

898 Melhuish, Rev. George Douglas, m.a.. Rectory, Ashwater.
880 Michelmore, H., 2, Bouverie Place, Exeter.
884*Mildmay, H. B., Flete, Ivybridge.

893 Miller, F. A., Ashfield, Torquay.

898 Mitford, Bertram B., Brambrook Cross, Honiton.
892*Monk, J. E, 7, Rochester Terrace, North Hill, Plymouth.
892^Monkswe1], Right Hon. Lord, b.a., Monkswell House,

Chelsea Embankment, London, S.W.
885 Morley, The Right Hon. the Earl of, Saltram, Plympton.

896 Morrell, Major, Ormonde House, Paignton.
889 Morshead, R, Hurlditch Court, Tavistock.

LIST OF MEMBERS. 533

1898 MoRSHEAD, I. Y. Andeison, Lusways, Salcombe Regis

Sidmoath.
1888 Mortimer, J., 6, Northernhay Place, Exeter.
1886*Mortimer, A., 1, Paper Buildings, Temple, London.
1896. Mortimer, J., b.a., b.Sc^ Grammar School, Ashbnrton.
1874*Mount Edgcumbe, Right Hon. Earl of, Moant Edgcumbe,

Plymouth.

1893 Musgrave, G. A., F.R.G.a, f.z.s., Forzebank, Torquay.

1881*Nankivell, C. A., m.d., Ashley Lodge, Torquay.
1885 Neok, J. S., J. p., Great House, Moretonhampstead.
1898 Nevill, Ralph, St. Michael's Mount, Honiton.

1895 Newcombe, S. P. B., Okehampton.

1897 Nicholls, Richard Perrott, West Alvington, Kingsbridge.

1897 Nicolle, Rev. F. G. S., All Saints' Clergy House, Plymouth.
1892 Norrington, C, j.p., Abbotsfield, Plymouth.

1896 Northmore, John, Rampstem, Lew Trenchard, N. Devon.

1896 Page, J. LI. Warden, Elmfield, Totnes.
lS6d*Pannell, C.

1898 Panther, Rev. J. B., Honiton.

1895 Pearsb, W. Burd, 3, Park Villas, Okehampton.

1896 Pearson, Rev. J. B., d.d., Whitstone Rectory, Exeter.
1898 Peek, Sir Cuthbert B., Bart, m.a., Rousdon, Lyme, Dorset

(Vice-President).

1894 Pengelly, Miss, Lamoma, Torquay.

1882 Penzance Library.

1897 Periam, J., Bampton, Devon-

1872 Pershouse, F., Chelston Tower, Chelston, Torquay.
1897 Peter, Thuratan C, Redruth.

1883 Petherick, J., 8, Clifton Grove, Torquay.

1881 Phear, Sir J. B., m.a., f.g.s., j.p., Marpool, Exmouth.
1887 Phillips, Sydney H., j.p., Trenley Villa, Plymouth.

1897 Pitman, Rev. W. D., m.a., j.p., Aveton Giflford, Kingsbridge.
1896 Plnmer, J. B., Allerton, near Totnes.

1879 Plymouth Free Library.

1884 Plymouth Proprietary Library, Cornwall Street, Plymouth.

1880 Pode, J. D., Slade, Ivy bridge.

1898 Pole, Sir Edmund de la, Bart., Shute House, Colyton (Vice-

President).
1898 Pole, Major de la, Colyton.
1892 Pollock, Professor Sir F., Bart., m.a., ll.d., 48, Great

Cumberland Place, London, W.

1894 Poltimore, Right Hon. Lord, p.c, d.l., j.p., Court Hall,

North Molton.

1882 Pope, W., Coplestone House, Coplestone, North Devon.
1878*Powell, W., m.b., p.r.c.8., HUl Garden, Torquay.

1895 Pratt, J. Drewe, Carlton Hill, Exmouth.

534 LIST OF MEKBEBS.

1888 PfiiOKMAN, J. D., Okehampton.

1897 Prinsep, Rev. H. S., Berry Pomeroj Yicamge, Toines.

1887 Prowsb, Arthur R, M.D., F.aas., 5, Lansdown Place, CliftoiL

1891 Prowae, W. B., 6, Lansdown Place, Clifton.
1894*Pr7ke, Rev. W. £., m.a., Marwood Rectory, Barnstaple.
1896 Paddicombe, Rev. A. T., B.D., Crapstone Cottage, Y^Tertoo,

RS.O.

1893 Pimchard, Rev. K 6., d,d., Christ Church Vicarage, Lutoo,

Bedfordshire.

1881*Radford, D., j.p., Mount Tavy, Tavistock.
1868*Radford, W. T., m.d., F.itA.a, Sidmount, Sidmouth.

1 888 Radford, Mrs., Chiswick House, Ditton Hill, Surbiton, Smrey.

1889 Radford, C. H., j.p., 2, Queen's Gate Villas, Plymouth.

1898 Radford, Arthur L., The Cedar House, Hillingdon, near

Uxbridge.
1896 Rea, Charles F., b.a., b.so., Grammar School, Totnes.
1898 Reade, Rev. G. M. L., Ottery St Mary.

1896 Reed, Harbottle, 57, St. David's Hill, Exeter.
1898 Reed, C, Honiton.

1872 Reighel, Rev. Oswald J., ao.L.,F.8.A., A laRonde, Lympstone,

Devon.
1885 Reichel, L. H., Black Torrington, Highampton.
1898 Reynell-Upham, W. Upbam, 8, Hampton Road, Redland,

Bristol.
1888 Richards, W. J., Riversdale, Torquay.

1892 Rickford, Wyndham, Clearwell, Exmouth.
1898 Ridgway, A. J., Honiton.

1898 Riding, Dr., Backerell Lodge, Honiton.

1892 Ri8K, Rev. J. E., m.a., Stockleigh English Rectory, Crediton.

1877*Robert8, L, F.as., p.aA.8., f.g.s., Starfield, Crowborougfa,

Sussex.
1892 Robinson, C. E., Richmond Lodge, Torquay.
1884 Robinson, J. F., Park Hill, Ipplepon, Newton Abbot

1897 Rogers, Ernest C., m.a., ll.d., 15, Calthorpe Road, Edgbaston,

Birmingham.

1897 Rogers, Miss Eva C, Langstone, Pu Tor, near Horrabridge.

1898 Roleston, J. T., Honiton.

1892 Rooney, J., Great Western Docks, Plymouth.

1895 Roper, Mrs. Trevor, Okehampton.

1872*Ros8all, J. H., m.a., Charleville, Roscrea, Ireland.

1862 RowE, J. Brooking, f.s.a., f.l.s.. Castle Barbican, Plympton.

1897 Royal Western Yacht Club, Plymouth.

1898 Bundle, H. L., Honiton.

1869*Ryder, J. W. W., j.p., 4, Tamar Terrace, Stoke, Devonport

1894 Sanders, T., p.r.c.s.b., South Molton,
1881*Saunders, E. Symes, Devon County Asylum, Exminster.

LIST OF liEMBERS. 535

1877*Sauiider8, J. Symes, m.b., Devon County Asylum, Exminster.
1887*Saunder8, Trelawney, Elmfield on the Knowles, Newton

Abbot
1880*Saunder8, W. S., Moor View Lodge, Pennsylvania, Exeter.

1895 Saunders, Miss H., 92, East Street, South Molton.
1876*Scott, T. A. Somniers, Trentishoe, Dorking.

1884 Scratton, D. R, d.l., j.p., Ogwell House, West Ogwell,

Newton Abbot.
1894 Shapland, A. E., j.p.. South Molton.
1894 Shapland, A. F. Terrell, Withycombe House, Withy combe

Raleigh.
1893 Shapley, E. S., 2, Strand, Torquay.
1882 Shelley, Sir John, Bart., Shobrooke Park, Crediton.
1879 Shelly, J., 20, Princess Square, Plymouth.

1896 Sherard, Mrs., Gurrington, Woodland, Ashburton.
1881*Shier, David, m.d., 3, Claremont Terrace, Exmouth.
1898 Shortridge, Dr., Honiton.

1885 Sibbald, J. G. E., Mount Pleasant, Norton St. Philip, Bath.
1898 Sidmouth, The Right Hon. Viscount, Upottery Manor,

Honiton (Vicb-Presidbnt).
1893 Skardon, Brigade-Surgeon Lieut.-Col. T. G., Simla, Good-

rington, near Paignton.
1896 Slade, J. J. Eales, j.p., Broadlands, Torquay.
1878 Slade, S. H., St. Elmo, Walsingham Road, West Brighton.
1896 Slight, G. H., Hfracombe.
1893 Smerdon, R, 7, Kent's Place, Torquay.
1874 Smith, E., f.o.s., Dukes, Bradninch, Cullompton.
1895*Smith, The Hon. W. F. D., m.p., 3, Grosvenor Place,

London, S.W.
1896 SoMBRVAiL, A., Natural History Museum, Torquay.
1891 Southcomb, Rev. H. G., m.a., Roseash Rectory, South Molton.
1898 Spottiswoode, G. A., 3, Cadogan Square, London, S.W.
IS7 A* Spragge, F. P.

1882 Spraque, F. S., Barnstaple.

1898 Spuriel], Hubert, Gildridge Road, Eastbourne.
1896 Square, J. Harris, Clarendon House, Kingsbridge.
1898 Stamp, W. K, Honiton.

1883 Stepledon, J. N., Tad worthy, Northam, Bideford.
1893 Stark, W. P., Hillstead, Basingstoke.

1898 Stark, Robert, Chagford, Devon.

1868*Stebbing, Rev. T. R. R, m.a., F.Ra, Ephraim Lodge, The

Common, Tunbridge Wells, Kent.
1898 Stevens, Marwood House, Honiton.
1898 Stevens-Guille, Rev. H. G. de C, Churchforde, Little

Torrington.
1898*Sfr. Maur, Harold, Stover, Newton Abbot.
187 2*Stewart-Savile, Rev, F. A., m.a.
1876^Stone, J., Leusdon Lodge, Ashburton.

538

LIST or MEMBERS.

1886 Woollcombe, W. J., Plympton.
1895 Woollcombe, C. R, J.P., Ashbury, North Devon.
1891 Worth, R. Hanspord, o.b., 4, Seaton Avenue, Plymoutli.
1876 Wright, W. H. K., Headland House, Headland Pfcii,
Plymouth.

1895 Toung, £. H., m.d., Darley House, Okehampton«

The foUewing Table eonUint a Snmmarj of the forefoin^ List.

Honorary Members . ... 2

Corresponding Member . . . . 1

Life Members . . . 110

Annual Members ... 406

Total, August 10th, 1898

. 519

LIST OF MBMBBBS. 537

1897 Watson, Bicbard Huxham, d.l., j.p., Brook, Totnes.
1889*Watt8, K. L, j.p., Devonport
1870*Were, T. K., m.a., Cotlands, Sidmouth.

1894 Western Morning News GompaDy, Plymoatli.
1866*Wbymouth, K. F., d.lit., m.a., Collaton House, Brentwood,

Essex.

1877 Weymouth, T. W., Woolston House, Loddiswell, Kingsbridge.
1893 Whale, Rev. T. W., m.a., Mount Kessing, Weston Park, Bath,
1878*Whidbome, Rev. G. F., m.a., p.g.s., Charante, Torquay.
1872JWhitaker, W., B.A., p.b.8., p.g.s.. Geological Survey OflBce,

28, Jermyn Street, London, S.W. ; Freda, Campden

Road, Croydon.
1875 White-Thomson, Col. Sir R T., c.b., j.p., Broomford Manor,

Exboume, North Devon.
1893 White, T. Jeston, Standen Villa, Westminster Road, Hanwell.

1895 White, Digby, b.a., m.d., b.Ch.. Ashburton.
1897 Whitley, H. Michell, Trevella, Eastbourne.
1890*Wilcocks, Horace Stone, 32, Wyndham Square, Plymouth.
1881*Willcocks, F., m.d., m.r.o.p., 14, Mandeville Place, Man-
chester Square, London, W.

1877*Willcocks, Rev. E. J., M.A., The School House, Warrington,

Lancashire.
1877*Willcocks, G. W., m.inst.cb., 4, College Hill, Cannon Street,

London, E.C.
1877»Willcocks, R. H., ll.b., 4, College Hill, Cannon Street,

London, E.C.
1876»Willcocks, W. K, m.a., 19, Old Square, Lincoln's Inn,

London, W.C.
1883*Willcocks, A. D., M.R.a8., Park Street, Taunton.

1896 Williamson, Rev. M. B., M.A., Bickington Vicarage, Newton

Abbot.
1893 Willmot, Miss, May field, Budleigh Salterton.
1893 Willis, H., Lennox Lodge, Shanklin, Isle of Wight.

1897 Wills, J., Dodbrooke, Littleover Hill, Derby.
1875*Wilt8hire, Rev. T., M.A., p.g.s., p.l.8., p.k.a.8., Hon. Sec.

Palaeontographical and Ray Societies, 25, Granville

Park, Lewisham, London, S.W.
1896 Windeatt, George K, Bridgetown, Totnes.
1875*WiNDBATT, Edward, Bridgetown, Totnes.
1872 Windeatt, T. W., Totnes.
1896 Winget, W., 9, Portland Place, Torquay.
1872*Winwood, Rev. H. H., m. a., p.g.s., 1 1, Cavendish Crescent, Bath.
1884*Wolfe, J. K, Arthington, Torquay.

1878 Wolfe, Rev. Preb., m.a., Arthington, Torquay.
1884 Wollen, J. W. Grant, Glengariffe, Torquay.

1898 Wood, R. H., Belmont, Sidmouth.
1884*WooDHOU8E, H. B. S., 17, St. Lawrence Road, Plymouth.
1887*Woollcombe, Rev. G. Ley, Hemerdon, Plympton.

538

INDEX.

Ball Ring at Sheepstor, 90.

Burgage Tenure, 372.

Burgesses, 25, 26.

Bui^h, 186.

Bnmard, Robert, Report of the

Dartmoor Exploration Committee,

97.
Bye- laws and Standing Orders, 11.

Cairns at Galford Down, Lew
Trenchard, 78.

at Cox Tor, 104.

near Okebampton, 79.

Carow, Sir Gawen, 120.

— George, 120.

— Peter, 120, 148.

Castlereagh, Lord, 40.

Catalogue of the Ichneumonids of

the South of Devon, 477.
Cattewater Harbour, Depths of

Channels of^ 884.
Cedrus deodara^ Insect found on the,

49.
Chandler, Alfred, Notes by, 48, 49.

Sixteenth Report

(Third Series) of Committee on
Climate of Devon, 80.

Chapel of Allhallows at Honiton,

118, 120, 124.
Charde, Thomas, Abbot, 125.
Chardes at Honiton, The, 120.
Charters by the King, Grants of, 31.

of Incorporation, 30.

Chelson Frontier, Salcombe Regis,

186.

Chepman, John, 121.

Church at Salcombe Regis, 188, 189,
141.

Church in Devon before Domesday,
The, 258.

Churches of Devonshire, The Domes-
day, 268, 275.

Clay, Boulder, 388.

Cleaveland, Ezra, 122, 127.

John, 128.

Margaret, 127.

Clifton Dartmouth Hardness, 374.
Climate of Devon, Sixteenth Report

(Third Series) of Committee on

the, 80.
Cochrane, Lord, 39.
Cocks, Sir John, 123.
Codrington, Sir Edward, 40.
Coin at Honiton, Roman, 55.
Coins in Okehampton Park, Roman,

113.
Coleridge, Alethea Buchanan, 130.

Lord, Presidential Address,

25.

Collacombe, Lamerton, 148.

Collier, Sir Robert, 40.
Committee, Seventeenth Report of
the Barrow, 77.

on the Climate of Devon,

Sixteenth Report (Third Series) of
the, 80.

Fifth Report of the Dart-

moor Exploration Committee, 97.

on Devonshire Folk-lore,

Fifteenth Report of, 90.

on Scientific Memoranda,

Twentieth Report of, 47.

on Devonshire Verbal

Provincialisms, Seventeenth Re-
port of, 56.

Committees, 1898, Selected Minutes
of Council appointing, 28.

Commons, First House of, 27.

Contents, 8.

Cordwainers, Guild of, 122.

Comwood, 94.

Coryton, 91.

Cote, R. de, 136.

County Court, 26.

Court Barton, Exboume, Tumulus
at, 79.

Court Leet, 26.

Courtenay, John, 148.

House at Honiton, The,

119.

121.

Arms, 122.

Manor House at Honiton,

Family at Honiton, 120.

Hugh, 121.

Nicholas, 123.

Sir Peter, 127.

Bishop Peter, of Exeter,

Richard, Bishop of Nor-
wich, 121.

Courtenays, 91.

Cowper, William, 37.

Cox Tor, Exploration of, 104.

Crafts Guilds, 26.

Crediton, 28.

Crockern Tor, 80.

Crossbill {Loxia curtnrostra) in
Devon, 50.

Crossheath Burrow, Bridestowe, 79.

Cudlip Town, 115.

Culm Conglomerates of South Devon,
On the, 362.

Rocks in South Devon, On the

Denudation of, 367.

Culme, Agnes, 838.

Hugh, 338.

Damarell, Isabella, 148.

Sir John, 148.

INDEX.

539

Dartmoor Exploration Committee,

Fifth Report of, 97.
Dartmouth, 32, 34.

Parliamentary Represent-
ation of, 374.

Decay of Borough Representation,

80.
Denman, Hon. George, 40.
Denudation of the Culm Rocks, etc.,

367.
Desborough, 37.
Devon, Ichneumonidfe of the South

of, 458.

On the Culm Conglomerates

of, 362.

On the Denudation of the

Culm Rocks of South, 367.

Parliamentary Elections,

County of, 377.

Sixteenth Report (Third

Series) of Committee on the
Climate of, 80.

The Domesday Hundreds of,

391, 484.

Devon port, 84.

Devonshire, Churches in, 275.

Domesday, The, 258.

Evidences of Glaciation

in, 378.

Folk-lore, Fifteenth Re-

port of Committee on, 90.

in Parliament, 1660-

1882, 871.

Verbal Provincialisms,
Seventeenth Report of Committee
on, 56.

Dinhams, 98.

Dolphin lun, Honiton, 118.

Domesday, Boroughs in, 25.

Churches of Devon, The,

258.

Hundreds of Devon, The,

391, 484.

Dorchester, Archives of Borough of,
831.

Corporation and Seaton

Parsonage, 336.

Double Oak Tree, Growth of a

Remarkable, 48.
Drake, Francis, 34, 169.

Sir, 351.

of Ash, 120.

Richard, 358.

The Tavistock Family of, 351.

Sir William, 334, 340.

Dredge, Obituary Notice of the Rev.

John Ingle, 42.
Ducking-stool at Honiton, 119.
Dudley^ Conspiracy, 150.
Dunce Hill, 91.

Dunkeswell, Abbot of, 118.
Dunscombe, 187.

East India Company, Branch of the

Floyer Family of the Honourable,

521.
Ecclesiastical History of Seaton, A

Forgotten Page of the, 331.
Elford Family, 90.
Eliot, Sir John, 35.
Elliot, E. R. S., Notes by, 52.
El worthy, F. T., Seventeenth Report

of Committee on DevonshireVerbal

Provincialisms, 56.
Estuaries, Depth of the Channels of

Devon, 385.
Evans, H. M., Notes by, 47, 50, 51.
Evidences of Glaciation in Devon,

878.
Exboume, Tumulus at Court Barton,

79.
Exeter, 25, 27. 28, 84.

Parliamentary Representa-
tion, 877.

Exmouth, 28.

Fardel, 94.
Feniton, 120.
Fern worthy, 91.

Barrows, etc., at, 107.

Flat Tor, 104.

Fleet, Manor of, 382.

Flies, Parasitic, Ichneiunonidae of

the South of Devon, The, 458.
Floyer, Annals of the Family of, 505.

Family, The Monmouthshire

Branch of the, 519.

Rev. J. Kestell, Annals of

the Family of, 505.

Foggin Tor, 99.

Folk-lore, Fifteenth Report of Com-
mittee on Devonshire, 90.
Follett, Sir WilUam, 40.
Forms of Devon Valleys, 378.
Fortibus, Isabella de, 121.
Forty-shilling Freeholders, 80.
Franchise in Boroughs, 81.
Freemen in Plymouth, 31.
Fry, Agnes, 383

- William, 333.
Frye, John, 882.
Furze, John, 80.

Philip, 80.

Fynour, Robert, 121.

Gal ford Down, Cairn at, 78.
Gallows Hill,Lydford,Tumulus at, 79.
Gatcombe, John, 52.
Gayer, John, Mayor of Plymouth,
356.

540

INDEX.

Gibbs, Vicary, 89.

Gilbert, Homphrejr, S4.

Giseage Stream* 118.

Glaciation in Devonshire, Evidences

of, 878.
Golden Dagger Mine, Cairn near, 98.
Gower, the Informer, 150.
Grand Remonstrance, The, 86.
Grenville, Philippa, 148.

Roger, 148.

Grev Wethers, The, 111, 112.

Guilds, 26.

Gomley, alias Aosten, John or

Richard, 381.
Gundry, Hugh, and his Children,

346.

334.

Halliday, Obitnary Notice of William

HaUiday, 43.
Hariot, Thomas, 163, 172.
Harpley, Rev. W., Obituary Notices

by, 42.
Hatherleigh, Crossbill {Ixutia cur-

virostra) at, 50.
Hawkins, John, 34, 351.

Sir John, 169.

Heathfield, Croft of, 125.
Hede, WillUra, 122.
Herpath, 138.

Higner Whiten Tor, Stone Row near,

98.
HoUey, Obituary Notice of Windham

Hunt, 44.
Holy WeUs, 90.

at Honiton. 119.

St. Leonards, at Sheepo-

tor, 90.

Honiton, 28, 33.

Church of, 121.

in 1530, 117.

Inns, 120.

Lazar House at, 125.

Manor of, 121.

— ■ — Parliameutary Representa-
tion, 374.

since the Commonwealth,

Some Notes on Rectors of, 127.
Honywood, Edward, 129.

Sir William, 129.

Horse Hole Bottom, 104.
Horton, Dorset, Church of, 332.
Howe, 39.

Huccaby, Pound near, 99.
Hughes, Henry, 129.

Henry Allwright, 129.

^—^ Thomas Cann, Some Notes

on Rectors of Honiton since the

Commonwealth, 127.

Hundreds of Devon, The, 391, 434.
Hungerford, 91.

Lord, 122.

Hutchinson, Obitoaiy Notice of P^er
Orlando, 44.

Governor Thomas, 44.

Hut Circles at Cox Tor, 106.

at Yes Tor Bottom, 99.

Icbnetmionidje, Parasitic Flies, of

South Devon, 458.
Incorporation, Chartera of, 80.
Inns at Honiton, 120.
Insect found on the Cedrus <Ucdaf<a

at Torquay, 49.
Ivybridge, 94.

Keate, William, 840.

KUligrew, Harry, 150.

Kin>i^bridge Meeting,Reporta8 to,16.

Plants Growing Wild at,

201.

King^-down-tail, 137.
Kirkeham, James, 148.
Kirkham, Sir John, 120.
Kistvaen on Lake Head Hill, Post
Bridge, 77.

Langstone Moor, 112.

Knowle, 137.

Kynge-lawe Sclade, 188.

Lachnus piniy Pine aphis, 50.

Laira Estuary, Depth of Valley of,
384.

Lake Head Hill, Post Bridge, Kist-
vaen at, 77.

Lane, Sir R., 171.

Langstone Circle, 106.

Moor Circle, Barrows near,

112.

Lanius coliurioy The Red -backed
Shrike, in South Devon, 52.

Lark in Devon, The Shore, 51.

Laud, 35.

Lazar House at Honiton, The, 125.

Le Place, 119

Lery stone House, Sheepstor, 90.

Lewis, Rev. Richard, 128.

Lew Trenchard, Galford Down,
Cairn at, 78.

Ley, Frances Dorothea, 130.

John Henry, 130.

Lidford, 25.

Lifton, 91, 93.

Liucombe, 137.

Ling, Rev. John, 129.

Sophia, 129.

Elizabeth, 129.

List of Members, 525.

Officers, 5.

INDEX.

541

Livermore Farm, 55.
Longaford Tor, 98, 104.
Longlands, 137.
Long Parliament, 35.
Long Strike, Spirit, 93.
Loterell family, The, 120.
Luffincott, 94.
Lydford, 26.

Gallows Hill, Tumulus at, 79.

Lyndhurst, Lord, 40.

Mabbes, Family of, 125.
Mackamess, John, 130.

Fielder, 130.

Malherbe. Richard, 120.
Mallett, Baldwin. 120, 122.

Michael, 118.

Maristow, Middle Raddon, Tumulus

at, 78.
Market Place, Honiton, 1 1 9.
Marley.s, 139.
Marvell, Andrew, 29.
Marwood, Thomas, 120.
Mary Rose, The, 120.
Mayuard, Sir John, 86, 37.
Maynbow, Buckfastleigh, 332.
Meetings and Presidents, List of, 6.
Members, List of, 1898, 525.
Merchant Guilds, 26.
Middle Raddon, Maris tow. Tumulus

at, 78.
Mild Winter of 1897-98, The, 49.
Milltown, 136.
Minifie family. The, 120.
Modbury, 28.
Mohun's Ottery, 120, 148.
Molland, West, 91.
Monkswell, Lord, 40.
Montfort, Simon de, 27.
Mnrshead, J. Y. A., A History of

Salcombe Regis, 132.
Mountlane, 94.
Murch, of Honiton, 119.
Mychell, Thomas, 332.

Northcote Estate, 120.

John, of Hayne, 90.

Northmore, 92.
Noseworthy, John, 334.

his Family and

Descendants, 348.

Numismatical Note, 55.
Nycolls Nymett, Devon, 130.

Oake, William, 834.

Oak Tree, Growth of a Remarkable

Double, 48.
Obituary Notices, 42.
Officers, List of, 5.
Okehampton, 25, 82, 34.

2 M

Okehampton, Cairns near, 79.

Park, Roman Coins

found in, 113.

Parliamentary Repre-
sentation, 375.

Plants Growing Wild

at, 200.

Oliver, Rev. George, 128.
Ornithological Notes, 50.
Otocorys alpestris, Shoi-e Lark, in

Devon, 51.
Ottery St. Mary, 120.

Palmer, Roundell, 40.

Parasitic Flies, Ichneumonidte, of the

Souih of Devon, 458
Parliament, Devonshire in, 1660-

1832, 371.

Early, 27.

of 1285, 27.

Parr, Catherine, 332

Payment of Menil)ers of Parliament,

28.
Paynter, [John] Henry, 334.

Henry, and his family, 341.

Pearson, Rev. J. B., Devonshire in

Parliament. 1660-1832, 371.
Pedigree, On the Preservation of the

Floyer, 523.
Pellew, Sir Edward, Lord Exmouth,

39.
Phillimore. Sir Roljert, 40.
Phillips, Thomas, 332.
Photographic Survey of Devonshire,

Second Report of the Committee

on the, 116.
Pidsley, John, 130.
Pillaton, Culm Chert at, 369.
Pitt, WillUm, 37.
Pixies, 95.

Places of Meeting and Presidents, 6,
Plants formerly Wild at Ashburton,

201.

Growing Wild at Kingsbridge,

201.

200.

Okehampton,
South Molton,

198.
Plymouth, 30.

Hoe, Raised Beach, 390.

Parliamentary Represent-
ation, 375.

Rise of, as a Naval Port,

350.

Plympton, 27, 28, 31, 34, 37, 40

Earle. Parliamentary Rep-
resentation, 376.

Pode, John D., Fifth Report Dart-
moor Exploration Committee, 97.

542

INDEX.

Pollexfen, Henry, 87.
Pontyngdone. Sir Philip de, 124.
Porta, Destruction of, l>v Silting op,

29.
Potato, The, 159.

The Oniinary {Solanum tubr-

rosttm), 160.

The Sweet {Baiata Him-

pa no rum), 160.

and TuImicco into England

and Ireland, The Introduction of,
158.

Pottery, Highly-glazed. 100.

Powlett, Sir Amias, 120.

Pratt. John Tidd, 181.

Maria, 131.

President's Address, 1893, 25.

Prestecote, John, 125.

Pricknian, J. D., West Country Wit
and Humour, 316.

Property of the Association, 22.

Provincialisms, Seventeenth Re|)ort
of Committee on Devonshire Ver-
bal, 56.

Pyra, John, 35.

Quarries, Swell Tor, 99.

RackenforrJ, 96.

Radford, Mrs. G. H., Andrew and
Nicholas Tremayne, 147.

Raisi'd Beaches. 390.

Ralegh, Sir Walter, 95, 170.

Raleghana, Part II., 158.

Rectors of Honiton since the Com-
monwealth, 127.

Reed- warbler in South Devon, The,
51.

Reichel, Rev. Oswald J. R., The
Domesday Churches of Devon, 258

The Domesday Hundreds of

Devon, 391, 434.

Report of Council at Honiton, 16.

of Dartmoor Exploration

Committee, 97.

of Barrow Committee, 77.

of Scientific Memoranda

Committee. 47.

of Devonshire Verbal Pro-
vincialisms Committee, 56.

of Photographic Survey Com-
mittee, 116

of Climate of Devon Com-

mittee, 80.

of Folk-lore Committee,

90.

Rey mound, Thomas, 125.
Rijwtone, 136.
Risk, Rev. J. Erskine, Rise of
Plymouth as a Naval Port, 350.

Rivers, Depths of Valleys of Deroik,

3S-2.
Robinwn, C. E.. Second Report of

Photographic Survey Committee,

116.
Rodge, James, 119.
R«>dney, 89.
Roman Coin at Honiton, 55.

Coins found in Okehampton

Park, 113.

Romilly, Lord, 40.

Rowe, J. Brooking, Report Dartmoor
Exploration Committee, 97.

Report Scientific Memo-
randa Committee, 47.

Rules, 7.
Russell, Lord, 37.

John, 40.

Rye House Plot, 37.

Sadler, Michael Ferrebee, 130.

Thomas, 130.

SS. Clement and Magdalene, Chapel

of, 138.
St. John, Oliver, 35, 36.
St. Lo's Well, 91.

St. Michael's Church, Honiton, 121.
St. Thomas k Becket at Honiton,

Chapel of, 124.
Salcoml)e Regis, Chapel at, 136.

History of, 133.

Sampford Courtenay, 92.
Saunde, W. de, 138.

Saunders, Miss Helen, Botanical

Notes, 198.
Scientific Memoranda Committee,

Re|»ort of, 47.
Sclade, 136
Searle, Edward, 334.

his family and de-
scendants, 349.

Seaton, A Forgotten Page of the
History of, 331.

or Beare, 332.

Vicars of, 331.

Selborne, Earl of, 40.
Selected Minutes of Council, 28.
Serle, Edward, 332
Seymour, Sir Thomas, 149.
Shambles at Honiton, 118.
Sheepstor, 90. 92,
Sherborne Abl)ev, 332.
SherilTs Court, 26.

Shore Lark {Otocoiys alpfstris) in
Devon 51.

Shrike in South Devon, the Red-
backed (Lanius collurio)y 52.

Sbute, 120.

Sidbury, 137.

Silting up of Ports, 29.

INDEX.

543

Skippon, 36.

Slew Wood, 91.

Smith, Thomas, 130.

Sneynton, John, 121.

Sohibria, Bishop of, 125.

Somerset, Vilhere Henry Planta-
genet, 130.

Somervail, Alexander, On the Denu-
dation of the Culm Rocks from
the Area of South Devon, 367.

On the Culm Con-
glomerates of South Devon, and
their relations to an apparent break
in the sequence of that formation,
362.

Sourton, Amy, 127.

Francis, 127.

Soussons Warren Hill, Tumuli at, 98.
South Devon, On the Denudation of

the Culm Rocks from the Area of,

367.

On the Culm' Con-
glomerates of, etc, 362.

South Molton. 28.

Plants Growing Wild

at. 198.

Stafford House, County Dorset,
Branch of Floyer Family of, 520.

Standing Orders and Bye- Laws, 11.

Stannon Newtake, Stone Row at, 97.

Statement of Property of Association,
22.

Stocks at Honiton, 119.

Stonard, Alice, 122.

John, 122.

Stone Circle at Fernworthy, 107.

Rows, 97.

Strafford, 35.

Strode, Richard, Imprisonment of,

30.

William, 36.

Stuckley's Account of Honiton, 117.

Sudiche Hill, 138.

Summer Hill, 104.

Superstitions, Baptismal, etc., 95-96.

Swavn. John, 118.

Swell Tor Quarries, 99.

Taken, John, 120.

and Joan, 118, 122.

Tavistock, 27. 32.
Parliamentary Representa-
tion, 376.

Toignmouth, 28.

Testa de NeviU, The Tax Roll of, 203.

Tin-slag, 100.

Tin-works, Silting up of Ports from,
29.

Tiverton, 33.

Tiverton, Parliamentary Representa-
tion, 376.
Tobacco, 178.

Box, 195.

and the Potato into England

and Ireland, The Introduction of,
158.

Pipe, 195.

Torrington, 27.

Totnes, 25, 27, 28, 31, 34.

Parliamentary Representa-
tion of, 377.

Traceyhayes, 120, 125.
Treasurer's Report, 20, 21.
Tree, Birds in Hollow of a, 47.
Tremayne, Andrew and Nichola8,147.
Isabella, 148.

Philippa, 148.

Thomas. 148.

Trenchard, Isabella, 148.
Trevelyan, George, 333.

Mary, 333.

Paprs, 333.

Troup, Mrs. Frances B., Honiton in
1530, 117.

Report Photographic

Survey Committee, 116.

Trow, 137.
Tryppo, John, 119.
Tunmlus at Court Barton, Exbourne,
79.

at Gallows Hill, Lydford,

79.

at Middle Raddon, Mari-

stow, 78.

Ufculm, The Himdreds of Bampton

and, 434.
Upcott, Ozias, 127.

Valleys, Forms of Devon, 378.
Verbal Provincialisms, Seventeenth

Re|K)rt of Committee on, 56.
Vicars of Seaton, 331.

Wadham, Nicholas, 120.

Walpole, 38.

Walton, William, 334.

Family and De-
scendants of, 345.

Warbler {AcrocephcUus streperus) in
South Devon, The Reed, 51.

Wedderburn, Alexander, Loud Lough-
borough, 39.

West Country Wit and Humour, 316.

West Dart Head. Hut Circles at, 104.

West Down, 137.

West Molland, 91.

Wetherell, Sir Charles, 40.

544

IXDEX.

Wh*Ie, B«T. T W., Th#^ Tax R^A\ of

** Tent* dp Xevill," -^.J.
White, John, 334. 337.
White T'^. 115
Whitrn TrjT, Stone Row near Higher,

9%.
Whit^-k^, 37.
Wi;:*»;i/hbT, Aen*-*, 33-2, 333.

' John, 331, 3-i2.

Wind-^tone at .She*-i>»>lor, A, &0.
Winnv'Toft, 137.
Winthrop, 342.
Wiu hM, 119.
Witheridge, M,

Tlie Hnndrerl of, 391.

Wr>rth, R. Hansford, Evidenc** of

Glaciation in Devonshire, 37^.

Worth, E. Hansforl, Repcvt of Bmr-
row Conunitf^, 77.

Dartmoor Ex'

ploratioD Committre, 97.

Fbotograf^iic

Surrey Committer, 116.

Wortham. 93

Wrt-n, Sir Chrirtopber, 37.
Wroi teller, Henry, 130.
Wulf, RiTcr, The, 93.

Yes Tor Bottom, Hat Cirxrles at, 99.
Yonge FamUy, 120, 331.

John/332.

Sir Walt4>r, 332.

Walter. 333, 334.

EERATA ET CORRIGENDA.

Page 34, line 18 from bottom, for "spatioos" read *' spacious.*'

„ 61 ,, 2 from top, insert after "THB SHORE LARK" (0T0C0RY8

ALFESTMIS).

103, footnote, for "p." read **vol."

110, line 14 from top, for "Plate III." read ''Plates III. and IV.''

„ „ 16, omit word *• Plate."
132 „ 9 from bottom, for ** J. Reed " read ** H. Reed.*'
276, note 53, line 6, omit ).
288, line 1. for ''John " read '* Henry II.*'

„ „ 21, for **SenlaoV read '•Hastings.*'
290 , , 3, for * • Conqueror ** read * ' Confessor.**
296 ,, 19, for ** Analecta " read *« Anecdota."

„ „ 21, for ''570 "read*' 610."

304 ,, 10, for "Bronscombe" read " Branscombe."

353, last line of note, after "table of" insert the words, "the hall of
the Athenaeum, at a meeting of the members of the."

372, line 6 from bottom, and page 373, lines 9 and 10 from bottom, for
«* Beer "read "Bere."

447. note 16, line 1, for " 3 f" read " 2 f."

„ „ „ „ 2, for "2 f." read "3 f."

„ „ „ „ 6. for "3if-"read"lif."

I, M » » 6, for"3v. 0if."read"2v. 24f."

448 „ 18 „ 2, for **i"read '*1."
„ „ „ „ 3, for " 2 ferl." read " 0 fori."

453, put line 1 after lines 2 and 3.

466, line 10 from bottom, for "24.3.1i" read "24.2.34."

ANNUAL MEETING IN 1899.

THE ANNUAL MEETING AT TORRINGTON

WILL OOMMSKCS

ON TUESDAY, AUGUST am, 1899.

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